The Conquest of The Last Maya Kingdom - Grant D Jones

THE
CONQUEST
OF THE
LAST MAYA
KINO DOM
Grant
D. Jones
THE
CONQUEST
OF THE
LAST MAYA
KINGDOM
Stanford University Press

Stanford,
California
Stanford University Press

Stanford, California
1998 by the Board of Trustees of the
Leland Stanford Junior University
Printed in the United States of America
CIP data appear at the end of the book
To the memory of the Maya people

whose lives were transformed
or cut short by these events, and
to their living descendants
Acknowledgments
The board of managers and staff of the School of American Research in

Santa Fe, New Mexico, provided a stimulating working environment during a fellowship year and two following summers that I spent there writing
portions of this book. I wish to thank in particular Douglas W. Schwartz,
Cecile Stein, and Jonathan Haas for their efforts in making life at SAR so
pleasant and productive.
Charles A. Hofling, the principal authority on the contemporary Itzaj
Maya language, spent many hours generously assisting me in questions of
orthography and how best to represent and interpret colonial-period Itza
place names, personal names, titles, and other terms. M y appreciation for
his critical acumen and skepticism cannot be overstated, although I recognize that he may well discover that some of my interpretations fall short of
his own high standards. I also thank his colleague Fernando Tesucun for
assistance in identifying contemporary Itzaj place names.
I thank the administration of Davidson College, especially Vice President for Academic Affairs and Dean of the Faculty Robert C Williams, for
financial assistance and personal support for background research and the
actual preparation of this manuscript. Mayanist and Davidson colleague
William M . Ringle read major portions of the manuscript of this book and
offered valuable criticism. Mary Gilreath, now a Davidson College graduate, as a student research assistant provided extensive and expert assistance in the preparation of the manuscript. Daniel Ruggiero, also now
a Davidson College graduate, helped analyze eighteenth-century church
records from San Luis, Peten, Guatemala. Charles Houck, a Davidson
College graduate and currently a doctoral candidate in anthropology at
Tulane University, composed the maps in this book.
The National Endowment for the Humanities provided major support
for the research and writing of this book by means of a resident fellowship
at the School of American Research, a sabbatical fellowship for college
Acknowledgments
teachers and independent scholars while in residence at Davidson College,
and a summer research fellowship for work at the Archivo General de
Centro America in Guatemala City. My earlier work at the Archivo General de Indias was supported by a fellowship from the American Council
of Learned Societies and assistance from Hamilton College. Without the
assistance of the administrations and staff members of these archives,
none of this research would have been possible. The National Science
Foundation has generously supported the continuing archaeological and
ethnohistorical research of Proyecto Maya Colonial.
Numerous other individuals contributed ideas, read portions of the
manuscript, and commented on presentations concerning its progress.
Although I cannot possibly recognize separately all of these generous persons, none of whom bears any responsibility for what is written here, I
wish especially to thank Anthony P. Andrews, Nancy M . Farriss, Lawrence Feldman, Elizabeth Graham, Richard M . Leventhal, Jorge Lujan
Miifioz, David M . Pendergast, Romulo Sanchez Polo, Norman Schwartz,
George Stuart, and Rosemary Levy Zumwalt. For his insights in questioning the authenticity of certain manuscripts concerning these events, especially the Canek Manuscript, I recognize the special contribution of
Hanns Prem. For the expertise and critical eye that Temis Vayinger-Scheer
brought to her reading of the final manuscript, I am most grateful.
VIII
In particular I wish to express appreciation for the intense and productive assistance of Don S. Rice and Prudence M . Rice in the interpretation
of archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence for the Itzas and their
Peten neighbors. To the reviewers of the manuscript, including George
Lovell, I owe special thanks for offering helpful suggestions for revision.
I owe a major debt of gratitude to Jane Kepp, whose editorial skills and
analytical grasp of such a complex topic improved this book immeasurably. Without her insights and high standards for consistency and clarity
this would have been a far less satisfactory work.
My wife, Mary Armistead Jones, has tolerated long periods of concentrated work that have all too frequently interfered with normal life. She
has also served as a tireless and critical editor of earlier drafts of the
manuscript, and I cannot express the depth of my appreciation for her
assistance and affection throughout the years of work that have resulted in
this final product.
Contents
Maps and Tables xi

Spelling and Pronunciation in Mayan Languages
Introduction xix
Part One
1
2
3
4
5
6
187
Prelude to Conquest
Itza-Spanish Warfare 223

The Costs of the Camino Real
The Eve of Conquest 265
Part Five
12
13
14
The Peace Seekers
The Itza Emissaries 1 6 7

Avendano and Aj aw Kan Ek'
Part Four
9
10
11
Road to the Itzas
Power Politics 1 1 1
The Birth of the Camino Real 1 2 9
Franciscans on the Camino Real 148
Part Three
7
8
The Itza World
The Itzas and Their Neighbors 3

Itza-Spanish Encounters, 1 5 2 5 - 1 6 9 0 29
Itza Society and Kingship on the Eve of Conquest
Part Two
xiii
245
Victims and Survivors of Conquest
Occupation and Interrogation 295

Prisoners of Conquest 3 23
Reconquest, Epidemic, and Warfare
356
60
Contents
15
Missions, Rebellion, and Survival

Notes 425
Glossary 523
References Cited
Index 539
5 27
387
Maps
and
Tables
Maps
1
The Maya lowlands of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
Lowland Maya language distribution during the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries 4
Major Maya political regions in central Peten on the eve of Spanish

conquest 6
The Itza core region
The Kowoj region
17
The Yalain region
18
Street plan of modern Ciudad Flores, Peten
The route of the camino real
English translation of sketch map of Lago Peten Itza and surrounding

regions drawn by Fray Andres de Avendano y Loyola, 1696
193
10
xx
70
130
Early eighteenth-century missions in the vicinity of Lago Peten Itza
390
Tables
1.1
Distribution of Peten Surnames by Territory and Location
24
3.1
List of Towns Dictated in 1702 by Aj aw Kan Ek' and Others
3.2
Itza Men and Women in the Chunuk'um Matricula, Belize River, 1655
62
76
3.3
Individual Itza Names by Type in the Chunuk'um Matricula, Belize River,
1655
77
3.4
Original and Edited Transcriptions of Avendano's List of Twenty-two

Parcialidades of Noj peten, 169 6 85
3.5
Tentative Breakdown of Titles and Names of Twenty-two Itza Leaders

Listed by Avendano, 1696 86
Maps and Tables

3.6 Tentative Reconstruction of Equivalent Persons and Positions Among the
Highest-Ranking Itza Nobility, 1695-1702, Based on Comparison of
Principal Sources 90
3.7 Principal Pairs of Itza Rulers
96
3.8 Proposed Paired Principals of Nojpeten, with Associated Yearbearers,

Directions, Quarters, and New Year Days 98
14.1 Comparison of Three Censuses of Guatemalan Settlers Who Went to Peten,
Indicating Effects of Epidemic Disease 1699 3 60
15.1 Numbers of Mission Families at Founding (Late 1702-Early 1703) and of
Mission Houses in June 1703 394
15.2 Reconstruction of Mission Population Growth, 1702-3
395
15.3 Population Change in the Mission Settlements, 1 7 0 3 - 1 6
407
15.4 Census of the Maya Population of the Colonial Towns of Peten, 1 7 1 2
410
15.5 Population of Peten Towns and Cattle Ranches, i*/66
XII
416
Spelling
in Mayan
and
Pronunciation
Languages
This book uses the orthography for the writing of Mayan languages approved by the Academy of Mayan Languages of Guatemala (AMLG). I
decided to employ this orthography in place of the more familiar one
developed during the sixteenth century only after consulting extensively
with the Mayan linguist Charles A. (Andy) Hofling, whose dictionary of
the modern Itzaj language, written with Fernando Tesuciin, has recently
been published.
1
A principal advantage of the A M L G orthography is that it has already

become a standard in Guatemala for the writing and teaching of Mayan
languages. Therefore, both Mayan- and Spanish-speaking readers in that
country will find the orthography familiar once this book is available in
Spanish translation. The A M L G orthography will probably become the
standard in Mexico as well, and it bears close similarities to that employed
in the widely consulted Cordemex dictionary of Yucatec M a y a . It is also
widely used by Mayan epigraphers.
Another advantage of A M L G , in comparison with the colonial orthography, is the greater accuracy with which it reflects the spoken language.
This advantage, of course, cannot be fully realized when working with
colonial sources in their original orthography. We cannot be certain that
seventeenth-century Itzas pronounced all words the same way as their
modern Itzaj descendants, whose speech can be recorded in accurate detail. An example is the name of the people who are the subject of this
book, which I have written Itza. Hofling writes it Itzaj, whereas in 1697 it
may have been Itza'; the final /' in the modern language may be borrowed
from the Spanish pronunciation of the name. Because Spaniards, however,
never recorded glottal stops following vowels and frequently omitted the
consonants ; and / following vowels, we cannot be certain how the name
was pronounced.
2
For this reason I follow a modified version of A M L G when recording
Spelling and Pronunciation

Consonants in Mayan
Stops
voiceless
glottal
voiced
Labial
Dental
P
P'
b'
t
t'
Affricates
voiceless
glottal
Alveolar
Languages
Palatal
Velar
Glottal
k
k'
ch
ch>
tz
tz'
Fricatives
voiceless
Liquid
Vibrants
Nasals
Semivowels
colonial-period Maya names, places, and other terms. I omit glottal stops
and other consonants that follow vowels unless the consonant is indicated
in the original spelling. For similar reasons I do not distinguish long vowels (such as aa) from short ones (a), nor do I distinguish a from a (or u,
with which it was sometimes confused). In some cases, however, when a
colonial-period name has an obvious modern Itzaj counterpart, I indicate
this in parentheses using all distinguishing features as written by Hofling.
Those who recorded the Itza language in the seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries were primarily Yucatecan military men and priests.
They often made errors as they heard the names of persons and places that
were unknown in Yucatan. This led to wide variations in spelling. Deciding how to write such names today has been difficult, and I am indebted to
Andy Hofling for his tireless assistance in working them out. Some of
these problems have no absolute solution. I have made many decisions
myself, and as a nonlinguist I take full responsibility for the errors that
remain.
The accompanying tables list the basic phonetic elements of Mayan
languages as they are recorded in the A M L G orthography, omitting the
sounds d\ f, and g used in Spanish loan words. The only incidence of g in
the seventeenth-century Itza area was in the toponym Gwakamay, where
it was pronounced like g in good or gato.
I have drawn the following pronunciation guide from Hofling and
3

Vowels in Mayan
Front
High
Mid
i, 11
Languages
Central
u, uu
a
e, ee
Low
Back
o, oo
a, aa
Tesuciin's dictionary, again omitting the Spanish borrowings d\ f, g. Although the sound r occurs infrequently as a native Mayan sound, it is
included.
Sounds foreign to many English speakers include the vowel a and the
globalized consonants, indicated by an apostrophe. The vowel a is similar
to, but higher than, the schwa in English words, such as the underlined
vowels in the sofa. The other vowels have values similar to those of Spanish vowels, but vowel length is distinctive. The glottal stop (') is produced
by closing and opening the glottis, as in the catch in English uh-uh. Other
globalized consonants are produced by closing the glottis and allowing
pressure to build before release. In the case of b\ the air flows inward on
release (is imploded). In the cases of the other globalized consonants (ch\
k\p\ t\ tz') the air flows outward (is ejected).
a
low back vowel, like the English a in father or Spanish a in gato.
amid-high central vowel, somewhat higher than the schwas in the sofa.
2L&
long low back vowel.
b'
globalized bilabial stop, like English b, but imploded.
ch
palatal affricate, like English ch in church or Spanish ch in chile.
ch'
globalized palatal affricate.
mid front vowel, ranges from English e in met to Spanish e in dedo.
ee
long mid front vowel.
high front vowel, ranges from English i as in pin to Spanish i as in pino.
ii
long high front vowel.
glottal fricative, like English h in house or Spanish g in gente.
voiceless velar stop, like English k in keep or Spanish c in copa.
k'
globalized voiceless velar stop.
lateral liquid, like English / in look or Spanish / in libro.
bilabial nasal stop, like English m in many or Spanish m in mano.

n
dental nasal stop, like English or Spanish n with tip of tongue against upper
front teeth.
back vowel like English o in bold or Spanish o in coco.
00
long mid back vowel.
voiceless bilabial stop, like English p in pen or Spanish p in poco.
P'
r
globalized voiceless bilabial stop.

alveolar vibrant flap, like tt in English kitty or Spanish r in pero.
alveolar sibilant, like English 5 in some, or Spanish s in son.
voiceless dental stop, like English or Spanish t with tip of tongue against
upper front teeth.
t'
globalized voiceless dental stop.
tz
voiceless alveolar affricate, like English ts in cats.
tz'
globalized voiceless alveolar affricate.
high back vowel, like English 0 0 in moon or Spanish u in nudo.
uu
long high back vowel.
labio-velar glide, like English w in wood or Spanish bu in huevo.
voiceless palatal fricative, like English sb in shell, or Spanish x in Uxmal.
palatal glide, like English y in yell, or Spanish y in yerba.

glottal stop, like the catch in English uh-uh.
In this book the colonial orthography is used when a Mayan word appears
in a direct quotation from a colonial source. It is also used for most towns
with names of Mayan origin in Guatemala that fall outside the Peten
region (e.g., Huehuetenango, Comitan). On the other hand, in order to
maintain consistency in the writing of Yucatecan Maya (of which Itza is a
member), I have converted the names of Maya towns throughout the
Yucatan peninsula to A M L G (e.g., Oxkutzcab to Oxk'utzkab'). Because
these variations may be confusing, the following may serve as a general
equivalency guide to the colonial and A L M G orthographies:
ALMG
Colonial
ALMG
Colonial
a
a
a, u
a
ii
i, ii
aa
a, aa
j,h
ch
ch
k'
ch'
ch
ee
e, ee

ALMG
Colonial
ALMG
Coloni
tz
tz
OO
o, oo
tz'
D,
dz
U,
P'
r
PP>P
r
uu
u, uu
U,
s, c,z
t'
th, th
y
absent
XVII
INTRODUCTION
o
n March 1 3 , 1697, Spanish troops from Yucatan attacked and occupied Nojpeten, the small island capital of the
Maya people known as Itzas, the last unconquered native New World
kingdom. The capture of this small island in the tropical forests of northern Guatemala, densely covered with whitewashed temples, royal palaces,
and thatched houses, turned out to be the decisive moment in the final
chapter of Spain's conquest of the Mayas. Climaxing more than two years
of intensive preparations and failed negotiations, the moment only inaugurated several more years of struggle between Spaniards and Mayas for
control over the vast tropical forests of what is now the central area of the
Department of Peten, Guatemala (map 1 ) .
The Itzas had dominated much of the lowland tropical forests around
Lago Peten Itza since at least the mid-fifteenth century, when their ancestors, it was said, migrated there from Chich'en Itza in northern Yucatan.
Their immediate neighbors, known as the Kowojs, were said to have
migrated from Mayapan to Peten at the time of the Spanish conquest of
Yucatan, probably during the 1530s. The remoteness of these groups and
the physical inhospitality of the land had undoubtedly contributed to
Spain's failure to pursue their conquest during the century and a half
following the relatively late final conquest of Yucatan in 1 5 4 4 . No less
significant had been the Spaniards' fear of the Itzas, whose reputation as
fierce warriors who sacrificed their enemies gave pause to military conquerors and missionaries alike.
In this book I examine with a critical eye the events that preceded and
followed the 1697 conquest of the Itza capital of Nojpeten and surrounding regions, focusing on the short time between 1695 d 7 4 - During
those years the Spanish Basque military man Martin de Ursiia y Arizmendi, commanding an army of Yucatecan soldiers, planned and executed the attack on the Itza capital. Despite protracted resistance from
a n
Map i.
The Maya lowlands of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Introduction
thousands of native inhabitants, many were eventually forced to move
into mission towns. In 1704 these mission inhabitants staged an abortive
rebellion that threatened to recapture Nojpeten from its conquerors. Because these events were deeply complex, this account includes details that
enable us to grasp some of the layers of political intrigue and action that
characterized every aspect of the conquest of the Itzas and its aftermath.
The Spaniards left documentation on the conquest that is staggering in
its quantity and challenging to the scholar who tries to make sense of it.
My goal in studying this documentation has been to understand these
events as a series of unfolding interactions between conquerors and conquered. The major challenge has been to understand the Itzas as independent actors who faced would-be Spanish conquerors with strategies of
self-preservation developed over nearly two centuries of European domination of the lands surrounding Itza territory. Far from being naive about
Spanish methods of conquest and colonization, the Itzas demonstrated
awareness and understanding of their enemy. At the same time they acted
in the context of an ancient and highly traditional culture, purposefully retaining political, military, religious, and social institutions that had served
them well even before the sixteenth-century conquests that isolated them
in a sea of Spanish colonies.
This long familiarity and indirect contact with European colonialism is
one of the major features distinguishing the conquest of the Itzas from
the sixteenth-century Spanish conquests of the Aztecs, Mayas, Incas, and
other complex New World societies. In contrast, the Spaniards had only a
feeble understanding of the Itzas and their immediate neighbors in Peten.
They held stereotypical images of them as brutal, barbaric, and superstitious people whose conquest was an inevitable and necessary part of the
civilizing mission of church and state. These images portrayed Satan at
work in the jungles, protecting the last unconquered kingdom of Mayas
from the liberation of the gospel and the enlightened administration of the
Spanish Crown.
By the late seventeenth century, conquests of this scale were a thing of
the past. Unfazed by the anachronism, Ursua, a descendant of sixteenthcentury military conquerors, set about to cast himself in the image of his
aristocratic forebears. Despite criticism from his more "modern" enemies
in the colonial administration, he designed a program to subjugate the Itza
kingdom, first by a brief effort to employ peaceful strategies of diplomacy
and then, when these failed, by a costly and ambitious project that resorted to force of arms and violence.
The conquest of the Itzas became Ursiia's obsession, not only because
xxi
Introduction
he hoped to enrich himself by collecting tribute from the conquered, a goal
he never achieved, but also because he desired fame and promotion within
the colonial administrative system. His success and notoriety in Spanish
circles earned him titles of nobility and, after the conquest, an appointment as governor of the Philippines. The price paid for his achievements,
however, was high, both in monetary terms and in loss of human lives. N o
viable colony emerged from the conquest, and epidemics soon devastated
the native population, leaving little for Spaniards to administer. Ursiia
quickly abandoned the project, and Peten was left under the care of military administrators and a handful of missionaries. The conquest of the
Itzas was, in retrospect, one of the more poignant tragedies in Latin American history.
This book offers the first detailed account of these events since the
publication of Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor's massive Historia de
la conquista de la provincia de el Itza in 1 7 0 1 . Villagutierre, a lawyer,
prolific writer on Spanish-American colonial history, and official relator
(chronicler) of the Council of the Indies in Madrid, never visited the Americas. Although his book has been widely cited by recent scholars, who have
had few other sources to rely on, its contents are often biased and unreliable. Apparently his book was commissioned by the Council of the Indies
in order to support Ursua, whose reputation was under attack by critics
who regarded the conquest as a colossal error in judgment, an inhumane
application of colonial power, and a waste of scarce colonial funds.
1
The council made available to Villagutierre all of the documentation it

had received on the conquest of the Itzas from Mexico, Yucatan, and Guatemala. He read and utilized this huge quantity of material thoroughly.
Because he almost never cited his sources, however, it is impossible to separate his frequent faithful paraphrasing of original letters and other documents from his equally common lengthy personal editorial comments. He
often mistranscribed the names of key personages and places, making it
difficult for modern readers to make critical connections among people,
locations, and events.
As readers of the endnotes and bibliography in this book will discover,
numerous other primary and secondary sources provide valuable information on many pieces of the puzzle of this conquest. Until now, however,
it has been impossible to connect these pieces satisfactorily, primarily
because the massive documentation that Villagutierre consulted had not
been intensively restudied from a contemporary perspective. It is this documentation that forms the backbone of this book, although I have tried to
consult as many other sources as I could locate.
2
XXII
Introduction
My research for this book began in earnest in 1 9 8 2 - 8 3 with a search
for the extant documentation on the conquest of the Itzas and related
events in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain. Assisted by the
results of Nicholas Hellmuth's previous search for such materials, 1 found
virtually all of the documents used by Villagutierre. During the summer of
1988 I found a small number of additional materials in the Archivo General de Centro America in Guatemala City, and during 1 9 8 8 - 8 9 I completed the transcription and computer indexing of microfilmed and photocopied relevant manuscripts. Since then I have identified other sources as
well, including sources containing ethnohistorical evidence for Itza social
and political organization, which I studied intensively during 1 9 9 5 - 9 6 .
3
I do not pretend to present here a full ethnohistorical reconstruction of

the culture and social life of the Itzas and their immediate Peten neighbors.
In any case, much of the information we now have about topics such as
religion, trade, and material culture must be considered in light of new archaeological studies being carried out in central Peten by Proyecto Maya
Colonial, co-directed by Don S. Rice, Prudence M . Rice, Romulo Sanchez
Polo, and myself. Although readers will find much ethnographic detail
here, only chapter 3 is devoted entirely to an ethnographic issue the allimportant question of the social and political organization of the Itza
kingdom.
4
Part One of this book provides ethnographic and historical background to the conquest of the Itzas. The first chapter gives an overview of
the three principal Yucatec-speaking groups that occupied Peten at the
time of the 1697 conquest. Chapter 2 summarizes the history of Spanish
contacts with the Itzas and their neighbors, beginning with the journey led
by Hernan Cortes across Peten in 1 5 2 5 , during which he met with the dynastic Itza ruler, Ajaw Kan Ek , and traveled south across Itza-controlled
territory to the Gulf of Honduras. On that journey Cortes left a lasting
symbol of his contact a horse, which later died and which the Itzas
supposedly transformed into an object of veneration.
5
Chapter 3 describes what can be reconstructed of Itza Maya social

and political organization, suggesting that the Itzas possessed a complex
lineage system that stressed both maternal and paternal links and the
importance of marriage ties between lineages. While patrilineal descent
remained the most important organizing principle, a limited form of matrilineal descent may have constituted the critical marker of the nobility's
right to rule. The ruling Kan matrilineage controlled, at least symbolically,
the governance of the capital and four territorial quarters that were also
associated with the four quarters of the capital. Patrilineal affiliation seems
xxm
Introduction
to have been called upon primarily to seal alliances between high-ranking
noble groups. Intermatrilineage alliance with the Kans controlling the
top levels of governance and other lineages occupying second-level positions created a system dominated by a single elite group that allowed
others to share rule at lower levels.
Chapter 3 also proposes that military chieftains from outlying towns
and regions represented their towns on the Itza ruling council. They may
have doubled as the principal priests charged with the rituals concerned
with calendrical prophecies for twenty-year periods known as k'atum.
The incorporation of such nonroyal elites in the organization of the kingdom might be one way the Itzas succeeded in mounting such an effective
military resistance to Spanish intrusions on their territorial edges for so
many years.
Part Two considers the political, religious, and economic elements involved in decisions to construct a new road a camino raz/ connecting
Guatemala and Yucatan, as well as the road's initial impact on the native
populations through whose lands it was routed. Chapter 4 presents the
Spanish political background of the 1697 conquest: the elite Basque ancestry of Martin de Ursua, his political connections to the Royal Council
of the Indies in Spain, and his plans, in cooperation with the Guatemalan
colonial hierarchy, for constructing the road from Yucatan that would
reduce the threat of coastal piracy that had long plagued the coastal trade
and mail routes. As interim governor of Yucatan, Ursua began work on
the camino real in 1 6 9 5 . The Council of the Indies specifically ordered
that the task not disrupt militarily the lives of natives who might be encountered along its route.
xxiv
Chapter 5 recounts the failed first attempt by Spanish troops from

Yucatan to open the new road, first through the territory of Kejach Mayas
(see map 2) whose hostility discouraged them from proceeding further.
Meanwhile, Guatemalan troops, coordinating their efforts with those of
the Yucatecans, managed to occupy the Choi-speaking "Lacandon" town
of Sakb'ajlan in 1 6 9 5 . Subsequent actions by Guatemalans and Yucatecans soon revealed, however, that they both hoped to conquer the Itzas,
who lived far from the proposed road. A Guatemalan captain, accompanied by Dominican missionaries, encountered Itzas near Lago Peten
Itza, but he and his officers abandoned any immediate thoughts of attacking Nojpeten when they realized the dangers and the magnitude of the
task. With a dramatic race toward the Itzas already under way, the Yucatecans soon rerouted the camino real directly toward Lago Peten Itza.
Chapter 6 records the effects of Governor Ursua's decision to send
Introduction
Franciscan evangelists to accompany the troops and Maya workers from
Yucatan as they opened the camino real southward through Kejach Maya
territory toward Nojpeten, the Itza capital. These missionaries, excited by
prophetic reports that the Itzas were about to submit peacefully, competed
among themselves to reach them first. Working with captured Kejach
Mayas along the road, they also documented the horrors implemented by
Ursua's military captain, who sent many of his captives to work as laborers in his economic enterprises in Campeche.
5
In 1695 Spaniards in Yucatan received notice that the Itza ruler, Ajaw
Kan Ek', citing Itza prophecies, was willing to consider terms for surrendering his people to Spanish rule and Christian conversion. Reports of
Maya prophecies that predicted the coming of a new age in which the Itzas
would succumb to Christ and the Spanish king began to circulate in earnest in Spanish circles. They were reinforced by the arrival AjChan, son of
the Itza ruler's sister, as his uncle's ambassador in Merida at the end of the
year. These events represented a brief effort by parties on both sides to
seek a peaceful solution to the Itza "problem," the subject of Part Three.
Chapter 7 details these events and the complex circumstances leading up
to the royal nephew's declaration of his uncle's desire to join the Spanish
empire and the decision by Ursiia to demand the ruler's immediate surrender on Spanish terms.
While AjChan was committing the Itzas to Spain in Merida, the Franciscan friar Andres de Avendano was traveling to Nojpeten, aware of the
Itza ruler's decision to send his nephew as his emissary. Chapter 8 analyzes
Avendano's detailed account of his journey and visit to Nojpeten, his
successes in reinforcing the ruler's previous decision to surrender, and his
dismay in discovering that most Itzas regarded Ajaw Kan Ek' as a traitor
to his own people. Avendano, a party to this treason, hastily slipped out of
Nojpeten with his companions and nearly died trying to find his way back
to Spanish-held territory. It soon became clear in both Yucatan and Guatemala that Spanish optimism for the peaceful surrender of the Itzas was
premature and misinformed.
The perceived failure of peaceful initiatives led to a series of violent
encounters between Itzas and Spaniards. Ursua became convinced that the
only option was military conquest. Part Four records the Spanish transition from a mood of elation at the Itzas' imminent surrender to a fierce determination to meet the enemy in battle. In chapter 9 we learn that following Avendano's expulsion from Nojpeten, the Itzas attacked, captured,
and reportedly murdered Yucatecan and Guatemalan soldiers and missionaries rushing separately to Lago Peten Itza. Ursua, infuriated, was
xxv
Introduction
now determined to strike a military blow at the Itzas, whom he considered
to be renegade subjects of the Spanish empire. Chapter 1 0 describes the
costs of the massive preparations that Ursua engineered during the second
half of 1696 and the first weeks of 1697 political conflicts, financial
debts, and sufferings imposed on the Mayas of Yucatan. His aims, which
he pursued against great opposition in Merida, were not only to complete
the camino real to Itza territory but also to move troops and heavy artillery
to the lakeshore for a large-scale attack on Nojpeten, the island capital.
Ursua, surmounting opposition to his project in colonial circles, had
achieved nearly all of his goals by the end of February 1697, when he
arrived at the western port of Lago Peten Itza. There he commanded a
large number of troops, Maya carriers, and boat builders who completed
and launched a sizable oar-driven galeota (galliot) for use in the attack on
Nojpeten. The twelve days between his arrival and the attack on March
1 3 are the subject of chapter 1 1 . This was an intense period during which
Ursua received several important Itza visitors, some of whom may have
wished to find a way to avoid bloodshed. The failure of Ajaw Kan Ek',
who had either lost control over his enemies or was in hiding, to accept
Ursua's invitation to participate in discussions incensed the commander.
Ursua and his officers decided in a vividly recorded meeting that the Itzas
would be punished for their failure to live up to the agreement reached
with AjChan in Merida over a year earlier.
xxvi
Part Five documents the Spanish capture of the Itza capital and explores its tragic consequences. The Spanish occupation of Nojpeten on
March 1 3 , detailed in chapter 1 2 , was brief and bloody, causing massive
loss of life among the capital's defenders. The attackers raised the Spanish flag over a nearly deserted island and immediately destroyed every
"pagan" object they could find. They soon managed to capture and interrogate the ruler and other high-ranking Itzas. Finding themselves isolated,
however, on their heavily fortified island presidio, the Spaniards now
faced starvation and a sea of enemies. These conditions form the subject of
chapter 1 3 , which details the interrogation of the Itza high priest and the
execution of the ruler of the Kowojs, the robbing of food from Itza cultivations by Spanish soldiers, the abandonment of many surrounding towns
by their inhabitants, and the failure of the first resident missionaries to win
converts in the region.
By the end of 1698 the "conquest" appeared to be on the verge of
collapse. Morale reached a low ebb among the fifty soldiers stationed at
the island presidio, long since abandoned to their own devices by Ursua.
Chapter 14 focuses on a belated and tragic rescue mission, organized in
Introduction
Guatemala and designed to shore up this dismal situation. Ursua returned
from Campeche to exercise joint command over the new military reinforcements with the aging Guatemalan general Melchor de Mencos y
Medrano. From March through May 1699, when the surviving reinforcements abandoned the project, conditions went from bad to worse. The
Guatemalans had brought with them a devastating epidemic, probably influenza, that killed many soldiers and a large percentage of the Guatemalan families who had been brought to settle at the presidio. The epidemic also ravaged the native population, already beleaguered by Spanish
depredations of their food supplies. When the Guatemalans retreated,
they took with them, in shackles, Ajaw Kan Ek', his son, and two of his
cousins, one of whom was the high priest. The priest and the other cousin
both died on the long journey to Santiago de Guatemala (now Antigua
Guatemala). The ruler and his son spent the rest of their lives in the capital
under house arrest. With the Itza kingship in a state of collapse, bloody
wars broke out among Maya groups, reducing their numbers even further.
News of new native rulers living deep in the forest intimated that the
conquest was not over yet.
Somehow, despite epidemics, constant food shortages, and threats of
native rebellions, the Spanish presidio survived. In the final chapter we
see that during 1 7 0 2 and 1 7 0 3 , secular clergy from Yucatan finally succeeded in establishing several mission towns among the surviving Itzas
and Kowojs. In 1 7 0 4 , however, a well-planned rebellion by the mission
settlers broke out. The rebels' aims, which they initiated successfully, were
to murder the Spanish troops and recapture Nojpeten. The rebellion ultimately failed, and the Spaniards stepped up efforts to concentrate the
population in fewer, more compact towns. Despite military forays to capture runaways and unconverted people to place in these towns, smallpox
epidemics quickly reduced the native population even further; by the mideighteenth century only a small fraction of Peten Mayas had survived.
Rivals to the Itza kingship had established refugee followings in isolated
areas of the forest. One of these, AjChan, the former ruler's nephew, held
out as an independent ruler in southern Belize for some years. Yet he, too,
apparently reached the end of his long life in a mission town, symbol of
the gradual irrevocability of a conquest by firepower and attrition.
XXVII
part
one
THE ITZA WORLD
chapter
one
THE ITZAS AND

THEIR NEIGHBOR*
^ ^ ^ t the time of the 1697 conquest, four Yucatecan Mayan-speaking political and territorial groups occupied what is today the Department of Peten, Guatemala, and portions of adjacent central
and southern Belize (map 2). All four groups the Itzas, Kowojs, Kejaches, and Mopans spoke dialects of the Yucatecan language family, as
did the inhabitants of northern Yucatan. Differences in speech among
these four groups appear to have been slight, and Yucatecan speakers
from northern Yucatan to southern Peten could be easily understood
wherever they traveled.
Given these linguistic continuities, we may infer that some groups of
Yucatecan-speaking peoples had deep historical affiliations with southern
Peten. Social contact between Yucatan and Peten was likely continuous
over many centuries, quite possibly back to the Classic period, with ruling
families changing location as a result of political fortunes and warfare.
The ruling nobilities of at least two groups, however the Itzas and the
Kowojs claimed to have been relatively recent arrivals in Peten, having
migrated southward from Yucatan during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Little is presently known of the precontact history of the Kejaches. I
suspect that the fourth group, the Mopans, represented an older resident
population in Peten. Their earlier history, too, is poorly understood.
Besides these groups, during Spanish colonial times Yucatec speakers
also occupied towns and villages along the Belize and New Rivers in
northern Belize a native region known as Tz'ul Winikob' ("Foreign People"). Other Yucatec speakers occupied the region known as La Pimienta
in present-day southern Quintana Roo. Many of these, if not most, had
migrated from northern Yucatan following the sixteenth-century conquest, seeking relief from conditions associated with the encomiendas
allotted there. Others were probably from the preconquest province of
Chetumal in the region of Corozal and Chetumal Bays, which Spaniards
1
YUCATEC
YUCATEC
^
'
Ascencfcn
YUCATEC
Map 2. Lowland Maya language distribution during the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries.
-thhiate
' Espiriw Santo
The Itzas and Their Neighbors

conquered in 1 5 4 3 and in which they established the villa of Salamanca de
Bacalar (see map 1 ) . The most important colonial-period population center of these people was the town of Tipuj, located on the Macal branch of
the Belize River, just east of the present border with Guatemala and almost due east of Lago Peten Itza. Tipuj, like other Yucatec-speaking Belize
towns, became the site of a Spanish mission during the late sixteenth
century and paid encomienda tribute to Spaniards living at Bacalar and at
Valladolid in Yucatan.
In the late seventeenth century the Itzas were concentrated at the western end of Lago Peten Itza, with dense populations all the way west to
Laguna Sacpuy. The Kowojs occupied primarily the northern shore of the
lake and lands to the north and northeast (map 3). The Kejaches lived
some distance north of the western end of the lake, occupying lands toward present-day Campeche, Mexico. The Mopans were dispersed over a
wide area that included the lands along the present Guatemala-Belize
boundary, portions of the Belize River valley in central Belize, and southern Belize. We know from descriptions left by Hernan Cortes and Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, who traveled across Peten in 1 5 2 5 , that the Itza heartland was in the same area then as it was in 1697. Over the next 1 7 0 years
wars among these three groups prompted considerable population movements and political realignments. Had these early explorers been able to
see more than a narrow corridor across Peten they would surely have
described a distribution of populations and patterns of intergroup relations different from those that existed in 1697.
Along the southern and western frontiers of these groups lived various
Maya populations who spoke Cholan languages that were not mutually
intelligible with the Yucatecan languages principally the Manche Chols
southeast of the Itzas, the Chols living around Sakb'ajlan to the Itzas'
southwest, and the Akalan Chontals to their northwest. The Spaniards
had contact with all of these by the end of the sixteenth century, some only
fleetingly but others to the extent of forcing them to relocate to other areas
under firmer colonial control. Some southern Cholan speakers also spoke
Mopan and served as interpreters for Guatemalan Spaniards; native trade
between Verapaz and central Peten would have been a major stimulus for
such bilingualism. The Chols, however, played only an indirect role in the
events that led to the conquest of the Itzas and are considered only in
passing in this chapter and elsewhere.
The so-called Manche Chols, named for their principal town, Manche,
appear more often than the others, because some of them lived nearly
adjacent to the southernmost extension of Mopan settlement, which was
3
Map 3. Major Maya political regions in central Peten on the eve of Spanish conquest. Hollow dots
indicate approximate locations.

at the town of Mopan, later (and still) known as San Luis. Their territory
probably originally extended north and northeast from Cahabon in Verapaz, east to the Caribbean Sea, and some distance up the coastal regions of
Belize. Dominican missionaries had considerable successes with the dispersed northern Manche Chols in the early seventeenth century. After Itza
and Mopan forces attacked the mission settlements in the early 1630s,
however, Spanish efforts to work in the region declined until the 1670s,
when Dominicans again managed to establish several missions. The Chols
soon abandoned these, and despite further Spanish efforts at pacification
they rebelled yet again in 1689. Over the next few years the greater part of
the Manche Choi population was hunted down and forced to resettle near
Rabinal in the Urran Valley of Guatemala.
7
The Itzas
The name by which the Itza rulers referred to their territory was Suyuja Peten Itza, possibly meaning "Whirlpool of the Province of the
Sacred-Substance Water." A possibly related name, written in Yucatan as
"Zuyua," has long been considered by scholars to refer to a mythological origin place of the Mayas associated with the mystical concept of
Tollan and claims by Maya ruling elites to their Mexican ancestry. The
seventeenth-century Itzas identified their island capital by two names
whose meanings are clear: Nojpeten, "Big Island" or "Great Island," and
Tajltza, "At [the Place of] the Itza." They occupied a central territory
stretching over a distance of forty kilometers from Laguneta El Sos on the
west to Laguna Quexil on the east, incorporating Laguna Sacpuy and the
region northwest of Lago Peten Itza known as Chak'an Itza (map 4).
During the late seventeenth century the Itzas also controlled lands east of
Lago Peten Itza, the result of wars of territorial expansion carried out
earlier in that century (see map 6). I refer to this area as the Yalain region,
after the town of Yalain on Laguneta Macanche.
8
This territory, however, was only the heartland of a people who historically had expanded well beyond these narrow bounds. In 1 5 2 5 , when
Cortes traversed their territory, the Itzas had agricultural operations as far
south as the Sarstoon River, the present-day boundary between Belize and
Guatemala. Even at the end of the seventeenth century Itzas were to be
found living as far south as Sayaxche on the Rio Pasion and as far east as
Laguna Y a x h a . Earlier in that century their eastern sphere of influence
10
The Itza World
Map 4.
The Itza core region. Hollow dots indicate approximate locations.
probably extended into southern Belize even beyond Tipuj. The Itzas were
an aggressive, expansionary people, justifiably feared by their neighbors.
ITZA HISTORIES
The Itzas of Peten were the last unconquered representatives of a complex

and long-lasting cultural tradition that dominated much of Yucatan from
the ninth century A.D. until the sixteenth-century conquest. They survived
as an intact society for more than a century and half following the establishment of the Spanish colonial province of Yucatan, owing to circumstances their ancestors could not have been foreseen when they migrated
to Peten in the mid-fifteenth century. By seeking refuge in the dense southern forests of Peten from preconquest political disturbances in the north,
the southern Itzas unknowingly selected a homeland that would be equally
remote from the threat of colonial intervention.
In the native chronicles of Yucatan texts written in European script in
the Maya language during colonial times and known collectively as the

Books of Chilam B'alam the name Itza is applied to the people who
founded and ruled Chich'en Itza, which Robert Sharer, echoing others,
has called "the dominant political, economic, and religious center of central Yucatan." Many Mayanists, basing their interpretations on a combination of archaeological evidence and readings of these chronicles, have
believed that those who founded Chich'en Itza in the ninth century were
Maya Chontal-speaking warrior-merchants whose original homeland
was in the Gulf coast lowlands of Tabasco. They argue that these Central
Mexican-influenced people, whom they label the Putun, engaged in widespread aggressive undertakings beginning in the eighth century that appear to have been intended to control major economic resources and trade
routes throughout much of the Maya lowlands. Their expansionary policies may also have been linked to the decline of the great Classic Maya
centers of the southern lowlands during the ninth century and to the
simultaneous development of a new political order in the northern lowlands, centered at Chich'en Itza.
11
12
William Ringle has recently argued that inscriptions at Chich'en Itza

indicate that the known elite inhabitants of the city were of local origin
and that despite the possibility that Putuns or other Central Mexicanaffiliated peoples had been of influence, "these families were able to mediate them and persist in positions of authority until the Spanish conquest." Ringle, Bey, and Peraza have also recently suggested that the
Maya chronicles and other ethnohistorical sources exaggerated the power
of the Chich'en Itza political system, which they regard less as a militaristic empire than as a "hegemonic tributary system" that had relatively
little impact on the lives and cultural expressions of residents in neighboring centers such as Ek' B'alam. In their view, Chich'en Itza was something
of an island surrounded by a sea of traditional Yucatecan culture. Although the "iconography of the site would seem to be a new 'world'
religion melding the symbols of Classic Maya religion with those of wider
Mesoamerica," the northern sites of Yucatan appear to have been little
influenced by the Itzas in their architecture and iconography.
13
14
Scheie, Grube, and Boot have offered a radically different interpretation of the origins of the founders and rulers of Chich'en Itza, based
primarily on new decipherments of hieroglyphic texts found there and at
other lowland sites and on a rereading of the native chronicles. They
maintain, in agreement with other current scholars, that the decline of the
southern Classic-period centers was accompanied by intense warfare between many of these centers that is, by local warfare as opposed to
external invasions. Some of these wars, "especially those in which kings
The Itza World

were forced into exile or captured and killed, produced a series of refugee
elites [who] . . . retreated to allied states." As a result, migrants began
moving north to Yucatan as early as A.D. 6 5 0 - 7 5 0 . There the refugees,
accompanied by people fleeing the collapsing city of Teotihuacan in central Mexico, formed a new alliance with resident populations. The eventual result of the alliance, they propose, was the creation of the Itzas as a
political entity and the founding of Chich'en Itza as early as A.D. 7 1 1 .
15
1 6
This last interpretation relies on a rereading of the native chronicles

mytho-historical texts that are often obscure and notoriously subject to
alternative understandings and it contradicts most previous archaeological interpretations. It is not implausible, nonetheless, to assume that
the great florescence of architectural innovation, urbanism, and social
planning evidenced at Chich'en Itza reflected a synthesis of several sources
of influence that could have included local traditions mixed with those
of remnant elites from the south as well as Mexican-influenced Chontal
speakers from Tabasco. The ruling elites of Chich'en Itza certainly had
contact with the Peten heartland: the chronicles state that at one point in
their history some of them were forced, as the result of an internal war, to
relocate during a K'atun 4 Ajaw (one of the thirteen recurring k'atuns in
the cyclical Maya calendar) to a place called Tanxulukmul, in "the heart of
the forest." There, in a K'atun 8 Ajaw, they may have founded it as the
"cycle seat" of the Peten region. In 1696 Fray Andres de Avendano came
across a pond of the same name, with an adjacent large ruined pyramid
that contained a "noted idol," not far north of the western end of Lago
Peten Itza.
17
18
Most scholars have long maintained that Chich'en Itza, despite periodic disruptions, survived as an important center until the early thirteenth
century. Recent archaeological studies, however, indicate that the site was
already in decline by about A.D. 1 0 0 0 . Nevertheless, it remained a ritual
center and pilgrimage site with a small resident population for many years
thereafter even up to the time of the conquest.
Following the decline of Chich'en Itza, a new urban center, Mayapan,
inherited its status as the most important political center in Yucatan.
Located about one hundred kilometers to the west, Mayapan, a densely
populated and walled community, may have been founded as early as the
late tenth century. Its principal ruling patrilineage was said to have been
that of the Kokoms, a name that also appears in inscriptions at Chich'en
Itza, and both its architecture and its governance by a council of territorial
rulers appear to have been modeled after those of its predecessor. The
rulers of Mayapan were certainly part of the same Itza cultural tradition
19
10
20

that had previously dominated Chich'en Itza. Mayapan finally collapsed
as a political center in the mid-fifteenth century, only a few decades before
the coming of the Spaniards to Yucatan. As a result, a number of smaller
provinces emerged from the ruins of Mayapan, although not all of the sixteen Yucatecan conquest-period native provinces that the ethnohistorian
Ralph Roys identified would have been part of the original Mayapan
polity.
21
Information that Itza rulers in Peten gave to the Spaniards indicates

that they considered themselves to have been the direct descendants of the
Itzas of Yucatan. The Ajaw Kan Ek' who ruled Nojpeten at the time of the
1697 conquest stated that his ancestors were from Chich'en Itza and that
he still identified with the province of Yucatan. His nephew, AjChan,
stated that his deceased mother, the ruler's older sister, had come from
Chich'en Itza, suggesting that members of the Itza nobility were still living
there in the seventeenth century and successfully avoiding Spanish recognition. The Peten group known as the Kowojs specified that their ancestors had migrated from Tankaj (referring to Mayapan) at the time of the
conquest of Yucatan, which would have been about sixty or seventy years
after the Itza migration.
22
23
24
The Franciscan historian Lopez de Cogolludo, paraphrasing the account of Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida, who visited Nojpeten in 1 6 1 8 and
1 6 1 9 , wrote the most detailed surviving account of the Itza migration to
Peten:
These Itza Indians are of Yucatecan origin, descendants of this land
of Yucatan. Thus they speak the same Maya language as [those of
Yucatan] do. It is said that they left the territory and jurisdiction
that today is [that] of the villa of Valladolid and the town of
Chichen Itza, where today there remain some of the large ancient
buildings that are seen in this land and which they admired so much
when these kingdoms were discovered.... And others from neighboring towns left with them.
Padre Fuensalida says that one hundred years before the Spaniards came to these kingdoms they fled from Chichen Itza in the age
that they call eighth (in their language Uaxac Ahau) and settled
those lands where they live today. Their flight to an island and such
concealed regions was foreseen by the prophecies that they had . . .
that people from a nation that would dominate this land would
come from regions to the east. Today those whom they call priests
preserve the prophecies (written in their ancient characters) in a
The Itza World

book like a history which they call analte. In it they preserve the
memory of how much has happened to them since they settled
those lands.
They also say that they went to [those lands] by sea, and in that
region that comes out at their lake they have on land a hamlet that
they call Zinibacan, which means where they stretched out the
sails, because there, having been soaked, they dried them.
They also say that the occasion of the flight was that, while a
great king or lord was readying to be married, during the rejoicings
and festivities of the wedding another petty king arrived who was
enamored with the bride, and falling with armed men upon those of
the fiesta, who had been unsuspecting, and causing some harm
among them, kidnapped the betrothed woman. This man was less
powerful than the first, so seeing that [the latter] would later make
war on him, fearful of the harm that would befall him, he had prepared to flee. So, taking the betrothed woman in his company with
many of his people, he went to those lands that were so remote and
hidden.
25
26
Because Fuensalida seems to have been relying primarily on what the

Itzas told him while he was at Nojpeten, his abbreviated account is an
important one. It places the date of Itza migration from Chich'en Itza to
Peten in the mid-fifteenth century, the approximate time of the collapse of
Mayapan. The account offers two reasons for the migration: a prophecy
that foreigners would come from the east to conquer Yucatan and a specific political event involving conflict over a royal marriage. The Itzas'
passage toward the south was by sea, presumably along the eastern coastline of the Yucatan peninsula, probably up the New and Belize Rivers and
then overland to Lago Peten Itza the same route followed by travelers
and traders during the colonial period.
If prophecy did play a role in the Itzas' migration to Peten, it probably
did not foretell European conquest. Such a claim was most likely an invention of the Spanish Franciscans, who sought evidence that the conquest
was a divinely preordained event to bring Christianity to the New World
natives and that even Maya prophecies could be understood as statements
of God's will. As for the royal wedding conflict, Roys believed that it was
the same event as one mentioned in the Maya chronicles involving a banquet, a love charm, and treachery committed by one Junak Keel during a
K'atun 8 Ajaw. The outcome of this event in the chronicles was the expulsion of the Itzas from Chich'en Itza, which Roys believed occurred during

the K'atun 8 Ajaw dated at A.D. 1 4 4 1 - 6 1 the same period during which
the Itzas of Peten said they had left Yucatan.
Both Chich'en Itza and Valladolid, the Spanish villa built over the preconquest town of Saki or Sakiwal, were located in the southern part of the
Kupul province. By the time of the conquest of Yucatan, Chich'en Itza had
been in ruins for five centuries, but the surviving town there still housed
powerful nobles who exacted tribute from considerable distances in red
beads, green stones, maize, produce, and turkey hens. The conquest-period
ruler at the town was one NaOb'on Kupul whose unusual surname,
Ob'on, was found among seventeenth-century Itzas. NaOb'on Kupul,
identified as an important provincial ruler by early Spanish sources, was
killed by the conquerors during the period 1 5 2 2 - 3 3 , when Francisco
Montejo, son of the conqueror of the same name, briefly established a
Spanish villa at Chich'en Itza.
27
28
Other names associated with Peten Itza nobility also appear in sources
on the Itzas of Yucatan. Kokom, the name of a ruling patrilineage of
Mayapan, has been identified not only in the inscriptions of Classic-period
Chich'en Itza but also in 1 6 1 9 as the name of a Nojpeten "captain."
Kawil, which also appears in the Chich'en Itza inscriptions, was either a
title or, possibly, a surname in Peten, in one case associated with the patronym Itza (Kawil Itza). A Kowoj and his companion, Ek', are named in
the chronicles as guardians presumably territorial rulers of the "east
gate" of Mayapan; the Peten Kowojs were the ruling family of a large
territory, and the Kan Ek' dynasty ruled Nojpeten for many generations.
More such parallels could be mentioned, although these cannot alone
absolutely "prove" the descent of the Itzas and Kowojs of Peten from the
Itzas of Yucatan. The sum of the ethnohistorical evidence, however, appears to confirm Itza and Kowoj claims of their descent from the Itza
centers of northern Yucatan.
29
30
31
PROPHETIC HISTORY AND THE ITZAS
The theme of "prophetic history" resonates throughout the Maya chronicles of Yucatan, in Spanish interpretations of Maya behavior and in
Spanish-Maya interactions. Intensifying during seventeenth-century Spanish encounters with the Itzas of Peten and other peoples of the southern
Yucatan frontiers, it reached a climax on the eve of the conquest of the
Itzas, when Franciscans in particular were convinced that Itza prophecies
had assured their conversion to Christianity at the beginning of a K'atun 8
Ajaw. Because discussions of such prophetic discourse arise throughout
this book, a brief explanation is in order.
32
The Itza World

The Maya priests who composed the Books of Chilam B'alam often
described events that had occurred in the past in reference to periods of
time known as k'atuns. A k'atun was a period of 7,200 days divided into
20 consecutive 360-day periods called tuns. A period consisting of 1 3
k'atuns, or 260 tuns, comprised a larger unit of time, the may, which fell
just 104 days longer than 256 years of 3 65.25 days each. At the end of one
may, the cycle of 1 3 k'atuns another began, much the way a new century
in our own calendar begins upon the completion of ten decades. Until the
tenth century A.D. the Mayas had recorded an even larger period of time
known as the b'ak'tun, which comprised 20 k'atuns, or 400 tuns. Because
this "long count" had a fixed beginning point and identified b'ak'tuns and
each of their 20 k'atuns in numerical sequence, scholars can correlate
long-count dates with the Gregorian and Julian calendars. During most of
the Postclassic period, after the mid-tenth century, Maya scribes ceased
recording long-count dates, sometimes creating uncertainty as to which
cycle of 1 3 k'atuns writers were referring when they recorded events said
to have occurred in a particular k'atun.
33
During the Spanish colonial period, beginning in 1 5 3 9 , each of the 1 3

k'atuns within the may, or k'atun cycle, was identified both by the name of
the day on which it began (always the day called Ajaw, one of the 20
named days of the 260-day calendar known as the tzol k'in) and by a
numerical coefficient that indicated the 1 3 sacred day numbers of the tzol
k'in. The first k'atun in the cycle was called K'atun 1 3 Ajaw, the second
K'atun 1 1 Ajaw, the third K'atun 9 Ajaw, and so on in the order 7, 5, 3 , 1 ,
1 2 , 1 0 , 8, 6, 4, 2. During the colonial period considered in this book, the
years in the Gregorian calendar that initiated particular k'atuns were as
follows: 1 1 Ajaw (1539), 9 Ajaw (1559), 7 Ajaw (1579), 5 Ajaw (1599), 3
Ajaw ( 1 6 1 8 ) , 1 Ajaw (1638), 1 2 Ajaw (1658), 1 0 Ajaw (1677), 8 Ajaw
(1697), and 6 Ajaw ( 1 7 1 7 ) .
34
14
The k'atun histories of the Maya chronicles appear at first glance simply to record events that occurred in a given k'atun in the past as a means
of organized notekeeping. As many scholars have observed, however, the
information pertaining to the same k'atun as it appears in repeated cycles
of thirteen often bears striking repetitions in each cycle. The past, that is,
occurs again in the future in somewhat predictable forms with differing
details, but with thematic regularities that reoccur. The writing and recitation of k'atun histories, therefore, were acts of prophecy making, because
what had occurred once could be expected to occur in some form thirteen
k'atuns, or 256 years, later and yet again in future appearances of the
same k'atun, ad infinitum. The k'atun historian was a prophet-priest
35

who potentially wielded immense political influence and power, for he
could rewrite the past in order to prewrite the future. What prophets
chose to report about previous eras, that is, could be used by political
decision makers (who were often priests themselves) to plan and justify
their future actions. Prophetic history was a dynamic, ever-changing accounting of time and events that, far from freezing the past as "fact,"
could always be used to reinterpret and rewrite the past for the convenience of the present. Such practices, minus the formal system of dating
one's prophecies, are familiar to modern Western students of history as
well.
The most important k'atun in Itza prophetic history was K'atun 8 Ajaw.
The "final" occurrence of this era, 1 6 9 7 - 1 7 1 7 , represented for Spaniards
the time during which the Itzas of Peten would submit to colonial rule and
accept Christianity. The Itzas of the time also clearly believed that something of importance would happen, and some of them apparently shared
the Spaniards' views. Others, as we shall see in later chapters, embraced
different interpretations of what the future would or should bring. The following examples of statements concerning various occurrences of K'atun
8 Ajaw are from the Book of Chilam B'alam of Chumayel:
36
8 Ahau was when Chakanputun was abandoned by the Itza men.

Then they came to seek homes again. For thirteen folds of katuns
had they dwelt in their houses at Chakanputun. This was always
the katun when the Itza went beneath the trees, beneath the bushes,
beneath the vines, to their misfortune. [Chronicle I]
8 Ahau was when the Itza men again abandoned their homes because of the treachery of Hunac Ceel, because of the banquet with
the people of Izamal. For thirteen folds of katuns they had dwelt
there, when they were driven out by Hunac Ceel because of the giving of the questionnaire of the Itza. [Chronicle I]
8 Ahau was when there was fighting with stones at Ich-paa Mayapan because of the seizure of the fortress. They broke down the city
wall because of the joint government in the city of Mayapan.
[Chronicle I]
8 Ahau was when their town was abandoned and they were scattered throughout the entire district. In the sixth katun after they
were dispersed, then they ceased to be called Maya. [Chronicle II]
Katun 8 Ahau is the ninth katun. The katun is established at Izamal. . . . The shield shall descend, the arrow shall descend [upon
The Itza World

Chakanputun] together with the rulers of the land. The heads of
the foreigners to the land were cemented [into the wall] at Chakanputun. There is an end of greed; there is an end to causing vexation
in the world. It is the word of God the Father. Much fighting shall
be done by the natives of the land. [Book of Katun Prophecies]
37
There is confusion over the timing and location of some of the events
referred to in descriptions of the recurring K'atun 8 Ajaw. The chronicles
for this k'atun apparently refer to events of great antiquity that include
the Itzas' expulsion from their early homeland at Chak'an Putun, from
Chich'en Itza, and from Mayapan (in about 1 4 6 1 , the first year of the last
K'atun 8 Ajaw prior to European conquest). In some cases events are
merged or several places are conflated into a single location, making historical reconstructions from the texts exceedingly difficult.
The accounts of K'atun 8 Ajaw consistently refer to misfortunes that
befell the Itzas, especially wars and conflicts that forced them from a
homeland they had occupied for many years. In addition, some of them
provide support for statements by seventeenth-century Itzas that they had
migrated from northern Yucatan to Peten a century prior to the conquest
of Yucatan. We have seen, however, that the Itzas said that they were from
Chich'en Itza, not Mayapan, whose collapse is timed in the chronicles at
K'atun 8 Ajaw, in about 1 4 6 1 . The Kowojs of Peten, on the other hand,
were said to have migrated from Mayapan at the time of conquest, presumably during the period 1 5 2 0 - 4 3 , when military activities in the north
were most intense. These contradictions, which cannot yet be resolved, are
probably of little significance, because the collapse of Mayapan was associated with disruptions that would also have affected the mid-fifteenthcentury population at Chich'en Itza.
The association of war and expulsion with this k'atun must have conformed with the Peten Itzas' perception of the impending initiation (or
"turning") of K'atun 8 Ajaw, which was to occur in July 1697. With
Spanish troops approaching them from both north and south beginning in
169 5, some of their prophet-priests, familiar with versions of these prophecies, probably saw a repeat of earlier events, about which it was written
that the "shield shall descend, the arrow shall descend together with the
rulers of the land" and "their town was abandoned and they were scattered throughout the entire district." On the other hand, positive visions of
the k'atun appear in obviously colonial-period versions of the prophecy:
"There is an end of greed; there is an end of causing vexation in the world.
It is the word of God the Father." Such Christian-influenced rewritings of

the prophecy may have been the sources both for signs of willingness on
the part of Ajaw Kan Ek' in 1695
peacefully accept Spanish rule and
Christianity and for the Franciscans' conviction that K'atun 8 Ajaw was
the preordained time for this to occur.
t o
The Kowojs
Less well known than the Itzas were their principal political and territorial
rivals, the Kowojs, named for their powerful ruling lineage. At the time of
the 1697 conquest the Kowojs controlled the northern shore and the
eastern port area of Lago Peten Itza as well as a significant amount of
inland territory north and northeast of the lake toward Tik'al (map 5). At
about the same time a branch of the Kowojs also had settlements in the
area of Lagunas Sacnab and Yaxha to the east of the main lake (map 6).
Although the Kowojs appear to have been culturally similar and linguis-
Map 5.
The Kowoj region. Hollow dots indicate approximate locations.
The Itza World

\
Map 6.
Probably Itza-controlled before 1697,

following the conquest these, lakes were
contested by the Kowojs, some of whom
assumed control of the towns.
The Yalain region. Hollow dots indicate approximate locations.
tically identical to the Itzas, Spanish sources consistently distinguish between the two as political and territorial groups.
The Kowojs, as we have seen, said that they came from Mayapan at the
time of the conquest of Yucatan. The area around Mayapan was then part
of the native province of Mani. Mani had been ruled by the Tutul Xiws
ever since the mid-fifteenth-century collapse of Mayapan, which various
sources attribute to the murder and expulsion of the ruling Kokom family
by the Tutul Xiws and their allies at Mayapan. The Kokoms, who may
have been descended from a royal family at Chich'en Itza, regarded the
Tutul Xiws as Mexicanized foreign intruders to Yucatan. Xiw-Kokom enmity continued for many years after the collapse of Mayapan. It reached a
climax when, in 1 5 3 6, the Kokoms, then in control of the Sotuta province
on the eastern boundary of the Mani province, murdered a group of Xiw
dignitaries to whom they had promised safe passage across Sotuta for a
pilgrimage to Chich'en Itza. Up to that time the Tutul Xiws had been
neutral toward the Spanish conquest, which had begun in two unsuccessful phases in 1 5 2 7 - 2 8 and 1 5 3 1 - 3 5 . After the 1 5 3 6 massacre, however,
38
is

the Xiws actively supported the Spaniards, whereas the Itza-derived people of Sotuta violently opposed them for many years.
Although I have found no confirmation from northern Yucatecan
sources that noble Mayas named Kowoj held positions of importance in
the Xiw-controlled Mani province, a Kowoj was, as noted earlier, identified at Mayapan in the native chronicles. It is plausible that such a group
migrated to Peten following the 1 5 3 6 massacre of the Tutul Xiws. They
might have been caught between the Xiws and the Kokoms as Manidwelling sympathizers of the latter who had to escape Xiw retribution by
fleeing to safer territory. On the other hand, they might have been Xiw
sympathizers or mercenaries who went south to conquer Itza-controlled
Nojpeten and later deliver the capital to the Spanish conquerors; if so,
they were obviously unsuccessful. Whatever the reasons for their flight
from Mayapan, when they first come to light in the documents of the
1690s they are the enemies of a still-ruling Itza king, Ajaw Kan Ek'.
39
The Mopans
The Mopans, another Yucatecan-speaking group, are one of the least well
known, both historically and geographically, of all lowland Maya peoples. Their origins may have been in Yucatan, or they may have been long
resident in Peten. Beyond the fact that beginning in the early seventeenth
century Spaniards found them living at a town known as Mopan today
San Luis, Peten and in nearby areas, the extent of their colonial-period
distribution has been virtually unknown. What follows is a reassessment
of the identity and geographical extent of Mopan populations during the
sixteenth century. I believe they were a far larger and more widely spread
ethnic group than has formerly been thought.
The earliest Spanish reference to the Mopans of which I am aware is
another paraphrase of Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida's account by Lopez
de Cogolludo:
There are diverse nations in the cordillera which it has been said
runs from east to west, because they are the Itzas . . . ; the
Chinamitas, their closest neighbors; the [Choi-speaking] Lacandones; the Chakan-Itzas; the Cehaches; the Mopans; and those of a
large settlement and city which they say has eight thousand inhabitants. It is called Tulumci, and they say that there had been some
Spanish men and women held captive in it. Father Fuensalida had
The Itza World

more certain information that there had been a Spanish woman
among them, but not about when or how they arrived there.
Tulumci means agave fortress, because it is completely closed in
with henequen plantings, and with only one narrow entrance into it
that is closed and surrounded by water. There they are fortified and
defended against their antagonists, because these people constantly
carry out wars against one another as if they are different nationalities; and sometimes [they fight] those of their own nation,
having different caciques. The Chinamitas are so cruel and barbarous that when our religious [priests] told the Itzas when they were
with them that they also had to visit them in order to preach the
holy gospel to them, [the Itzas] told them not to go there because
they were ferocious people and that they would undoubtedly kill
them because [they were] mauinicob, indicating to them by this
word, which means "they are not men," that they were only wild
animals and that when [the priests] had to go there they would accompany them so that they would not kill them.
40
J . Eric S. Thompson concluded that the fortified town of Tulumki (from

tulum ki, "wall of agave [or henequen]") was actually the principal town of
the Chinamitas, because chinamitl is the Nahuatl term for "cane hedge"
a rough equivalent of T u l u m k i . 1 agree with this assessment, and I also
believe that the Chinamitas were a branch of the Mopans living in eastern
Peten and Belize.
Fuensalida and another Franciscan, Fray Juan de Orbita, were probably first informed about the location of the Chinamitas by a group of
armed Itzas who visited the two Spaniards at Tipuj during their stay there
in 1 6 1 8 . The Itza visitors, whose two high-ranking leaders carried stonetipped lances while the rest carried bows and arrows, told Fuensalida that
they always carried these arms when they left their territory in case they
encountered "Chinamita Indians," an enemy "nation" with whom they
were perennially at w a r . From this we can conclude that they feared
encountering Chinamitas on the route between Nojpeten and Tipuj
territory that in 1698 was identified as Mopan land.
41
42
43
That year the Itza ruler, Ajaw Kan Ek', and his cousin, the high priest
AjK'in Kan Ek', told Spanish questioners that Mopans, Chinamitas, and
"Tulunquies" were among a number of "nations" located nine days east of
Nojpeten who were previously at war with the Itzas. The record of their
statement, with spelling variants from a second copy in brackets, reads as
follows:

[I]n years past they had four battles with the Aiykales [Aikales]
(who are the Mopans), Chinamitas and Tulunquies [Tulumkies]
and Taxchinchanob [Tahchinchanob], Zacuanob [Zacabob], Cixchanob [Kicchanob], Ahacob, Chicuyob, Ahchamayob, Tzacalob,
Ahkinob, Tezucunob [Tesucunob], Ahchemob, Ahcamalob. They
say that they battled four times with all these nations, having been
defeated three times, and at the fourth battle they won and up to
now have not fought again. They declare that these nations are all
living together to the east, and that from this peten the said populations are nine days away by road, and this is how long they spent in
going to the said populations.
44
The first three names in this paragraph, including "Mopans," are

political-ethnic designations, whereas the rest, beginning with "Taxchinchanob," are lineage names. My interpretation of this passage is that all of
the groups following "the Aiykales (who are the Mopans)" are subsets of
the Aikales/Mopans, who should be set off from the rest by a colon. (The
term ayikal, which in colonial Yucatec meant "rich," was also used by the
Itzas as an honorific title for certain local leaders.) The lineage names, all
expressed as plurals (with the -ob suffix), may be understood to refer to
groups of people who constituted the local following of a particular leader
with that name. Because all are said to be located in the same area "all
living together to the east" they clearly constitute an identifiable "people" or larger "nation" living in a contiguous region. Therefore, I hypothesize that they were all, including the Chinamitas or "Tulunquies," part of a
larger ethnic population usually identified as Mopans.
Almost all of the lineage names appear to be Mopan. Also found in
other sources, they may be rendered as Taxim Chan, Tzakwan, Kixchan
(or Kischan), Tzak, Chikuy, Chamay, Tzakal, K'in, Tesukun, Ch'em, and
Kamal. In 1 6 9 5 , caciques from the southern Mopan area all identified
as Mopans bore the names Taximchan, Tesukun, Tzak, and Yajkab'.
Early-eighteenth-century baptismal records from the mission town of
Santo Toribio, situated along the camino real about halfway between
Lago Peten Itza and San Luis, contain all of these names except Taximchan, Tzakal, and Kamal; the most common name at Santo Toribio was
Musul, which is also certainly Mopan. We can conclude that Santo
Toribio was populated almost entirely by Mopans, some of whom were
probably Chinamitas, because only a handful of people with known Itza
names appears there.
The significance of these details is that we can now propose that during
45
46
The Itza World

the seventeenth century the Mopans, who included the Chinamitas, were
distributed far beyond the region around the old town called Mopan (San
Luis). Additional evidence allows us to situate the Mopans not only in
the area around San Luis but also in areas closer to Lago Peten Itza, in
southern Belize in the vicinity of contemporary Mopan settlements (San
Antonio and San Antonio Viejo), inland along the rivers of southeastern
Belize, and in the vicinity of the Belize River east of Tipuj (see map z).
Considering the fears of Itza warriors walking to Tipuj in 1 6 1 8 that they
would be attacked by "Chinamitas," this branch of the Mopans was probably also living along the Rio Mopan in the region south of Lagunas
Yaxha and Sacnab and in adjacent regions of nearby Belize.
47
48
49
Although most contemporaneous descriptions of Mopans indicated

that they lived in small, scattered settlements, Fuensalida's report of a
sizable fortified Chinamita town suggests that at least some Mopans lived
in larger communities that were "capitals" of politically centralized territories. Spanish descriptions of a scattered Mopan population may reflect
Itza and Spanish invasions of Mopan lands during the seventeenth century. That is, only those Mopans who sought refuge in isolated regions
where they organized defenses against Itza aggression were able to maintain a degree of political and territorial centralization.
By the time of the 1697 conquest, Mopans living between Nojpeten
and the southern town of Mopan were considered to be part of the larger
Itza territorial and political domain. In 1696 a Spanish Guatemalan official called them "dependents" of the Itzas. The Guatemalan Dominican
Fray Agustin Cano reported learning that the Mopans "had communication with the Ahitzes [sic] of the lake. We even understood that they all
belonged to one and the same Itza nation, being called Mopan-Itza, PetenItza, and that these Mopans were subject to the reyezuelo [petty king] of
the island of the lake, about whom and about his island or peten and his
caciques they gave us much information, although they always refused to
show us the r o a d . " In calling the Itza "nation" "Mopan-Itza, PetenItza," Cano seems to have been designating two principal subgroups, of
which the Mopans were the political "dependents" of the Itzas.
50
51
52
22
The Kejaches
The three Yucatecan-speaking territorial-ethnic groups just discussed
the Itzas, Kowojs, and Mopans lived in close proximity, intermarried,
and waged war among themselves. The fourth Yucatecan-speaking Peten

group, the Kejaches, located many leagues to the north of the western end
of the main lake, were separated from the central lakes area by a large
stretch of nearly uninhabited territory (see map 2). Frequent victims of
Itza military attacks, even as late as 1 6 9 7 , the Kejaches seem to have
had relatively little recent reciprocal interaction with the Itzas or other
Peten groups. Called by the Nahuatl name Mazatlan by Chontal-speaking
Akalan neighbors to the north, the Kejach region was distinguished by its
heavily fortified settlements at the time of Cortes's expedition, fortifications that protected them from Itza raids.
Despite their physical separation from the Itzas and their vulnerability
to Itza hostility, the Kejaches appear to have been closely related to their
formidable enemies. Name sharing between the two groups may suggest
cultural and historical affinities. In 1696 Franciscan friars produced censuses of two Kejach mission towns, B'atkab' and Pak'ek'em, situated
along the camino real. By far the most common names at these two
towns Chan, K'ixaw, and Puk were also Itza names. Whereas Puk was
also common in Yucatan, Chan was less so, and K'ixaw was apparently
absent there. Although individuals with common Yucatecan names also
appeared in small numbers in the censuses, they may have been refugees
from the northern encomiendas or descendants of such immigrants.
53
These data suggest that the Itzas and Kejaches may have had a common
origin, having split at some point prior to the sixteenth century. We cannot
know whether such a division occurred before or during Itza migrations
to Peten or as the result of internal warfare in Peten that resulted in Kejach
migration northward. Yet another possibility is that the Kejaches represent an indigenous population of great antiquity in this area and that those
among the Itzas who shared their names were descendants of Kejaches
who had lived around Lago Peten Itza prior to the Itzas' arrival in the
fifteenth century.
Table 1 . 1 shows the distribution of the presently known surnames
of the Yucatecan-speaking peoples of Peten from the sixteenth century
through the mid-eighteenth century. For the "core" area of Itza territory,
most names were recorded around the time of the 1697 conquest. The
column headed "Yalain" includes names from the region east of Lago
Peten Itza. The considerable overlap between the names of this area and
those of the core Itza area reflects the seventeenth-century Itza domination
of the Yalain region. The third column, "Tipuj Itzas," is based on a listing
of people clearly of Itza political affiliation recorded at Tipuj in 1 6 5 5 ;
some of these names not represented in the core Itza area may reflect
intermarriage with the local Yucatec-speaking population of the town.
23
T A B L E
I.I
Distribution of Peten Surnames by Territory and Location
Surname"
B'alarn
Core
Itza
Tipuj
Itzas
Yalain
Kowoj
San
Andres
Mopan
B'alamna
B'atun
Chab'in
X
X
Chab'le
X
X
Cbaneb'
Chata
X
x
Chen
Chi
Chikuy
Ch'akan
Ch'em
Ek'
Itza
Jaw
X
X
Joil
Jola
Kab'
Kan
Kanchan
X
x
Chay
Chayax
Kanche
Kanek'
Kante
X
X
Kanul
Kanyokte
Kamal
Kawich
Kawil (also
Kawij)
Kech
X
X
Keliz
Ketz (also
K'etz)
B'atab'
Chan
Kejach
X
X
T A B L E
I.I
(continued)
Surname
Core
Itza
Tipuj
Itzas
Yalain
Ki
Kib'
Kowoj
Kischan (also
Kixchan)
Mopan
San
Andres
Kitkan
Kitis (also
K'itis)
Kob'
Kokom
Kol
K o w o j (also
Kob'ow,
Kob'ox)
Kwa
K'in
tK'inchil
X
X
K'inyokte
K'ixab'on
K'ixaw
(Kejach:
Kixaw)
K'ixchan (also
Kixchan,
Kischan)
X
K'unil (also
K'umil)
X
X
Mas
Matab' (also
Matub')
May
Mis
M o (also
Moo)
Muk'ul
Musul
Naa
K'u
M u w a n (also
Moan)
Kejach
X
X
X
x
T A B L E
I.I
(continued)
Surname
Core
Itza
Tipuj
Itzas
Yalain
Kowoj
San
Andres
Mopan
Nojk'ute
Ob'on (also
Ab'on)
Pana(also
Panob',
Panub',
Punab')
X
X
Pix
Puk
P'ol
Sab'ak
Sakwan
X
X
Tek
Tesukun (also
Tesukan
(Pipil)
Poot
Sima
Kejach
17
X
X
Tinal
Tun (also
Tunich?)
Tut
Tutz (Tus?)
Tzak (also
Tz'ak)
Tzakal
Tzakwam
Tzam
Tzawi
Tzel
Tzin
(Chontal)
x
X
Tzuk
Tzul (Kejach:
Zul)
Tzuntekum
(Pipil)
Tz'ib'(also
Tzib')
X
X

T A B L E
I.I
(continued)
Surname
11
Core
Itza
Yalain
Us
Tipuj
Itzas
Kowoj
Mopan
San
Andres
Kejach
Xiken (also
Chik'en)
X
X
Xok
X u l u (also
Sulu)
?
X
SOURCES: Tipuj names are from Scholes and Thompson, 1 9 7 7 , pp. 6 3 - 6 4 . M o s t of the
M o p a n patronyms are from A G I , Escribania de Camara 3 3 9 A , Memoria on Peten Itza by Fr.
Diego de Rivas, 26 M a y 1 7 0 2 , ff. 3 i r ~ 3 3 v , and AAICFP, Santo Toribio, baptismal register,
1 7 0 9 - 4 9 . Only the names of " p a g a n " M o p a n parents in the Santo Toribio baptismal register
are included here. The register also includes a few cases of clearly non-Mopan names (including Itza, K o w o j , and Choi names), which are not included here. Chontal names are from
Scholes and R o y s , 1 9 6 8 , pp. 4 8 1 - 9 0 . They consider Tzin to be a Nahuatl-derived honorific
suffix, but it seems clear that it served as a surname among the Chontals. Pipil names are
from Schumann, i 9 7 i , p . 1 8 , 1 2 5 ; Schumann lists some names that existed at San Andres
and San Jose in recent times but have not appeared in the historical documentation. Other
names may well be shared with other groups, and this is not intended to be a complete
examination. N o t included here are four possible unusual names found in Table 3 . 1 , the
statuses of which are not clear. These are J e , K'en, Matza, and Matzin. Other sources are too
numerous to list.
"Names in italics are not listed by Roys (1940) as surnames found in Yucatan. When these
are known to be used by other M a y a groups, the name of the groups is indicated in parentheses.
A small x indicates that the name occurred three times or fewer among marriage partners during the years examined.
b
Only two Kowoj surnames, in the next column, are known with certainty,
although there were undoubtedly more than these.
The column labeled "San Andres" comprises names of marriage partners recorded in church records for the Itza missions San Andres and San
Jose during the mid-seventeenth century. These people probably included
not only some Kowojs but also a few Mopans and perhaps some Kejaches
and some recent immigrants brought as workers by the Spaniards from
northern Yucatan. The Kejach column, based on the two matriculas (censuses) made by Franciscan missionaries in 1696, indicates some overlap
with the Itza core area data (in the two known Itza surnames shared by the
Kejaches) but much commonality with San Andres and San Jose (six
names).
The Itza World

Mopan surnames represent a highly distinct set, suggesting that this
may have been a much older local population. Names on the list that are
apparently not also found in Yucatan are indicated by italics. Not surprisingly, this number is quite small for the Itza core area.
Names, therefore, provide confirmation, although hardly exact, of the
political and ethnic regions of Peten. They also indicate that boundaries
among these groups were not absolute. Names were shared across groups,
owing to many years of intermingling and intermarriage resulting from
both peaceful and violent encounters. Now, in the early sixteenth century,
both kinds of encounters were about to involve people with a new kind of
name Spanish.
28
chapter
two
ITZA-SPANISH
ENCOUNTERS,
15*5-1690
I he first Spaniards to visit Itza territory arrived

near the shores of Lago Peten Itza on about Thursday, March 1 6 , 1 5 2 5 .
These men, runners sent ahead by Hernan Cortes with a Chontal guide
from Akalan, told Cortes that they had seen "a very large lake that looked
like an arm of the sea . . . and on a small island in it they saw a town,
which that guide told them was the central town of that province of Taiza
[Taiga], and that the only way we could reach it would be in canoes."
This was not only the first time Europeans had seen the lake and its
island capital but also the first time they described the "province" of
Tajltza, "At the Place of the Itza." Cortes and his enormous party of
Spaniards, Mexicas, and other native peoples moved quickly through Itza
territory, although Cortes spent most of a day in the company of Ajaw
Kan Ek' on Nojpeten before traveling on to eastern Guatemala. The impact of several thousand foreigners under a powerful leader passing directly through their territory had a lasting and profound effect on the Itza
people and their future relationships with the Spanish colonial world.
1
The Entrada of Hernan Cortes, 1 5 2 5

The circumstances of this extraordinary journey were reported by both
Cortes and his lieutenant, Bernal Diaz del Castillo. Following the conquest of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan in 1 5 2 1 , Cortes sent military
expeditions to the regions surrounding the Valley of Mexico. One of these,
under the command of Gonzalo de Sandoval, defeated the Mixe to the
southeast of the valley and then proceeded to the coast of the Gulf of
Mexico. There, on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, a short distance from the
coast on Rio Coatzacoalcos, Sandoval founded a villa that he named
Espiritu Santo. It served as the headquarters for subsequent entradas into
3
The Itza World

western Tabasco and highland Chiapas. Despite initial successes in assigning some indigenous communities in encomienda to citizens of the villa,
Spanish control over these regions remained precarious for some years.
None of the early expeditions reached far into the eastern interior lowlands until Cortes mounted his own entrada in 1 5 2 4 - 2 5 . The journey
took him through Nahuatl-speaking areas of Tabasco, the previously uncontacted Chontal-speaking territory of Akalan on Rio Candelaria, the
Yucatec-speaking region known as Kejach, the province of the Itzas themselves, and finally Choi territory before he reached the Bahia de Amatique
in Guatemala (see map 1 ) .
In October 1 5 24, Cortes left Mexico for Espiritu Santo, where he made
preparations for his journey. His principal stated purpose for the trip was
to find and punish Cristobal de Olid and others who had defected after
Cortes had sent them to Honduras earlier that year. Unbeknownst to
Cortes, Olid's companions had already executed him as a rebel before
Cortes left Espiritu Santo. Cortes could have chosen a far easier and less
dangerous route to the Caribbean coast, going by sea around the Yucatan
peninsula. The explorer and conqueror, however, had decided to follow a
land route in order to discover "many unknown lands and provinces . . .
[and to] pacify many of them, as was later done."
4
After arriving at Espiritu Santo he learned from several messengers sent

to him from Tabasco and Xicalango that certain Spaniards had been causing "much harm" on what he thought to be the east coast of Yucatan.
Cortes presumed that these were the Spaniards he was looking for, and the
messengers presented him with a painted cloth map showing the route he
would have to take in order to reach their location. It later became evident
that these depredations had occurred at Bahia de Amatique in the Gulf of
Honduras, not in Yucatan.
Cortes wrote that he had brought with him 230 Spanish soldiers, including 93 cavalry, and 3,000 Mexica (Aztec) auxiliaries under the command of important native lords. Most of the massive number of natives
undoubtedly served as carriers, cooks, and other service personnel. The
famous dona Marina (Malinali) a native of Tabasco, a speaker of Nahuatl and Chontal Maya who had served as Cortes's interpreter during the
conquest of Mexico, now a speaker of Spanish and his mistress was his
principal interpreter for the expedition.
The expedition took a generally eastern route not far from the coastline, eventually crossing Rio Grijalva near the present site of Villahermosa. After following the eastern tributary of the Grijalva, the Tacotalpa,
upstream to Ciuatan, they went overland to the east until reaching Iztapa
6
JO
Itza-Spanish Encounters,
1525-1690
on Rio Usumacinta. They then followed the Usumacinta upstream to

Ciuatecpan, near the junction of Rio San Pedro with the Usumacinta.
Most of the towns in the heavily settled region through which they passed
had been abandoned and burned before the Spaniards' arrival.
Cortes's immediate goal was to reach the Chontal-speaking province of
Akalan, known for its wealth and prowess as a trading center. Cortes first
met the Akalan ruler, PaxB'olon Acha, at a town on Rio San Pedro and,
with his entire party, went the short distance to Itzam K'anak on Rio
Candelaria. PaxB'olon Acha rode one of Cortes's horses. The capital was
"very large with many temples," and Cortes apparently considered it more
impressive than the Itza capital, Nojpeten. The political structure of the
province was similar to that which functioned at Nojpeten at the end of
the seventeenth century: a governing council that included the king, four
principal leaders representing the four urban quarters of the capital, and
representatives of other regional towns.
At Itzam K'anak Cortes learned that Akalan merchants occupied a
ward of the town of Nito on Bahia de Amatique, near Lago de Izabal, then
known as Golfo Dulce. Because these merchants had seen the Spaniards
he was seeking there, he immediately changed the direction of his journey,
procuring from them a new, detailed map of the region through which his
expedition would have to p a s s .
The Akalan Chontals provisioned Cortes's party as it headed out on
Sunday, March 1 5 , for the journey southeast toward Lago Peten Itza. On
their way to Kejach territory, which was also known by the Nahuatl name
Mazatlan, the Spaniards captured two Akalan merchants, forcing them
to serve as guides. On the third day his advance party had an armed
encounter with several Kejach lookouts, two of whom they captured.
These men told him that they were on duty by order of their "lord,"
patrolling cultivated fields against local enemies. Warfare, it appears, was
endemic in the region.
On the next day the expedition arrived at the first of several abandoned
Kejach settlements, this one located on a high promontory adjacent to a
large lake. The town was highly fortified with a surrounding wall of timbers. The fleeing inhabitants had left behind much recently cooked food
and even some small spears and bows and arrows. Cortes sent for the
"lord" of the town, promising to assist him in defeating his enemies, and
two days later the uncle of the "lord" was brought in, representing the
ruler, who was still a boy. The uncle must have been among fifteen leaders, mentioned by Diaz del Castillo, who came begging for Cortes's mercy,
pleading that he not burn the town down, because they had only recently
8
10
11
12
13
14
15
*i
The Itza World

built the fortification there as protection from their enemies. Diaz, writing
many years later, thought he recalled that the leaders said these enemies
were "Lacandones" who had burned and destroyed other towns in the savannahs (llanos) through which the Spaniards would subsequently pass.
It is more likely that they were Itzas who were forcing the Kejaches to
abandon territory and move their upper frontier farther to the north.
The uncle of the lord of the first Kejach town accompanied Cortes to an
even larger and more strongly built town called Tiak, seven leagues away.
It, too, had been recently abandoned. In addition to external defensive
walls, pits, and watchtowers, it had three separately walled wards within.
Like the first town, Tiak was ruled by a "lord," who sent food and clothing
to Cortes via his representatives but who did not go himself. The messengers, according to Cortes, also represented five or six other towns of
the province, each of which was a cabecera, a provincial capital.
16
17
Cortes's claim that the first town and Tiak were at war with each other
seems unlikely; it is far more probable that all the Kejach towns were
united in a broad defensive alliance against Itza aggression. Although Diaz
did not mention Tiak, he noted that the party passed through several
settlements that had been burned and destroyed. The Kejaches, of course,
may have burned and abandoned these towns themselves in order to avoid
capture by the Spaniards. It is equally plausible that the Itzas did so in
hopes of starving out the expedition by preventing the Kejaches from
providing food supplies.
After leaving Tiak, the expedition slept at yet another abandoned fortified town, " Yasuncabil," the last town on the southern frontier of Kejach
territory. Their guides told them they were now five days from the province of the Itzas. From there Cortes sent his captive Akalan guides home
with gifts for themselves and their lord.
ARRIVAL IN ITZA TERRITORY
32
The region between "Yasuncabil" and Itza territory was unpopulated,

extending south across the hilly karst zone north of Lago Peten Itza. On
the fifth day, on or about Saturday, March 1 8 , Cortes's scouts saw the
lake, and Cortes went on foot to see it for himself, along with a party
including Diaz and dona Marina. Once there he learned that his runners
had captured an Itza man from Nojpeten who claimed, implausibly, that
no one in the area was aware of the expedition. Diaz recalled that they had
reached the first Itza town, which they found half abandoned, two days
before reaching the lake. If that was the case, then the entire region must
soon have been alerted to the approach of the massive expedition.
18
Itza-Spanish Encounters,
1525-1690
According to Cortes's account, the captured Itza man had come armed
in a small canoe "to examine the road and see whether there were any
people." (Diaz recounted that five persons were captured to serve as
guides; he mentioned no canoe.) Cortes must have asked how he could
pass around the lake and where he could discover canoes, because the Itza
told him that he would find some canoes on a "small arm of that lake"
where there were "cultivations" (labranzas) and inhabited houses. He
would, however, have to arrive there without being discovered. Diaz, in
his version of the story, recalled that he, presumably along with Cortes
and others, first arrived at a town on the shore, where some of the party
fished in the lake using old mantas (lengths of cloth) and torn nets. This
town may have been at or near the present location of San Andres, known
as Chak'an in the seventeenth century and situated on the point of land
northeast of Ensenada de San Jeronimo (see map 4). This ensenada, or
bay, served as the principal port at the western end of the lake, and it was
the place where Ursua would launch his attack on Nojpeten in 1697.
Doiia Marina interpreted Cortes's words to the captive or captives: he
intended them no harm but was in search of towns further on where there
were bearded men with horses. Cortes set off on foot with ten or twelve
crossbowmen and issued an order for other armed soldiers to follow behindby canoe, as we presently learn. On the way they had to walk
through a marsh with water that reached above their waists. The road was
poor, and the local inhabitants discovered them before they reached the
arm of the lake.
According to Diaz, the guides had taken them along a wide road that
narrowed at the end, "due to a large river and an estuary that was nearby
in which it appears that they [the Itzas] embarked and disembarked in
canoes and went to that town where we had to go, called Tayasal, which is
on an island surrounded by w a t e r ; . . . and the houses and temples showed
their whiteness from more than two leagues from where they were scattered, and it was the cabecera of other nearby small t o w n s . " Diaz and
Cortes had arrived at the marshy area (the "estuary," crossed by a stream
now called Riachuelo Pixoyal) at the western end of the long, narrow arm
of the lake that extends for about seven kilometers before opening onto
the main body of the lake at Punta Nijtun.
19
20
Cortes and his men walked through cultivated areas in the same direction, finding that people were fleeing with their canoes as they approached.
They stopped and spent the night in the fields near the hills, taking every
precaution possible, for the Kejach guide warned "that there were many of
these people and that they were well trained in warfare; all of those neigh-
**
The
Itza
World
boring provinces feared them." During the night, according to Diaz, four
groups of soldiers moved stealthily up the arm of the lake in search of more
guides. They captured two canoes loaded with maize and salt along with
their occupants ten Itza men and two women. They brought the prisoners and booty to Cortes, who learned through dona Marina that the
captured Itzas were from Nojpeten.
Cortes's account indicates, however, that one of these canoes was the
one captured earlier from the Itza spy, who, under cover of darkness that
night, piloted the remaining Spaniards to Cortes's encampment. His
Kejach guide offered to take this canoe to Nojpeten and deliver a message
from Cortes to the "lord," whose name he learned was "Canec" that is,
Ajaw Kan Ek', the proper title and name of the Itza dynastic ruler. The
guide, who must have been a trader, claimed to know Ajaw Kan Ek' well
and to have been in his house many times. Cortes entrusted the canoe to
the guide, promising to reward him if he were successful. The guide left,
returning at midnight with two "honored persons" of Nojpeten who said
that Ajaw Kan Ek' had sent them to hear Cortes's message for themselves
and to learn what he wanted.
21
22
23
AJAW KAN EK' MEETS CORTES
34
Cortes gave these messengers some small gifts, telling them to convey to
Ajaw Kan Ek' that the ruler should put aside any fear and visit Cortes
where he was, offering to send a Spaniard with them as a hostage. The
messengers then went back to Nojpeten with the Spaniard and the Kejach
guide. The next morning, at "the hour for mass," the ruler arrived with
about thirty Itza men and the relieved Spanish hostage in five or six canoes. Cortes took advantage of the hour, arranging the most spectacular
mass that he could manage, sung "with much solemnity" and accompanied by instruments. The ruler, he wrote, paid great attention to the
ceremony.
Following the mass, the Franciscan friars preached a sermon for Ajaw
Kan Ek' through dona Marina, "in a way that he could understand very
well, about matters of our faith, making him understand by many reasons
how there was only one God and the error of his own sect." Ajaw Kan Ek'
responded, according to Cortes, that he would "later" destroy his "idols"
and believe in God, but meanwhile he wished to know how he might
follow and honor this God. If Cortes would visit him in his town, he
would burn the idols in his presence and invite him to leave a cross there.
Cortes thereupon spoke in more detail about the absolute power of the
Spanish king, claiming that Ajaw Kan Ek' "and everyone in the world
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
were your [the king's] subjects," including many "in these parts" who had
already surrendered to His Majesty's "imperial yoke."
Ajaw Kan Ek' replied that he had never recognized a higher lord or
imagined who that might be. However, he recalled, in what must have
been a remarkable formal speech, that "five or six years ago those from
Tabasco, coming there from their land, had told him that a captain with
certain people of our nation had passed through there and that they [the
foreigners] had defeated them three times in battle, and that later they had
told them that they had to be vassals of a great lord, and all that which I
had now told him; that I should tell him if it was the same l o r d . "
Cortes, perhaps stunned by this revelation, responded
24
that I was the captain that those of Tabasco had told him had
passed through their land and with whom they had fought. So that
he would believe this to be true, he should be informed by that interpreter with whom he was speaking, who is Marina, whom I always have taken with me, because there they had given her to me
along with twenty women. She spoke to him and verified it, also
how I had taken Mexico, and she told him of all the lands that I
hold subject and placed under the dominion of Your Majesty. He
appeared to be very pleased in knowing it and said that he wished
to be Your Majesty's subject and vassal and that he would consider
himself fortunate to be [the subject and vassal] of such a great lord
as I had told him Your Highness i s .
25
The ruler's agreeable response, if this is what he said, was probably a

stalling action designed to please this dangerous enemy and convince him
to continue his journey as quickly as possible. Or, as some in Cortes's
party suspected, he may have been attempting with sweet words to lure
Cortes to Nojpeten so that the Itzas could murder him and his bodyguards, leaving the expedition leaderless and vulnerable to attack.
Once these posturing speeches had ended, Ajaw Kan Ek' ordered his
attendants to bring him birds, honey, "a little gold," and red spondylus
shell necklaces, which he presented to Cortes, who then reciprocated
with unspecified objects. Over a meal hosted by the Spaniards they discussed the purpose and route of Cortes's expedition. Ajaw Kan Ek' was
aware of the Spaniards on the seacoast, for he had received news about
them from "vassals" working in cacao orchards located near where they
were said to be and from merchants who traveled daily between Nojpeten
and the coast. He offered to provide a guide for Cortes but warned that the
road ahead was rough and mountainous, suggesting that Cortes instead
26
35
The Itza World

take a shorter route to the sea and then proceed in ships. By now the rest of
the huge party must have begun arriving at the western arm of the lake,
because Cortes responded that Ajaw Kan Ek' "had already seen that due
to the large number of people I had with me and due to the equipment and
horses, ships would not suffice and I was forced to go by land." Cortes
"entreated" him to allow him to move the expedition across the lake, to
which Ajaw Kan Ek' agreed, saying that three leagues farther along the
lake the road became drier and that the road leading south began at a
point opposite the main island.
Ajaw Kan Ek' then "entreated me much that now that my people had to
go to the other side [of the arm of the lake], I should go with him in the
canoes to see his town and his house, and that he wished me to see the
idols burned and that I make a cross for him." Cortes's officers objected
strongly to the proposal, but "in order to please him," Cortes agreed,
taking a bodyguard of twenty men, most of them crossbowmen. Although the Spaniards spent the rest of the day on Nojpeten, Cortes unfortunately left no description of what he saw and learned there. Diaz recalled only that the Itzas fed them and gave them some "low-grade gold of
little value." The Spaniards left Nojpeten near nightfall with the guide
provided by Ajaw Kan Ek', spending the night on the mainland just south
of Nojpeten. By now most of the rest of the weary expedition had crossed
the lake and reached the area where Cortes slept.
27
CORTES'S LAME HORSE
It was at this camping place that Cortes performed a simple act that would
grow into one of the most enduring legends about the first Itza-Spanish
encounter, a legend that deeply affected later colonial encounters between
Itzas and Spaniards and survives to this day among the Itzas and ladinos of
the region. Cortes wrote, "In this town, that is, in those cultivations, there
stayed behind a horse whose hoof had been pierced by a stick and who
could not walk. The lord promised to cure it. I do not know what he will
do." Diaz's version differed somewhat. After Cortes returned from his day
at Nojpeten, "he ordered us to leave in that town a reddish-black horse
that had taken sick as a result of the deer hunt [earlier in Kejach territory]
and whose body fat had been wasted and could not be kept."
According to some Spanish versions of the legend, this horse, the first
possessed by the Itzas, soon died and was elevated to the status of an
"idol" made of wood or of lime and stone in the animal's shape. One
version of this "idol" was finally destroyed by an impetuous Franciscan
friar in 1 6 1 8 , setting off a string of violent acts against Spaniards by the
28
*6
29
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
angered Itzas. According to Spaniards who occupied Nojpeten in 1697, a

leg bone of the horse occupied a position over an altar. Modern versions of
the legend make no mention of an "idol" or remains of the horse having
been installed at Nojpeten but instead recount that a stone statue of the
horse was made on the mainland and fell into the water when the canoe
carrying it capsized in a sudden wind. All versions, however, suggest that
the horse endured as a significant historical referent.
30
Six members of the expedition stayed behind at Nojpeten. A black man

and two natives, possibly Mexicas from Tenochtitlan-Mexico City, deserted the Spaniards. The other three were Spaniards, exhausted from
three days without rest, who "preferred to remain among enemies than to
come with us, given so much hardship." The fate of these six is unknown, but the Itzas would have found them to be invaluable sources of
information about the newcomers.
31
THE EXPEDITION DEPARTS
The expedition began to move the next day, without additional food supplies from the Itzas. As they began the journey, Diaz and probably many
others were suffering from fevers and heat exhaustion. Their precipitous
departure, according to Diaz, was caused by shortages of maize so severe
that they marched night and day for three days in constant heavy rain
before stopping. The rainy season had begun, and torrential downpours
plagued them for the rest of the trip. They had procured their last food
supplies from maize fields near the first Itza town, two days north of the
main lake; by now these were nearly exhausted. Although both chroniclers frequently mention "cultivations" around the lake, these were apparently of no use as food; they may have been cotton or food crops only
recently planted. Cortes presumably requested food supplies from Ajaw
Kan Ek', who likely refused in hope that the expedition would starve.
32
Cortes, who wrote in detail about the party's subsequent experiences,

reported that after traveling for two leagues they came upon a savannah
with many deer. They speared eight or ten of them from horseback, but
the horses were by now so fatigued that two died from the exertion, and
others became gravely ill. Eight "long" leagues further they reached the
first major town, Chekan, in the vicinity of present-day Santa Ana Vieja.
The "senor" of the town was named AjMojan.
37
Although AjMojan refused to visit the Spaniards, the expedition somehow obtained enough food at Chekan to sustain itself for six days of travel
through what the guides said would be uninhabited territory. After passing six leagues beyond Chekan the party found on a river a small settle33
The
Itza
World
merit also said to belong to AjMojan a place where traders stopped

off to sell goods, presumably intended for transshipment to Nojpeten.
Within another twenty leagues or so they passed two additional hamlets,
again said to belong to AjMojan. Cortes learned from his guides and the
chief leader of the second hamlet, who later escaped with his wife and a
son, that at this point the expedition would have to cross an unpopulated
stretch of steep hills the southern section of the Maya Mountains. On
the other side they would find a settlement belonging to Ajaw Kan Ek',
called Tenkis by Cortes.
34
By now it was clear that the entire region between Lago Peten Itza and
the far side of the Maya Mountains was controlled by the principal Itza
ruler, Ajaw Kan Ek', and the Itza territorial ruler AjMojan. Cortes and
Diaz reported no signs of political or territorial competition here, unlike
the case in the highly fortified Kejach region north of the Itzas. On the
other hand, the territory through which they traveled was only lightly
populated, a circumstance that made their search for food almost fruitless.
The journey across the eight-league pass of the southern Maya Mountains took twelve days in constant rain; sixty-eight horses died and many
others were injured. If there were human deaths from exposure and starvation, neither Cortes nor Diaz recorded them. Finally they reached the
Sarstoon River, where they had to construct a log ford to cross the swollen
waters upstream from Gracias a Dios Falls. They found Tenkis one league
beyond the river on the day before Easter, April 1 5 , 1 5 2 5 . Diaz led an
expedition not far up the Sarstoon to a much larger settlement with ample
food supplies. He called this place Tajltza (Taiga), indicating that it was
inhabited or controlled by the Itzas. Now in Choi-speaking territory
dominated by the Itzas, they eventually reached the shores of Lago de
Izabal, where they found one group of the Spaniards for whom they were
searching.
35
The Spaniards encountered Chols who were part of a province with

their own "ruler" for some distance south of the Sarstoon River, and other
Chols occupied the region all the way to Rio Dulce and Bahia de Amatique. He also found a number of Akalan traders in the vicinity who had
been attacked and robbed by the Spaniards who occupied Nito, where
they had their own residential ward; one of these Akalans was a brother of
PaxB'olon Acha, the ruler of Itzam K'anak.
The rest of Cortes's tale need not detain us. The indefatigable explorer
managed to found two new villas on the coast (Trujillo and La Natividad
de Nuestra Sefiora) and draw up civic codes to govern them. He returned
to Mexico City via Cuba in April 1 5 2 6 , and in September the remnants of
36
38
Itza-Spanish
1525-1690
Encounters,
the original expedition also appeared there only eighty Spanish soldiers
and probably not more than about two hundred of the approximately
three thousand Mexicas and other indigenous people who had been forced
to leave their homelands two years earlier.
37
Subsequent Sixteenth-Century Reports on the Itzas

For nearly a century following Cortes's entrada, little is heard about the
Itzas from Spanish sources. By the mid-sixteenth century, missionary and
military efforts from Guatemala and Yucatan began increasingly to affect
surrounding groups, but the Itzas were protected by distance, the density
of the lowland tropical forests, and a reputation for ferocity that became
legendary. The earliest conquest and pacification efforts indirectly affecting the Itzas focused primarily on the Caribbean coast and along the rivers
flowing from Peten through Belize. The first of these efforts took place
in 1 5 2 8 , when the adelantado Francisco de Montejo and his lieutenant,
Alonso Davila, set off by sea and land down the east coast of Yucatan in
search of a location for a permanent Spanish settlement in the area. They
reached the coastal town of Chetumal, whose inhabitants they confronted
in a battle supposedly led on the Maya side by Gonzalo Guerrero, the
shipwrecked mariner who had joined forces with the M a y a s . Plans to
establish a Spanish settlement in the Chetumal area were postponed until
1 5 3 1 , when Davila and his troops attempted to pacify the Waymil and
Chetumal provinces and to establish a villa at Chetumal itself. His attempts were ultimately unsuccessful, and after about a year he was forced
by Maya opposition to abandon his new town of Villa Real.
38
39
Eleven years later, in late 1 5 4 3 or early 1 5 4 4 , after the establishment of

the city of Merida and the northern villas of Campeche and Valladolid,
Melchor and Alonso Pacheco set out to conquer regions to the south.
Theirs was the most notoriously cruel and vicious conquest in the history
of Yucatan, far more ambitious in scope than once supposed. Near the
mouth of Rio Hondo they established the new villa of Salamanca de
Bacalar. The Pachecos reached all the way to southernmost Belize, and it
is likely that they conquered and "reduced" (that is, congregated into
missions) people in the area around Tipuj. Although probably always a 3 9
relatively small settlement, Tipuj was the center of the native province
known as Tz'ul Winikob', which incorporated the larger region drained
by the Belize and New Rivers.
40
The Pachecos established a small number of cacao-producing enco-
The Itza
World
miendas along the rivers of northern Belize, around Salamanca de Bacalar,

and on the Belize River as far inland as Tipuj. These encomiendas were
never easy to administer, and rebellions broke out in the region as early as
1 5 4 7 . In 1 5 6 7 and 1568 Salamanca de Bacalar was said to be virtually
under siege by hostile Mayas who carried away Maya men and women
living around the villa, and several pacification entradas were carried out
during those years by Lieutenant Governor Juan Garzon. One of these
entradas resulted in the reconquest of Tipuj, which was in the center of a
particularly rebellious, apostate territory.
41
The conquest of Tz'ul Winikob', Waymil, and Chetumal destroyed and

displaced centers of Maya leadership. It also dispersed the indigenous
population, initiating a pattern of flight to less controlled areas and to
neighboring regions controlled by unconquered Maya groups. The conquest enabled the establishment of encomiendas for the purpose of tribute
collection and the formation of missions (visitas) visited only occasionally
by priests from Bacalar. And the establishment of the colonial outpost at
Bacalar resulted in the occasional forced resettlement of hostile and runaway groups nearer the villa itself. The Mayas responded not only by
fleeing to more remote regions (and welcoming in their midst runaways
from northern Yucatan) but also by organizing periodic rebellions.
By the end of the sixteenth century the vast southeastern frontier was
administered from a villa, Bacalar, that was nothing more than a poor
outpost probably earning more in contraband coastal trading than in
rents from the Maya population. The Maya towns in Belize had no permanent Spanish residents, but they were a major attraction for native refugees fleeing the north. The townspeople engaged in a lively underground
trade in cacao, forest products, metal tools, and cotton cloth that bypassed Spanish controls but required contact with the Itzas and other
regional groups. There was also trade in pottery "idols" and a continuously active non-Christian ritual system that drew together the various
frontier Mayas and their brethren from the north.
Efforts to put a stop to such pagan activities in remote quarters were all
but ineffective throughout the sixteenth century. By the seventeenth century conditions on the encomiendas of northern Yucatan had worsened,
owing to the increasing burden of extortion by illegal repartimientos
(forced labor contracts for the production of goods), which sent even
more Mayas fleeing into the southern forests. These people joined not
only established encomienda towns such as Tipuj but also numerous independent frontier Maya polities under the control of charismatic priests
42
40
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
and other Maya leaders. Incessant Spanish incursions into these regions to
recapture runaways were only temporary plugs in the leaking dam, and
encomenderos grew alarmed by significant losses of population. Bureaucrats and military men saw only one solution: the ultimate destruction of
Nojpeten and the conquest of the Itzas, whom they viewed as the ideological inspiration and political-military instigators of the entire frontier crisis. So long as the Itzas remained free from Spanish control, the drain on
Yucatan's labor resources would continue unabated.
43
Between 1 5 7 3 and 1 5 8 0 several expeditions from Yucatan set off from

southeastern Tabasco for Itza territory itself, but none managed to reach
Nojpeten. The principal players in these entradas were Feliciano Bravo,
the chief government clerk of Yucatan, and Fray Pedro Lorenzo, a Dominican stationed at the Chontal-speaking mission town of Palenque, west
of Rio Usumacinta. Upon Lorenzo's urging, the governor of Yucatan,
Diego de Santillan, named Bravo to head a force accompanying Lorenzo
into the eastern interior forests in order to "reduce" pagan populations
that had been terrorizing the Tabasco frontier missions. These people
were said to live eight days from Palenque, "in the district of Tayga and
Tachis."
44
The 1 5 7 3 entrada by Bravo and Lorenzo began at Tenosique on Rio

Usumacinta and then traveled overland to "Rio de Tachis," identified
as Rio San Pedro Martir, which they followed upstream by canoe for
five days. At a "bay where the river widened out" they saw smoke from
a nearby settlement, but they failed to find any native inhabitants and
turned back to Tenosique. It appears that they had reached a point quite
close to Itza territory. It was said that certain pagan natives who lived on
an island in a lake "a short distance further in" regularly visited the river,
where they had a small temple of "idols." They had recently massacred
nearly twenty natives from Pochutla and Lakandon territory who had
entered their lands armed but apparently intending no aggression.
In 1 5 7 9 Governor Guillen de las Casas ordered a second expedition
into the same area, renewing Bravo's original commission to head the
entrada. Testimony taken a few months earlier from a Maya from Jokab'a,
one Pedro Uk, indicated that Uk had gone to Nojpeten when he was a boy.
Uk reported that the town had "a population of about two thousand
Indians who dwell in houses of the said place. Each Indian does not have
his own house, but many live together in each one of the said houses; and
they do not have any stronghold or fortress. . . . The said Indians were
agreed that they would receive them [the Spaniards] in peace if they wished
45
46
41
The
Itza
World
to have it, and if they saw and understood that they were not going to do
them harm; but if they perceived the contrary, and that they wished to
make war upon them, they had decided to wage it with them."
The second expedition, which Fray Pedro Lorenzo also accompanied,
left Tenosique in 1 5 80, following the same route as the earlier one. Far up
Rio San Pedro Martir they encountered blockades preventing further passage and signs of habitation and cultivation. Scouts who traveled onward
by foot reported seeing the Itzas' island from a hill about four leagues
away (one league equals about four kilometers), describing it as "a penol
[a rocky hill] in a lake at the foot of three sierras which surround i t . "
Their vantage point had to have been somewhere above the main port
at Ensenada de San Jeronimo, where the hills are almost precisely four
leagues from Nojpeten. This expedition, too, turned back to Tenosique
without contacting the Itzas, fearing attack if they were not better armed.
Bravo made plans for one last entrada in 1 5 8 2 , which he intended to
pursue through Kejach territory in southwestern Yucatan. Apparently he
never carried out his intentions.
47
48
In 1 5 9 1 the alcalde mayor of Tabasco, Nurio de Chavez Figueroa,

informed the Council of the Indies that a secular priest from the partido,
or district, of Usumacinta presumably Tenosique had recently made
contact with unconverted Indians "whose residence is called Tayza, which
is bounded by this province and those of Verapaz and Chiapa." Figueroa
claimed that he had subsequently captured eight hundred persons from a
location ten days away from Tenosique, but whether these were Itzas is
not clear. Royal cedulas issued the next year approved the peaceful reduction of the region, but the outcome was never reported.
Although none of these later sixteenth-century expeditions had any
military impact on the Itzas, such periodic activities along the edges of Itza
territory could not have gone unnoticed or been ignored by the inhabitants of central Peten. In the years immediately following, between 1604
and 1606, Franciscan missionaries carried out several reducciones among
fugitive Yucatec Mayas living in southwestern Yucatan (today southern
Campeche), and even in Kejach territory. One Franciscan established a
mission as far south as Tzuktok', and another established a particularly
remote mission at Sakalum, southwest of Bacalar. Royal decrees issued in
1599 and 1 6 0 1 , however, had banned military and religious entradas
farther into the native interior. None of the missions established during
this period lasted long, and the inhabitants of the Campeche missions
were ultimately moved to Sajkab'ch'en, south of the villa of Campeche,
where they served as laborers in logwood enterprises.
49
41
50
Itza-Spanish
1525-1690
Encounters,
Seventeeth-Century Itza-Spanish Relations

In 1 6 1 6 or 1 6 1 7 a remarkable event occurred on the eve of K'atun 3 Ajaw,
which was to begin in 1 6 1 8 . A Franciscan, Fray Juan de Orbita, who had
arrived in Yucatan in 1 6 1 5 , set out with a companion for Nojpeten with
the apparent intention of convincing the Itza ruler, Ajaw Kan Ek', that the
time was at hand to succumb to Spanish rule. His success was such that
the two priests took back to Merida some 1 5 0 Itzas from Nojpeten. These
people reportedly offered their submission to the Crown, and some of
them were appointed as native town council officials by the governor, who
gave alcaldes' staffs to the principals. One of these Itzas, probably the
leader of the group, was identified as Ajaw Puk, who by his title, Ajaw,
must have been one of the four principal territorial rulers of the Itzas.
This was clearly a high-ranking delegation on a diplomatic mission of
great importance.
51
52
The Itza delegation soon returned to Nojpeten, and Orbita initiated

plans to return there as well, in order to follow up on their promises. In
1 6 1 8 he set out from Merida on his second journey, with another companion, Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida, who served as the mission's commissary. This time they went through Tipuj, the last nominally Christian
Maya town on the way from Bacalar to Nojpeten. Tipuj's 340 souls were
by now predominantly Yucatec-speaking Mayas, largely immigrants seeking relief from encomienda conditions in northern Yucatan. An important town leader named Francisco Kumux, who claimed to be a descendant of the lord of Cozumel, offered to go to Nojpeten with a delegation of
Tipujans in order to carry a letter to Ajaw Kan Ek' from Fuensalida, in
which Fuensalida announced his desire to visit the Itza capital. Kumux
returned with two Itza "captains" and more than twenty other Itza soldiers carrying lances and bows and arrows. One of the captains was none
other than Ajaw Puk, who had visited Merida with Orbita a year or two
earlier; the other was one AjChata P'ol.
53
54
The Itza visitors explained that they were heavily armed against attack
by the people called Chinamitas, with whom they were at war. After some
delays, the Itzas accompanied Fuensalida and Orbita all the way to a port
town known as Chaltunja at the eastern end of Lago Peten Itza. One of
the Tipujans, don Diego K'etzal, agreed to go to Nojpeten by canoe in
order to announce their arrival. After eight anxious days he returned with
the same two Itza "captains" Ajaw Puk and AjChata P'ol who had
visited the priests at Tipuj. They brought with them four large canoes to
ferry the entire party to Nojpeten.
55
4*
The Itza
World
Shortly after arriving at the Itza capital, Fuensalida delivered an impassioned sermon to Ajaw Kan Ek' and other Itza "principales" on the power
of the gospel, to which they responded to the effect "that it was not time to
be Christians (they had their own beliefs as to what should be) and that
they should go back where they had come from; they could come back
another time, but right then they did not want to be Christians." At this
point, according to the account, the priests were taken on a tour of the
island town, during which Orbita became enraged upon seeing in a temple
a statue representing the horse left by Cortes. Orbita climbed onto the
statue which Fuensalida said they called Tzimin Chak ("Horse of Thunder") and broke it to pieces with a stone.
56
57
This action, understandably, enraged some of the Itza hosts, who cried
out with threats to kill the priests. Fuensalida claimed to have calmed
them with another sermon, and the next day Ajaw Kan Ek' treated them
courteously even while they continued to argue that the Itzas should accept Christianity. They reminded him of the supposed promise made to
Cortes by a former Ajaw Kan Ek', who Fuensalida said was the present
ruler's father, that he would honor the Spanish king and become a Christian. Ajaw Kan Ek' repeated that "the time had not arrived in which
their ancient priests had prophesied that they would have to give up the
worship of their gods, for the age in which they were at the present time
was that which they call oxahau (which means third age) and the one that
had been indicated to them was not approaching so soon." The reference
to "the present time" was, of course, to K'atun 3 Ajaw; the future k'atun
may have been K'atun 8 Ajaw, which would not begin until 1697.
The remaining several days of the priests' visit were uneventful, and
when they left, certain Itzas presented them with gifts of elaborate, multicolored cloth, "statues of idols," and "many stones." Their departure
across the lake, however, was marred by threats from armed and blackened warriors in canoes who warned them never to return.
Undaunted by these warnings or by the subsequent discovery of widespread "idolatry" at Tipuj, Fuensalida and Orbita returned to Nojpeten in
1 6 1 9 and found Ajaw Kan Ek' receptive to new overtures. He even agreed
to accept a remarkable set of terms offered by Governor Antonio de
Figueroa in which the Itza ruler would retain his governing powers, but
over a council that would be like the native town councils [republicas de
indios) of Yucatan. His descendants could inherit the cacicazgo, as the
agreement called the rule that he would exercise, and one of them would
serve as his lieutenant. The Itzas would pay no tribute for a period of ten
years, after which the amount would be moderate. Ajaw Kan Ek' even
58
59
44
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
ordered that a cross be set up next to his house, agreed to order the
abandonment of "idolatry" in favor of Christian practices, and named
officials to assist the priests with religious matters.
In short order, however, factions opposed to Ajaw Kan Ek' spoke out
against such activities. Fuensalida blamed the ruler's wife for listening to
certain "wicked priests" who wanted the friars expelled from the island
and for then convincing her husband to agree to their demands. If he did
not do so, his enemies presumably relatives of his wife would force
him "to flee with his family, going with one of his captains named Nakom
P'ol, because they did not wish to be Christians." (Nakom P'ol was the
same person earlier called AjChata P'ol, who had visited the priests at
Tipuj.) The ruler did not oppose their demands, and armed Itzas used
harsh force in making the priests leave. After returning to Tipuj they
decided that their efforts had been in vain and returned to Yucatan.
As early as Orbita's first visit to Nojpeten in 1 6 1 6 or 1 6 1 7 Ajaw Kan
Ek' himself had apparently agreed to spearhead a Christianization movement and to accept nominal Spanish rule with himself as cacique of a
bitterly divided Itza kingdom. On the second Franciscan visit in 1 6 1 8 he
seemed to have reconsidered the matter, now claiming that the k'atun
prophecies did not favor such a radical shift in Itza history. Why he
changed his mind yet again in 1 6 1 9 , agreeing to a detailed set of agreements with the colonial government, cannot be ascertained. Whatever his
reasons may have been, the friars soon learned that Ajaw Kan Ek' did not
speak for all ruling officials, among whom opposition to colonial treaties
and Christian priests was violent and insistent.
Parallels between this situation and that described in later chapters
that is, the political factionalism that characterized Itza society just before
the 1697 conquestare strong. During the later period the factionalism
was over intrafamilial succession to the Itza rulership that turned brother
against brother in a struggle against the ruler's acceding to Spanish demands. Although we cannot confirm that such struggles characterized the
early years of K'atun 3 Ajaw as they did the eve of K'atun 8 Ajaw, these
remarkable historical parallels suggest that they did.
60
61
THE 1624
MASSACRE AT SAKALUM
At the end of January 1 6 2 4 , only five years after Orbita and Fuensalida's 4 5
second unsuccessful mission to Nojpeten, rebel Mayas at the frontier
town of Sakalum, a short distance west of Bacalar, murdered ten or eleven
Spaniards and an unrecorded number of accompanying Mayas under the
command of Captain Francisco de Mirones y Lezcano. Mirones's party
The
Itza
World
was part of a beleaguered group of soldiers and fellow travelers on an

overambitious mission to conquer Nojpeten and pacify the entire region
between there and the towns of the partido of Sierra a region peppered
with localized charismatic religious movements under Maya leaders.
These events began in 1 6 2 1 when Fray Diego Delgado entered the
forest as far south as Jop'elch'en, on the road to an infamous region of
rebels and runaways known as La Pimienta, west of Salamanca de Bacalar. At Jop'elch'en he created a full reduction town, returning to Merida
by early 1 6 2 2 . By March 19 he was named to accompany a military
entrada with aims to conquer the Itzas. It was to be led by the same
Mirones y Lezcano who for several years had been a military officer defending the northern coast of Yucatan, where he also held the notorious
title of juez de gratia, or overseer of cochineal production. Governor Diego de Cardenas had approached Mirones in 1 6 2 1 with a plan for the
armed conquest of the Itzas, apparently from a base at Jop'elch'en, or
possibly from one at Sakalum, a mission in the Pimienta region. Mirones
agreed to the plan, which was promptly submitted to the Council of the
Indies.
62
Mirones wrote that he had learned of the existence of non-Christian

native provinces to which fugitive Mayas and "wrongdoers" from the
settled provinces had fled. The inhabitants of these remote provinces,
he understood, included not only the Itza "barbarians" but also various
"baptized runaways" from Yucatan and their descendants. These peoples
collectively exerted a negative influence on the "natives of these provinces," owing to their proximity to them. He noted the recent visits by
Fuensalida and Orbita to Nojpeten, claiming that their successes included
saying mass, preaching, destroying and burning idols, and convincing
various Itzas to convert to Christianity (this last claim was not made by
Fuensalida himself). Once such conversion was sworn to, Mirones argued, the Itzas became rebels against the Crown, which then had the right
to conquer or pacify them by any means necessary.
46
Mirones's venture, which also promised to open a road through Itza territory all the way to Guatemala, began in March 1 6 2 2 with twenty Spanish soldiers and eighty Mayas recruited from the Sierra towns. More
Mayas were recruited by his agents, but desertions left him with only a
handful by the time he reached his destination. He took sworn testimonies
all along the way, especially at Jop'elch'en, seeking to learn what he could
expect to find at a place called IxPimienta, where he apparently intended to
establish a base from which he would prepare for the final attack on Noj-
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
peten. From this testimony he learned that Jop'elch'en had been founded
by fugitives some sixty years earlier. Fugitives continued to arrive there,
primarily in small family groups from the region around Jekelchak'an,
north of Campeche. Contact between IxPimienta and towns in northern
Yucatan was active, mediated by trade in wax and copal from the inner
forests in exchange for knives, machetes, and salt. Marriages between the
frontier and encomienda towns such as Jekelchak'an were frequent.
Mirones and Delgado entered IxPimienta with a small number of
troops on Friday, May 6, and were "received surrounded by Indian men
and women carrying palms in their hands and [having placed] a cross at
the entrance of the town, before which we all knelt and gave thanks."
Baptisms of children began immediately, and the church and the priest's
house were completed in three days. Over the next several weeks the
Spaniards forced inhabitants of neighboring settlements to move to IxPimienta. This town was an important center of Maya religious activity,
administered by four priests designated as AjK'in ("priest") or B'ob'at
("prophet"). These men wore Spanish-style priestly vestments and were
apparently in control of the receipt and distribution of trade goods. Emissaries from the town wore long hair and traveled all the way to Jekelchak'an, near Campeche, to visit their wives there.
Sometime over the next months Mirones decided to move headquarters
to a place called Sakalum, a short distance farther along the proposed
road to Nojpeten. While awaiting the arrival of military reinforcements at
Sakalum for the rest of the year, he carried out illegal forced trade with
local inhabitants, behavior that was challenged by Fray Delgado. Later
that year Delgado left for Tipuj, taking his Yucatec Maya assistants with
him. Learning of this, Mirones sent twelve soldiers to accompany him to
Tipuj, where Delgado sent a message to the Itzas via don Cristobal Na, the
cacique of Tipuj, who had accompanied Fuensalida and Orbita to Nojpeten in 1 6 1 8 . The Itzas granted Delgado permission to visit them with
the twelve soldiers, and Na recruited eighty Tipujans to accompany the
party.
The Itzas fell on their Spanish and Maya visitors as soon as they arrived
at Nojpeten. First they killed all of the party except Delgado, reportedly
offering the victims' hearts to their "idols" and nailing their heads to
stakes on a hill in view of the town. The unidentified source for the account of these events claimed that they then told Delgado that he was
being killed in retribution for Fuensalida's having taken Itza "idols" back
to Merida with him on his first visit. Delgado's heart was removed and
47
The
Itza
World
offered to the idols, even as he continued preaching to them. They cut his
body into pieces and put his head on a stake with the others. Don Cristobal N a of Tipuj was among those killed.
Mirones had meanwhile sent a party of two Spaniards, his servant, Bernardino Ek', and other Mayas to check on Delgado and his party. These
men learned of the massacre but went on to Nojpeten anyway, where they
were manacled and locked in a palisaded corral or stockade. Ek' alone
managed to escape, returning to Tipuj and then to Bacalar, where he told
his story. The others were presumably killed. Alarmed by the news, Governor Cardenas ordered that Ek' be sent to warn Mirones and that Captain
Juan Bernardo Casanova march quickly to Sakalum with reinforcements
from Mani in the Sierra district. Ek' arrived at Sakalum before Casanova,
but Mirones did not believe him and had him tortured.
On about January 2 7 , 1 6 2 4 , before Casanova's reinforcements arrived,
a group of Mayas attacked the Spaniards while they were defenseless in
church and proceeded to kill all of the Mayas who were loyal to them. The
leader of the massacre was said to be one AjK'in P'ol. Testimony describing what Casanova's party discovered shortly after the massacre paints a
grisly picture, but it appears to be genuine. Ten or eleven Spaniards, including Mirones, had been hanged and beheaded, and their bodies were
burned. Mirones's chest had been opened and his heart removed. An
unspecified number of Maya men and women had also been murdered but
not beheaded. They found signs of ritual sacrifice, and the entire town was
destroyed by fire. A letter in Maya, which has been preserved in Spanish
translation, was found intact; it may be interpreted as a communication
between leaders of the insurrection.
48
Rumors subsequently abounded that the perpetrators of the Sakalum

massacre, together with inhabitants of the towns of the Sierra district,
were plotting another attack against Spaniards on Holy Thursday. Over
the next two months Casanova and another captain, Antonio Mendez de
Canzo, stationed Spanish troops in Oxk'utzkab', Mani, and Tek'ax. Rewards were offered for anyone who could capture AjK'in P'ol, who was
reputed to have been the principal leader behind the massacre and to have
had a wide following throughout the Sierra towns.
Mendez de Canzo commissioned the Maya governor of Oxk'utzkab',
don Fernando Kamal, and 1 5 0 Maya archers to track down AjK'in P'ol
and his followers in the forests. Kamal's troops found P'ol and his followers with chalices and other silver from the Sakalum church as well as a
silver-plated dagger and some clothing belonging to Mirones. The prisoners were dragged back to Mendez, who claimed to have tried them.
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
They testified to the events of the massacre, presumably under torture, but
their account has survived only in summary form. They were then hanged,
dragged through the streets, and drawn and quartered. Their heads were
cut off and displayed in the plazas of the towns of the Sierra district.
Could AjK'in P'ol have been the Itza territorial ruler, priest, and military
leader known as AjChata P'ol and Nakom P'ol, who had treated Fuensalida and Orbita with such courtesy in 1 6 1 8 and 1 6 1 9 ? Without the records
of his trial, we cannot be certain. But because the Itzas had massacred two
Spanish-Maya parties from Sakalum and Tipuj only a short time before the
Sakalum massacre, it is plausible to suggest that the Itza political leadership had put up a massive armed effort to stop Mirones's entrada. This
effort, if Spanish accounts are to be believed, included stirring up antiSpanish sentiment not only in the Pimienta region but also in the encomienda towns of Sierra. Reports of underground Maya trade routes and
the free movement of encomienda Mayas back and forth between the
southern frontier and the northern towns suggest that Itza and Itza-allied
spies could have easily penetrated regions under Spanish control. Such use
of underground intelligence was reportedly the method by which Itzas
effected a widespread rebellion in the Tz'ul Winikob' region only a few
years after the Sakalum massacre, a subject to be taken up shortly.
ITZA-MOPAN ATTACKS ON MANCHE CHOL MISSIONS,
1631-32
Chols from "the province of the Manche" had first visited Dominican
missionaries at Coban in Verapaz as early as 1 5 6 4 , but not until 1604 did
Fray Juan de Esguerra and Fray Salvador Cipriano manage to establish a
mission at the town of Manche, not far from the town of Mopan on the
southeastern fringes of Itza territory. These missionaries had "reduced,"
or consolidated, six thousand people into nine new towns by 1606. By
1628 another Dominican, Fray Francisco Moran, had penetrated Mopan
territory. According to him, the Itzas opposed these Dominican intrusions
because Moran was working so close to their own territory. In response
they began to harass the Chols, who proceeded to run away from the
missions.
In early 1 6 3 1 the recently appointed alcalde mayor of Verapaz, Captain
Martin Alfonso Tovilla, sought permission from the president of the Au- 4 9
diencia of Guatemala to send settlers from Santiago de Guatemala to establish a town in Manche Choi territory. Its purpose was to stabilize the
threatened "reduction" towns. On Easter Sunday in April the new settlers
arrived at the Choi town called Yol, accompanied by Spanish troops, a
63
64
65
The
Itza
World
battalion of native auxiliaries, and missionaries, including Moran. Finding that the inhabitants had fled, the troops burned the houses and destroyed the milpas but only after rescuing as much maize as the native
auxiliaries could carry. From Yol they moved on to Manche, where To villa
formally established the new town on May 1 3 , naming it Toro de Acuiia in
honor of the governor of his birthplace in Spain.
To villa extracted confessions under torture from some Yol prisoners,
who admitted knowing where the runaways had gone to hide. Tovilla sent
two of the prisoners to take the fugitives a message of amnesty, and on
May 1 7 the Spaniards celebrated a fiesta and mass in honor of the town's
new patroness, the Holy Virgin Mary of Cortes (a miraculous image in
Alcaraz de la Mancha in Spain). That night, according to Tovilla, "we
were surrounded by a thousand Indians from Ahiga [Ajltza]." They were
thwarted from attacking thanks to the divine intervention of the Virgin of
Cortes and Tovilla's prior decision to set off a false alarm so that his sleepy
guards would remain alert.
On the next day an "Indian," presumably Choi, arrived in town carrying bows, arrows, and other objects that he claimed had been dropped by
the Itzas the night before. Placing the women, children, and older people
under guard in the church, Tovilla set off with soldiers and native archers
in search of signs of the would-be attackers. Only a short distance from
the town they found bows, arrows, and quivers. Further into the forest
they discovered the Itzas' deserted encampment, where they found "mats
made of the bark of trees that they carried in order to cover themselves,
bows, arrows, maize, toasted maize meal [pinol], tortillas, tamales, cords
for tying up the Indians, squashes de piciete, deerskins, wood ear plugs
they had left everything." They also discovered "an altar placed under
an arbor and the clothing of their priest and three large idols, one the head
of a pig [peccary?], the other of an alligator, and another a bear [anteater?]
covered with copal, and many incense burners which they were using to
cense them. And there were many other little idols made of wood. In
addition there were left behind two lances topped with some knives and
with many feathers of different colors in place of tassels, and a strong and
well-made shield for [protection against] arrows." They followed the
Itzas' path all day before spying their encampment, which Tovilla estimated to hold eight hundred persons. Fearing attack, he ordered a retreat
back to Manche without confronting the enemy.
66
67
50
The local Chols claimed that some of them had run away earlier out of
fear of the Itzas, who attacked them frequently most recently in 1 6 3 0 ,
when the attackers kidnapped more than one hundred of them. Another
68
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
source claims that in that year the Itzas captured more than three hundred
Chols, raping the women, killing the leaders, and cannibalizing the body
of the principal Choi cacique, don Martin Kuk. Itzas also killed the missionary Fray Jacinto de San Ildefonso. The result, according to this source,
was a general uprising throughout Manche Choi territory the precipitating factor behind To villa's effort to repacify Choi territory in 1 6 3 1 .
6 9
Tovilla likened the thwarted attack on Manche to what had happened

to Mirones at Sakalum seven years earlier. His knowledge of the Sakalum massacre suggests that he already feared Itza attacks in Choi territory
and that he assumed that the potential attackers were Itzas in the absence
of confirming evidence. Part of a later description he wrote of Manche
Choi ritual paraphernalia is almost identical to that just quoted describing the abandoned "Itza" objects. This similarity led France V. Scholes
and Eleanor Adams to suspect that Tovilla's descriptions were manufactured. Although they may have been in part fabricated, it seems likely
that the main events actually occurred.
70
71
Rumors of possible Itza attacks continued to circulate in Guatemala.

Most of the settlers soon abandoned Toro de Acufia. Recent captives of
the Itzas reported that the Itzas were planning an attack on the Manche
Choi town. Later reports indicated that they had also attacked other Choi
towns, with the assistance of "apostates" from M o p a n . In October Tovilla announced that he planned to enlist a large number of native archers
and carriers in order to conquer the Itzas, but the project was suspended
pending royal approval and was never revived.
Toward the end of 1 6 3 1 the missionary Moran led twelve Spaniards
to the now apostate town of Mopan, where they found only the cacique
and some women. The Spaniards killed the cacique and captured forty
women, whom they took to Toro de Acufia. Three nights later the Spanish
kidnappers were attacked there by Mopans, who freed twenty of the
women. The Spaniards' native auxiliaries fled in fear, as did the inhabitants of several nearby Choi towns. Moran and the remaining settlers
abandoned Toro de Acufia in fear of further attacks.
In 1 6 3 2 , then president Diego de Acufia sent Tovilla back to Choi
territory with a squadron of twenty soldiers in order to assist Moran
in renewed efforts to entice the Chols back to the mission. According
to Ximenez, Moran succeeded in bringing back, apparently to Toro de
Acufia, not only those who had fled the Mopan attacks the previous year
but also a number of others. At some point in 163 2, however, "the enemy"
(by implication the Itzas) recruited more than one thousand natives, presumably Mopans, who attacked the town, killing two Spaniards and a
72
73
74
51
The
Itza
World
number of Chols and carrying off other Chols as prisoners. N o w emboldened, these "godless gentiles" organized yet another attack on the town at
dawn during Lent in 1 6 3 3 . The number of attackers, reported as more
than three thousand, may have been exaggerated. In any case, Moran and
his troops managed to escape with their lives, abandoning their weapons
and hiding in trees. Although details are sketchy, we are told that the Itzas
and their allies set fire to the town, carrying off what was in the church and
the convent and as many Chols as they could capture. When Fray Gabriel de Salazar returned to the area in 1 6 3 7 he found no sign whatsoever
of any surviving Chols; they had evaporated into the forests.
75
76
The events surrounding the Toro de Acufia affair are consistent with
previous accounts of Itza military behavior along their far-flung frontiers.
As early as 1 5 2,5 Itzas had attacked Kejach towns to their north, apparently
in order to prevent the Kejaches from supporting Cortes's expedition. The
1624 Sakalum massacre was apparently an Itza-sponsored effort to eliminate reduction activities on the northeastern frontier of Itza influence. In
the case of the 1 6 3 1 - 3 3 events in Manche Choi territory, Itzas forced
Spanish withdrawal from reduction communities by terrorizing the local
indigenous populations and, in the end, using Mopan auxiliaries to assist
them. As we shall see in later chapters, the Itzas at the end of the century
would use similar techniques, attacking and kidnapping residents of mission reduction towns along the camino real, in their defense of Nojpeten.
ITZA-SUPPORTED
REBELLION IN TZ'UL
WINIKOB',
1630-41
Signs of disturbance in Tz'ul Winikob' appeared in 1 6 3 0 , when the Mayas
of two Belize towns deserted their homes and fled to the forest with the
bells and ornaments of their churches. In mid-1638 there were reports of
mass desertions from the interior towns, particularly at Tipuj. By September the inhabitants of several coastal villages had also fled to the forests,
claiming that the Tipujans had sent prophetic messages to them: "[T]hey
were to give obedience to their king and wished them to abandon their
town, saying that if they did not do so all would die and be finished,
because at such a time the Itzas would come to kill them and there would
be great mortalities and hurricanes that would flood the l a n d . "
77
A few runaways were captured and resettled around Bacalar, but most
of them were eventually resettled around Tipuj. One contemporaneous
writer claimed that they had been "encouraged and deceived by those
barbarous infidels of the Tah Itzas, becoming one with them, as a result of
which Bacalar will become more deserted and short of people." Writing
78
Itza-Spanish
1525-1690
Encounters,
later of these events, Lopez de Cogolludo claimed that the rebels had
"completely refused to obey God and the king, horribly rejecting our holy
faith. . . . They desecrated the images and burned the temples consecrated
to the Divine Majesty and then their towns, and then they fled to the
forests." A recent confirmation of this claim was the archaeological
discovery of a non-Christian offering within the walls of the nave of the
church at Tipuj. The offering was stylistically similar to one of the offerings discovered in a Maya ceremonial complex only a stone's throw from
this church.
79
80
In 1 6 4 1 Fuensalida was sent to Bacalar, accompanied by three other

Franciscans, to attempt to reconvert the rebels. The centerpiece of their
effort was a futile attempt by Fuensalida and two of his companions to
recontact Tipuj, to which they sent messengers ahead with a letter. Along
the way, the religious found towns burned and deserted from Lamanay to
the Belize River. They sent messengers ahead with a letter to be delivered
at Tipuj, which they hoped to visit. As they neared the Belize River they
saw "some busts like statues of men dressed like Spaniards at points on the
road. Those [messengers] who had carried the letter had removed some
idols that were next to the statues and had tossed them into the forest
undergrowth. . . . The Indians who accompanied the religious said that
from this they understood that the rebels had closed the road so that
Spaniards would not pass and that their idols guarded the way and would
stop and enchant those Spaniards who wished to pass there." The rebels
whom they saw were armed and had painted their bodies, and their hair
was long in the style of non-Christian Indians.
In a town on the Belize River the friars witnessed what they considered
idolatry and were humiliated by the destruction of their own saints' images and crucifix. At this town, far downstream from Tipuj, the friars were
tied up, subjected to humiliating insults, and blamed for Orbita's destruction of the "idol" representing Cortes's horse. "They said, 'Let the governor come, let the king come, let the Spaniards come we are here to fight
them. Now go and let it be said. . . . ' Others threatened to kill him
[Fuensalida] because among the Itzas he and Father Orbita had broken
the idol Tzimin C h a c . . . thereby, they said, killing their god upon which
it was understood that Itza Indians were mixed in among them."
Earlier indications of Itza inspirations for this movement were thus 53
fully confirmed. Although willingly awaiting martyrdom, the religious
and their Maya companions from Bacalar were not harmed but were sent
running for their lives back to Bacalar, their ignominious departure accompanied by screams, whistles, and obscene gestures.
81
82
83
84
85
The Itza
World
Seventeenth-Century Itza Colonial Expansion

The foregoing events indicate that following the Franciscan friars' expulsion from Nojpeten in 1 6 1 9 the Itzas pursued territorial expansion toward the northeast, east, and south of Lago Peten Itza the directions of
principal Spanish threats to their territory. Their aim was to protect themselves by securing boundaries inhabited by indigenous groups who were
already colonized by Spaniards or who were vulnerable to reduction. The
following evidence, some of it circumstantial, provides further details of
the methods by which the Itzas incorporated new territories along their
expanding frontiers.
ITZA ROYAL FAMILIES AT TIPUJ
So far as we know, following Fuensalida's harrowing experiences in 1 6 4 1

no Spaniards visited the former mission towns on the Belize River again
until 1 6 5 5 . In that year the alcalde of Bacalar, Francisco Perez, visited the
village of Chunuk'um, where he compiled a matricula (census) of people
from Tipuj. Perez had failed to reach Tipuj, claiming that passage beyond
Chunuk'um, which was far downstream, was impossible. His failure to
progress further was obviously due to fear of attack, for the Tipujans who
visited him at Chunuk'um quickly answered his call for them to appear
and presumably returned home without difficulty.
Of the 4 1 1 persons counted by Perez, all but 30 bore Christian baptismal names. Three hundred fourteen were indicated to be residents of
Tipuj, while the remaining 97 were identified by the names of nine other
towns. These other towns had been widely distributed across Tz'ul Winikob' prior to the 1 6 3 7 rebellion, and their inhabitants had obviously
moved to Tipuj or been taken there forcibly by rebel leaders as part of
a strategy to isolate the Mayas of Belize from Spanish control. These 4 1 1
people, who included 103 children, bore Yucatec patronyms identifying
them as descendants of Mayas who had migrated from Yucatan to Tz'ul
Winikob' over the past century. Even though priests had not visited Tipuj
for many years, these people considered themselves sufficiently "Christian" to give their children Christian names.
The thirty non-Christians, all said to be from Tipuj, were identified as
"indios del monte," or "forest Indians." Their compound names indicate
that they were Itzas, some of whom had intermarried with long-term
Tipuj residents who bore Yucatec names (see Table 3.2). Furthermore, we
can identify several of them as members of the royal Itza Kan lineage. One
of the couples represented a marriage between an AjKan Chi and an IxEk'
86
54
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
Mas, each representing a royal name, Kan and Ek', whose combination in
certain types of marriages (but not this one) produced the dynasty of Itza
kings known by the double name Kan Ek'.
I had previously thought that these indios del monte, almost all of
whom were women, had been "rounded up" by Christian Tipujans and
were "an 'unconquered' population whose settlements had been raided by
Tipuj ans for their women in response to a general surplus of males." I
now believe that they were elite Itza residents of Tipuj. Rather than having
been taken to Chunuk'um by the "Christian" Tipujans, these Itzas were
representatives of Nojpeten who had themselves taken the Itza-colonized
population from Tipuj to Chunuk'um, allowing them to be counted there
by the Spaniards. By doing so, they kept Perez at bay, preventing him from
nearing Tipuj while satisfying his desire to demonstrate to his superiors
that Tipuj still bore some resemblance to a mission.
As an epilogue to this phase of Tipuj's history, I should note that Tipujans and Spaniards reestablished contact in 1 6 7 8 , when Governor Antonio de Layseca Alvarado sent Sergeant Major Antonio de Porras on an
entrada through the Bacalar region toward Tipuj. Nine leaders of the
town visited Porras at Chaklol, a center of fugitive Mayas some ninety
leagues beyond Jop'elch'en, offering their "obedience" and requesting
missionaries. The outcome of this renewed contact, according to one
source, was a new voluntary reduction of Tipuj and the baptism of six
hundred persons there. Robert Patch, however, has studied documents
indicating that the entrada to Tipuj was a violent one in which more
Mayas "were killed than were captured. Tipu was forced to sue for peace,
and the expedition then withdrew."
87
88
89
90
ITZA WARS TO THE EAST AND WEST
Although less well known, other accounts of Itza wars on their eastern
and western frontiers have survived. They reinforce the conclusion that
the Itzas used their military might to control neighboring native territories
and thereby maintain buffers against potential Spanish attack. Two cases,
one in the vicinity of Yalain on the Itzas' east and the other at Kanitzam on
their west, demonstrate this continuing pattern of defensive militarism.
Yalain, the principal Itza town near the eastern end of Lago Peten Itza,
was said to be the center of a region that produced foodstuffs for the 55
inhabitants of Nojpeten. AjChan, the sister's son of Ajaw Kan Ek' who
in 1695 would serve as his uncle's emissary to Merida, stated in 1698 that
the people of Yalain were originally from Nojpeten "and that his parents
had moved to the said settlement, where they have remained until now, in
91
The Itza
World
order to make milpa. It is a single and unique population that his father
had subdued, and upon his death he [AjChan] succeeded h i m . " (Actually, AjChan's father, from whom he inherited his position as a local ruler,
was originally from Tipuj, not Nojpeten; the elder Chan must have moved
to NojPeten upon his marriage to the sister of Ajaw Kan E k ' . ) After the
father's conquest of Yalain, the Chan family probably divided its time
between Yalain and Nojpeten. Aj Chan's extremely close relations with
Tipuj in 169 5 indicate that his father probably had administrative authority of some sort far beyond the limits of Yalain on Laguneta Macanche.
This authority, I suggest, had been legitimated by one or more wars, beginning in the 1630s, that resulted in the incorporation of the entire region
from Yalain to Tipuj into the larger Itza political sphere.
92
93
In 1697 AjChan was only about thirty, and his father had apparently
died only recently from a snakebite. If the son had been born in Yalain,
as he implies, then his father must have conquered that town sometime
before 1667 but certainly not as early as the Itza-sponsored Tz'ul Winikob' rebellion of the 1630s. The elder AjChan may have been the son of
Itza elites residing at Tipuj, perhaps of individuals involved in the Tz'ul
Winikob' rebellion.
AjChan did not identify the people whom his father had "subdued" at
Yalain. They could have been renegade Itzas opposed to the royal family,
or they could have been Kowojs or Mopans. Of these three possibilities,
Kowojs would have been the most plausible objects of an Itza attack this
close to the main lake. Hostilities between Kowojs and the allies of the Itza
ruler were intense at this time and were probably rooted in much older
enmities. AjChan later married the daughter of the principal Kowoj leader
in what turned out to be only a brief symbol of Kowoj submission to Itza
control over this territory. Kowojs attacked Itzas around Yalain on the eve
of the 1697 conquest in what I believe was an effort on their part to regain
territory lost in the earlier conflict.
94
95
56
It seems probable, if admittedly speculative, that the earlier Itza war

over Yalain was fought in order to expel the Kowoj leadership from the
area centered politically at Laguneta Macanche, a region perhaps encompassing most of the territory between the eastern end of the main lake and
Lagunas Yaxha and Sacnab. The result would have been the migration of
large numbers of Kowoj followers from this region to the northern shore
of Lago Peten Itza, where most were residing in 1697. If this scenario is
correct, the goal of such hostility on the part of the Itzas would have been
to secure this important corridor to Tipuj and the Belize River from enemies who might have collaborated with Spaniards hoping to recapture
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
Tipuj and attack Nojpeten itself. The little-known Itza wars with Mopans
during the period preceding the 1697 conquest, discussed in the previous
chapter, must have been part of an even larger effort to reconsolidate Itza
control over the Belize River valley itself.
Itza militarism on the kingdom's western frontier is less well documented than elsewhere, but one reported late incident deserves attention.
It was the Crown chronicler Villagutierre, whose writings echoed Ursua's
claims that the bloodthirsty Itzas had to be conquered at any cost, who
first published this account as one justification for the 1697 conquest.
According to Villagutierre, as Alonso Garcia de Paredes, Ursula's captain
general, was preparing to set out in 1695 on his first entrada into Kejach
territory, reports arrived in Yucatan that "a large number of pagan Indians
of the Itza nation, and Petenes" had earlier descended Rio Usumacinta to
Tabasco in a "large fleet of canoes," attacking and robbing towns. Villagutierre wrote that during a battle near the village of Kan Itzam, local
defenders killed the leader of the Itza forces and some of the other attackers and put the rest to flight.
Such "barbarian" atrocities, Villagutierre argued, served as a major
stimulus to President Barrios of Guatemala to begin an entrada into Choi
Lakandon territory. In fact, reports of the rumored Itza attack did not
surface until after the occupation of Nojpeten in March 1697; only after
that date were they utilized to defend Ursua's actions at Lago Peten Itza.
A largely Yucatec- or Itza-speaking town with a few Chontal speakers,
Kanitzam had been founded by Franciscan missionaries in 1 6 7 1 , apparently as part of an unreported reduction in the Tenosique area. Ursua,
probably the source for Villagutierre's description of the Itza attack, had
written in 1698 simply that "four years ago [1694] a son-in-law of Canek
went downstream to the Tabasco towns in canoes with a number of Itzas;
they killed him in the district of the town of Anitzam, and that partido was
terrorized."
Later sources, probably fueled by legends reinforced in intensity during
the intervening years, had turned the purported Itza attack on Kan Itzam
into a ritual sacrifice replete with acts of cannibalism. Bias Felipe de Ripalda Ongay testified in July 1 6 9 7 that "[despite] being so far from the
towns of Tabasco all of the people on the peten [Nojpeten] knew the name
of Andres Tzib, cacique of Canizan, on account of [the fact that] three 5 7
years ago the Itzas went there to capture Indians in order to sacrifice and
eat them and that they had pillaged the entire forest." The well-informed
Guatemalan captain Marcos de Abalos y Fuentes wrote in 1 7 0 4 that a
Tabascan priest, Bachiller Francisco de Escobar, had written to him in
96
97
98
99
The Itza
World
1 7 0 2 that Kan Itzam had been settled by apostate Kejaches "and that all of
them had been baptized and married in the towns of Sahcabchen, Chicbul,
and Machich of this province [Yucatan], and that they had no fixed location in the forest, avoiding the Itzas who assaulted them at night, carrying
off some of them and tearing out the still living hearts of others to offer to
their g o d s . "
The 1694 Itza attack on Kan Itzam probably played little role in either
the subsequent Guatemalan decision to open the road to the Choi Lakandons or Ursua's concomitant road-opening project through Kejach territory. Nor can the claims that the Itzas were in search of sacrificial victims
necessarily be taken at face value. It is more likely that they were seeking
to maintain some degree of political and military control over their westernmost frontiers and that they were determined to undermine efforts to
form reduction communities of runaway Mayas in the area.
100
Seventeenth-Century Itza Military

Aggression in Perspective
In the events that followed Orbita's 1 6 1 8 destruction of Tzimin Chak, the
"idol" dedicated to Cortes's horse, we see a consistent pattern of Itza behavior. The Itzas clearly sought to destroy any local indigenous support
for Spanish activities, particularly reductions and conversions, that threatened the integrity of distant Itza boundaries. As we saw in the case of the
Tz'ul Winikob' rebellion in Belize in the 1630s, the Itzas pursued reductions of their own, forcing the relocation of the scattered Belize mission
settlements into a single town, Tipuj, which became in essence an Itza
colony. The case of the town of Mopan, which in 1 6 3 1 supported Itza
aggression against the Manche Choi missions, may have had parallels with
the strategy applied to Tipuj: Mopan, briefly a mission town itself, was
probably attacked by the Itzas and subsequently incorporated into the Itza
political system as an outlying colony whose duty was to monitor the
frontier with Verapaz.
101
58
Even as early as their first encounter with Europeans in 1 5 2 5 , the Itza

rulers at Nojpeten pursued aggressive political and military strategies that
protected them against the colonial conquest methods that had been so
successful throughout most of the rest of the Americas. Their principal
strategy was to create a wide buffer zone, which they accomplished by
punishing those native peoples living along their frontiers who accepted
Spaniards in their midst and sometimes by incorporating such groups into
Itza-Spanish
Encounters,
1525-1690
a wider alliance by engaging them as rebels against the colonies. Additionally, they gathered information about circumstances in the colonial
world beyond their borders in Belize, Verapaz, IxPimienta, Campeche,
and elsewhere. Such knowledge must have required an intelligence network that penetrated all of these regions and, although it cannot be documented, perhaps extended all the way to the colonial capitals.
The Itzas were not, therefore, naive, "untouched" native peoples. Their
historical experience with Europeans emerges instead as a series of encounters, often violent, that demonstrated a sophistication achievable
only through long-term, intensive study of the European enemy. Although
we would wish that the voices of these remarkable native defenders played
a larger part in our knowledge of this history, their actions spoke loudly
and clearly.
59
chapter
three
ITZA SOCIETY AND

KINGSHIP ON THE
EVE OF CONQUEST
^ ^ ^ u r i n g the months and years preceding the

conquest of 1697, politics the struggle for control over followers, territory, and internal and external policies were central to the troubled and
complex relationships among the Itza ruling nobility, between Itzas and
their indigenous neighbors, and, of course, between Itzas and Spaniards.
Beneath the volatility, however, certain structural principles that had long
sustained the Itzas as a powerful political system continued to operate,
even when Itza society faced certain collapse at the hands of its future
conquerors.
Itza governance was a complex system grounded in principles of dual
rulership, a quadripartite division of elite governance over territories, and
a crosscutting system of representation on a ruling council from outlying
towns and regions. At least some of these principles reflect ancient cultural
features long recognized to have characterized the civilizations of Mesoamerica, in particular the Mayas. More specifically, I suggest that Itza
territory was divided into four cardinally arranged provinces that mirrored or were mirrored by the four quarters of the capital of Nojpeten,
which was, in essence, a fifth province. Each province, including Nojpeten
itself, was governed by a pair of rulers. Four of these pairs represented and
resided in their respective quarters of the capital, and the members of each
pair stood in a senior-junior relationship to one another. The fifth pair
comprised the supreme rulership itself and was shared by the "king,"
Ajaw Kan Ek', and the high priest, his father's brother's son, known as
AjK'in Kan Ek'. These two men ruled, at least symbolically, as a single
political persona, embodying dynastic rule over all of Itza territory and
over Nojpeten, the political and cosmological center of that territory. All
ten of these rulers seem to have had priestly functions as well, and at least
some of them served as military leaders.
1
Duality at another level contrasted these five pairs with a group of
Itza Society
and
Kingship
thirteen officials known by the title Ach Kat. Their duties are not well
understood but may have included military and religious activities. Their
number, thirteen, suggests a possible association with rituals for the seating of the thirteen twenty-year k'atuns and for the prophetic interpretations associated with these time periods. Unlike the ten principal rulers,
these men apparently did not govern provinces. They may have represented towns, both within and beyond core Itza territory, that had been
important places in Itza history.
In this chapter I explore the fascinating Itza system of governance and
political geography topics of great interest to Maya scholars in order
to make sense of Itza strategies and actions in the years before and after the
conquest. Much of the chapter is based on previously unreported research
and analysis and is therefore necessarily complex and detailed. Before
turning to governance, however, let us look at the types of communities in
which the Itzas lived, at the demography of the Itzas and Kowojs, at the
capital, Nojpeten, and at lineage and descent among the Itza nobility.
The Capital, Towns, and Hamlets

On the eve of the 1697 conquest the Itzas lived in three principal types of
communities: the Itza capital itself, towns, and hamlets. Nojpeten, probably the largest of the communities, held symbolic and pragmatic supremacy as a unique locus of political and ritual power and social prestige.
Most Itzas, however, lived in forty or more towns distributed across the
Itza core region (see map 4). Although few population figures exist, we
can say that the towns varied considerably in size, from several hundred
persons to more than two thousand. Towns, although relatively small,
had qualities that were more "urban" than those of hamlets. In contrast to
hamlets, towns contained a relatively large number of houses clustered
near one another, were not necessarily adjacent to large horticultural
tracts, and were associated with a resident elite whose lineage names were
often used, in addition to descriptive names, to identify the community.
An extensive list of Itza towns appears in Table 3 . 1 , information dictated
in 1 7 0 2 by Ajaw Kan Ek', his son, and others living under house arrest in
Santiago de Guatemala.
3
The Itzas were primarily town-dwelling people, choosing to concentrate themselves in settlements situated in convenient and often defensible
locations with relatively easy access to one another and to the main lake.
Many of these were surrounded by extensive cultivations in which lay
61
TABLE
3.1
List of Towns Dictated in iyoz by Ajaw Kan Ek and Others

3
Settlement
Population
Principal Lineages
and Leaders
(Retranscribed)
Principal
Lineages
and Leaders
(Original version)
Towns probably in Itza core area:

Polol (Polol)
Many
Tut
Tut
Kontal (Contal)
Many
Tut
Tut
Yalkaj (Yalca)
Many
Kanek'
Canec
Sub'elnaj (Subelna)
Many
Kanchan
Canchan
IxMutnaj (Ixmutra)
Many
Tesak Kit Kan
Tesac quit cam
Ajaw Che (Ahache)
Many
Kanek'
Canec
Jolpat (Holpat)
Many
Tzin
Tzin
Chachach'ulte (Chachachulte)
Medium
Kanek'
Canec
Ichek (Ychec)
Few
K'ixab'on
Quixabon
Chenak (Chenac)
Many
K'ix Kan and Kitis
Quix cam y Quitis
Joyop (Hoyop)"
Many
B'atab'(?)Puk
Bata puc
Itzunte (Itzunte)
Many
AjMatzin
Ahmatzim
Few
B'ak Tun
Few
Chab'in
Chauin
Yaxb'ete (Yaxbete)
Tz'ununwitz (Sonouitz)
fc
Bactum
Tikul (Ticul)
Many
AjMatzin
Amatzin
Akjok (Acjoc)
Few
AjNoj Chab'in
Anoh Chabin
Chaktis (Chactiz)
Few
Ajje Matza
Ahematza
Jesmoj (Hesmo)
Medium
Koti Kanchan
Coticanchan
Yaxche (Yaxche)
Medium
Tut
Tut
IxKojech (Yxcohech)
Few
AjChakTut
Achactut
Chacha (Chacha)
Very Few
AjSoy Tun
Azoitum
Gwakamay(?) (Buacamay)
Few
Kanchan
Canchan
IxPetzeja (Ixpetzeha)
Few
AjMuan (Moan)
Panaj
Ahmuan pana
Tzotz (Tzotz)
Medium
AjKan Kanek'
Ahcan canec
IxKotyol (Ixcotyol)
Medium
AjB'en Chab'in
Ahuen chabin
Yalak (Yalac)
Many
AjChikan K'itis
Achican quitis
Chulul (Chulul)
Medium
AjUz Kit Kan
Ahus quit can
owns apparently in Chak'an Itza area:**

Saksel (Zacsel)
Medium
AjTzuntekum
Azuntecum
Saxkumil (Saxcumil)
Few
AjKawil Itza
Ah cauil Ytza
Jolkaj (Holca)
Few
Tesukun
Tesucum
IxPapaktun (Yxpapaktum)
Many
Chata
Chatta
Jolalil (Holalil)
Many
Kowoj,
Tzuntekum,
and K'ix
Coboctzuntecum
y quix
T A B L E
3.1
(continued)
Population
Settlement
Principal
Lineages
and Leaders
(Retranscribed)
Principal
Lineages
and Leaders
(Original version)
Yaxche (Yaxche)
Medium
Kowoj
Coboj
Yaxle (Yaxle)
Many
AjKali, B'e Ob'on
Ahcolibeobon
Tilaj (Tilah)*
Many
Matz Ob'on
Matzobon
IxTus (Yxtus)
Few
Chuen Ob'on
Chuen abon
Saklemakal (SaclemacalK
Many
AjB'ak Kanek'
Ahbac canec
Timul(Timul)
Few
AjTzazko Kanek'
Ahtzazcocanec
Yaxja (Yaxha)^
Many
Kowoj(?)
Cobohe
B'akpeten Laguna (Bacpeten)
Many
Kowoj
Coboj
Chesik'in (Chesiquin)
Few
Chamach and
Ken'
Chamach y quen
Kanch'ulte (Canchute)
Many
AjK'itan Kowoj
Ahquitan coboj
Nek'nojche (Necnoche)
Few
Kowoj
Coboj
Kets (Quetz)''
Many
Kowoj
Coboj
Towns on or near Lake Yaxha:^
Towns in the so-called Mompana region:*

Sumpan (Zumpan)
Many
Panaj, AjTzam
Panajatzan
Mumunt'i (Mumuntti)
Many
Tut
Tut
Tajmakanche (Tahma canche)'
Few
Tzib'
Tzib
Another IxTus (Ixtuz)
Medium
Chayax
Chayax
Chinoja (Chinotia)
Few
Chamach Sulu
(Xulu)
Ch amachsulu
Many
Chab'in Idol
Chavin Ydolo
Many
Puk
Puc
Towns in the Yalain region:
Towns in the Lake Sacpuy region

. (also in the core area):
B'alamtun (Balamtun)"
AjLalaich (Ah Lalaich)
Petmas (Petmas)
Many
AjUs Puk
Auz puc
Xewlila (Xeulila)
Many
Jaw, Mas K'in
Hau mazquin
AGI, EC 3 39A, Memoria by Fray Diego de Rivas, 26 May 1 7 0 2 .

All names in this table are listed in the order in which they were recorded. They
clearly fall into several sets. Settlement names in parentheses are original spellings.
* Joy op was probably on Laguneta Picu, just south of the eastern end of Lake Sacpuy.
This name and the AjMatzin that appears three names below are probably the same.
This may be the same town written elsewhere as "Sununbiz," thus accounting in part for
the orthographic departure here (AGI, Escribania de Camara 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Capitan Jose de
Aguilar to bishop of Yucatan, 8 Feb. 1 7 0 4 , ff. 2 3 r - 2 5 r ) . The name seems to appear on the toSOURCE:
NOTE:
fo
c
Notes continue
overleaf
The Itza
World
scattered hamlets occupied by those working in the fields. Nearly all

towns were located on bodies of water, including the shores of Lago Peten
Itza, Laguneta Macanche, Lagunas Oquevix and Ija to the south, and
smaller lakes and aguadas that dot the region. Paths connected these settlements, and people traveled regularly between them. They used canoes
to travel between towns along the shore of the main lake and to carry
produce and other goods to Nojpeten.
Some towns were much larger and more important than others, especially those that appear to have been the provincial "headquarters" of
often absentee elites who served on a core ruling council of eight men (not
including the two supreme rulers) that met frequently at Nojpeten. These
eight appear to have resided primarily at Nojpeten, having only formal
identification with their "home" towns. Although the data are incomplete
on this crucial point, I believe that the "home" towns (of which there were
certainly four and possibly eight) of the four ruling pairs served as governing centers for the regions that surrounded them. If so, they served as
regional capitals, secondary in importance to Nojpeten.
6
Table 3.1 notes continued

pographic map (La Esperanza sheet) as Tzununhuitz and nearby Sabana Tzununhuitz south.
Tzununhuitz is adjacent to the modern settlement of Cobanerita, south of Laguna Sacpuy.
A marginal notation, "region toward Campeche," refers to the following set, all of
which were apparently located on or north of the northernwestern shore of the main lake,
comprising the Chak'an Itza area (the northern quadrant of the Itza core area).
O n e colonial translation of laj is cabo, a cape or promontory in the geographical sense.
This set of names seems to be along the north shore of the main lake, moving from west to
east. Tilaj ("At the Cape") may have been at Punta Cahui.
Âvendano (Relacion, f. 25V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 28) identified a river that he called "(Jaclemacal" as
the northern boundary of Chak'an Itza territory. This was not the Saklemakal at the eastern
end of Lago Peten Itza.
^Many Kowoj people had resettled in this area after the conquest, joining others already
there.
^The full passage here reads "Yaxa, another lake with three islands. Many. All people of
the Cobohe" ("Yaxa otra laguna con tres islas. Muchos. Toda gente de el Cobohe").
'This transcription is uncertain. Chamach is an honorific, and Ken, a Yucatan surname, is
not seen elsewhere in the area. K'en is not a known name. This name might be Chamay Xiken.
'This town may be recorded out of place, since the only known K'etz was on the northern
shore of the main lake. On the other hand, it may be a relocated settlement of that name.
^This region, northeast of the main lake, was a refuge area for Itzas during the years
following the 1 6 9 7 conquest.
'This is the present-day name of Laguneta Macanche.
Given its adjacency to Ixtus, this is almost certainly the town consistently recorded elsewhere as Chinoja ("Chinoha") or Nojchija ("Nochiha"), probably located on Laguna Sacnab. The discrepancy is probably a copyist's error.
"The unexcavated archaeological site that bears this name today, north of Laguna Sacpuy, is still visited by local inhabitants.
In contemporary Itzaj, la'la' icb is "very old face," suggesting that the town may have
been named for a weathered stela (Hofling and Tesucun, 1 9 9 6 ) .
d
64
Itza Society
and
Kingship
Little is understood of local, town-level governance. There is overwhelming evidence, however, that individual towns had their own leaders,
who in many if not all cases were heads of principal local lineages. Spaniards usually called them caciques. Te B'alam, for example, was the "cacique" of Joyop on Laguneta Picu. Chamach Xulu was the "cacique" of
Yalain on Laguneta Macanche. This title was apparently equivalent to
the Itza title B'atab': B'atab' Puk had become the head of Joyop by 1 7 0 2
(Table 3 . 1 ) , and we are told of towns called B'atab' Sima and B'atab' K'u.
I suggest later that some towns were represented on the core ruling council
of Nojpeten as a result of the high status of their elite leaders.
7
Although towns sometimes bore the names of their principal leaders,

who apparently represented a principal lineage situated there, they were
more frequently given geographically descriptive names. These were often
names associated with bodies of water on which the towns were situated,
such as Chaltunja (White-Earth Water), Chinoja (Shore of the Lake),
and Petenja (Island Lake). Others were associated with vegetation, such
as Nab'a (Incense Tree), Nek'nojche (Seed of Great Tree), Saklemakal
(White Leaf Cassava), and, to the east of Itza territory, Tipuj (At the
Reeds). Still others had animal associations, some possibly mythological
or ritual in nature: Polain (Head of the Alligator/Crocodile), Tz'ununwitz
(Hummingbird Hill), and Job'onmo (Hollow Macaw). And some suggest
the presence of ancient ruins, such as B'alamtun (Jaguar Stone), Ichtun
(Among Stones), and AjLalaich (Very Old Face).
9
Itza hamlets small settlements comprising several extended familieswere usually called rancherias or milperias by Spanish observers, by
which they meant small settlements, often seasonally occupied, associated
with swidden cultivations plots of maize and other cultigens. Occasionally they used the term rancho in describing Itza or Kowoj hamlets, but
they more often used it to describe communities of Mopans and Manche
Chols, among whom larger "towns" seem to have been absent. I believe
that all three terms rancho, rancheria, and milperia refer to a cluster of
houses intimately associated with a horticultural plot. Those who lived in
these houses, we may presume, were engaged in full-time food production
and some hunting of wild game for those who lived in the towns, including
elites who did not work as horticulturalists, the elderly, and families engaged in other undertakings. Some of the produce from Itza-controlled 65
areas was taken to Nojpeten, presumably as a tribute obligation. The
documents, unfortunately, are silent on the issue of such obligations.
10
Because the area between Lagunetas Salpeten and Macanche and Laguna Sacnab (see map 3) was much less densely populated than the Itza
The
Itza
World
core area, larger towns there may have been outnumbered by hamlets.
The town of Yalain on Laguneta Macanche served as the principal Itza administrative center of the region and was surrounded by small, extendedfamily hamlets distributed among extensive cultivations of maize and
other crops. This pattern seems to have been repeated for other rather
small towns to the east of Yalain, such as Chinoja and IxTus.
Although the Kowojs also had towns and hamlets (see map 5), whether
or not they had a central capital that functioned as Nojpeten did for
the Itzas is, surprisingly, uncertain. Nor do Spanish sources inform us of
the presence or absence of a central governing council similar to that of the
Itzas. In 1697 b
the highest-ranking Kowoj ruler, "Capitan" Kowoj to
the Spaniards, and his junior ruler, Kulut Kowoj, probably made their
residences at Ketz on the northern shore of the main lake. Little is known
about this town, and archaeological surveys in the area where it was
located have not revealed architecture on the scale of Nojpeten's. The
most likely candidate for a central Kowoj capital may be in the eastern
port region in the vicinity of the archaeological site of Ixlii and the nearby
site of Zacpeten on Laguneta Salpeten. The major town in this area at
the time of the 1697 conquest was apparently Saklemakal, probably controlled by Kulut K o w o j . Neither it nor Ketz was then subject to Itza rule.
11
o t n
12
13
14
Extensive cultivable land along the northern shore of Lago Peten Itza
had to be reached by climbing to the flatter areas above the escarpment
that reaches to the lakeshore in this area. Kowoj towns there were apparently supported agriculturally by numerous extended-family hamlets in
these higher areas, although there were also extensive cultivations in the
Ixlu region. Kowoj populations also occupied interior regions well north
and northeast of the lake, possibly having established towns of some size
away from the lakeshore. Little is known of these, but at least one, which
may have been constructed during internecine Maya warfare following
the conquest, contained a large wooden stockade. Kowojs also occupied
several towns and hamlets around Laguna Yaxha, in proximity to Itzacontrolled communities on and around Laguna Sacnab. This cluster of
eastern settlements, however, probably grew considerably after the 1697
conquest as a result of flight from the northern shore of Lago Peten Itza.
15
Itza and Kowoj Demography

Spaniards found it difficult to estimate the total number of people in any
of the major groups occupying central Peten before or in the years imme-
Itza Society
and
Kingship
diately after the 1697 conquest. This is not surprising, because prior to the
conquest no Spaniard had seen more than a tiny portion of the region.
After the conquest they found many towns abandoned, their inhabitants
having fled to more remote areas. They left behind cultivations and other
signs of habitation so extensive that Spaniards concluded that the total
population must have been extremely large. They were unable, however,
to say how large it might have been.
16
Fray Andres de Avendano, who visited Nojpeten in 1696, was the only
Spaniard to venture a guess: 24,000 or 25,000 souls, plus or minus 1,000.
In this number he included Nojpeten, four other "petenes," Chak'an
Itza territory, various unidentified towns around the lake, and the people
known as Tulumkis, Mopans whom Avendano had not seen. That he was
actually trying to provide an estimate of the people in the general vicinity
of Lago Peten Itza, however, is apparent from his statement that he calculated his total on the basis of the population of Nojpeten multiplied by
five: "I make this computation from the peten on which the king lives,
because he told me all the petens were equal in people, with little difference [among t h e m ] . " He therefore must have estimated the population
of Nojpeten at 5,000 people (25,000 divided by 5). Although there might
be as many as eight islands in the southern arm of the lake, depending on
the variable water level, none of these could have supported a population
nearly as large as that of Nojpeten. Avendano clearly misinterpreted the
meaning of "peten" to be "island," whereas in this context it referred to an
entire province, of which there were five, including Nojpeten.
17
Referring again to Table 3 . 1 , we see that in 1 7 0 2 Ajaw Kan Ek' and

others distinguished fifty-one communities within the Itza and Kowoj
sphere of influence, comparing their sizes to those of towns in the vicinity
of Santiago de Guatemala and indicating the names of people associated
with each settlement. The comparison towns all within a five-kilometer
radius of Santiago were Jocotenango and Ciudad Vieja ("many"), San
Juan del Obispo and San Pedro de las Huertas ("medium"), and a generic
"small town" ("few"). Of the fifty-three Peten towns, they estimated the
populations of twenty-seven to be "many," nine to be "medium," sixteen
to be "few," and one to be "very few" (Table 3 . 1 ) .
Their estimates must have been based on preconquest populations,
because they appear to be extremely high. In 1684 Jocotenango had a
population of 1 , 1 0 4 native tributaries, suggesting a total population of
about 4,400; population figures for Ciudad Vieja are not available. In
1 6 3 8 the tributary population of San Pedro de las Huertas was 1 5 3 (perhaps about 600 persons altogether), and in 1 7 5 5 the total population of
18
67
The
Itza
World
San Juan del Obispo was 4 8 5 . It seems implausible that there had been
twenty-one Itza-area communities with populations as large as four thousand, a figure about eight times greater than the size of a comparable
"medium" town, which appears to have been about five hundred persons.
Allowing for the likelihood of exaggeration, I suggest a figure one-quarter
as large, or about one thousand, for towns with "many" persons. Settlements with "few" persons, which presumably included what I have called
hamlets, might be estimated at one hundred persons, and the one with
"very few" at fifty persons.
19
Based on these figures, the total population of large Itza-Kowoj towns

would have been 51,000, that of medium-sized towns 4,000, and that of
small and very small ones 1,650, for a total of 56,650. The Kan Ek' list of
towns, however, is not complete; it omits much of the northern Kowoj
region and probably various Itza settlements at some distance south of the
main lake and west of Laguna Sacpuy. A total preconquest population of
sixty thousand seems a conservative estimate.
Following the establishment of the first Itza-area missions, the mission
population reached its peak in 1708, with a total of some six thousand
(see Table 1 5 . 3 ) . Probably not more than a thousand Itzas and Kowojs
lived independent of colonial control at that time, suggesting a total surviving population of about seven thousand. This would represent a loss on
the order of 88 percent during the first decade of colonial rule, owing
primarily to epidemic disease. Both internecine warfare following the conquest and casualties resulting from Spanish roundups of the population
would also have contributed to this dramatic decline (see chapter 1 5 ) .
20
Nojpeten, The Island Capital

Several years after the conquest the Mercederian friar Diego de Rivas
described Nojpeten in these words:
The Peten of the Itza is an island that is on the arm of a lake, the
crossing distance from whose shore to the mainland is a distance
such that a loud shout can be heard, although the length of this
[lake, along with] another two arms, extends for leagues. The island is four blocks in diameter and sixteen in circumference. The
Indians, its native inhabitants, call it Noh Peten, which means large
island, not because of its material grandeur (as it is small) but rather
because on it its ruler always lived and on it they also had the prin-
Itza Society
and
Kingship
cipal temples of their idols and carried out the most solemn functions of their idolatry.
21
Rivas's measurements precisely describe the modern, roughly circular

island of Flores. The contemporary street plan of Flores (map 7) divides
the island into four quarters separated by a nearly precise north-south,
east-west grid. At the juncture of these quarters today, at the high point of
the island, is the central plaza with the Roman Catholic church on its
eastern side. The streets that connect the cardinal points may be survivals
of the original Itza street plan, which also connected each of the cardinal
points to a central plaza. The Itza streets, which intersected each of the
four cardinally oriented quarters of the island, were likely the routes along
which the annual Wayeb' ceremonies took place (on which more later)
and may have been equivalent to the causeways, or sakb'es, of sites such as
Ek' B'alam in Yucatan. Map 7 also shows diagonal streets in the northwestern and northeastern quadrants, suggesting the remnants of dividing
streets that separated the quarters.
Descriptions of Nojpeten's appearance before it was stormed by the
Spaniards are few but tantalizing in their sparse but sometimes vivid details. Bernal Diaz de Castillo, seeing the island in 1 5 2 5 , said that "the
houses and temples showed their whiteness" even to viewers standing two
leagues away. In 1695 Guatemalans observing from a closer vantage
point on the southern shore of the lake described it as "a large, very steep
island, shaped almost like a sugar loaf, completely covered with houses,
and on the highest point a very large one," near which were two smaller
buildings and a "promontory like a tower." They were describing what
those who visited the island on various occasions later confirmed: that the
town was densely packed with buildings, with temples at the higher central area one much higher than the rest and houses surrounding the
temples all the way to the shoreline.
The buildings most fully described by Spanish sources include the palace and meeting hall of the principal ruler, adjacent to the eastern landing
place of the island, and the temples at the center. A first brief description
comes from Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida, who, according to Lopez de
Cogolludo, reported that in 1 6 1 8 the house of Ajaw Kan Ek' was located
about forty paces from the shore, facing a small plaza on which a house
had been built for the visiting friars. They were pleased with a location so
close to the ruler's dwelling, for they were able to exchange visits with him
frequently. Unfortunately, this account offers no further details.
On Avendano's 1696 visit to Nojpeten the friar found the house of
22
23
24
25
Map 7. Street plan of modern Ciudad Flores, Peten. By Foundation for Latin
American Anthropological Research, Brevard Community College; courtesy
Nicholas Hellmuth. Copyright FLAAR 1978.
Itza Society
and
Kingship
Ajaw Kan Ek' "half a block's distance" (which would be fifty varas, or
about forty-two meters) from the landing place presumably the same
forty paces from the shore described earlier by Fuensalida. In front of it,
presumably on a small plaza, was a stone representation of Yaxcheel Kab',
the cosmic or world tree, associated with a mask of the deity AjKokaj Mut
on its west side. The hall (salon) where the ruler received guests was an
"anteroom" (antesala) to his house. Its walls were of mortared and plastered masonry only about one vara (84 cm) in height; the structure supported a beamed roof covered with palm thatch. Unlike the temples that I
describe later, the anteroom had a plastered stone floor.
26
27
Inside the entrance to this hall was a "large stone table more than two
varas long and proportionally wide, placed on stone pilasters, with twelve
seats of the same [material] around it for the priests." Avendano believed
that on this table, called simply "stone table" (mayaktun), the Itzas practiced human sacrifice, although he recognized that the room functioned as
a public meeting hall. It is most likely that the stone table was a meeting
table; the hall was a popolna ("mat house"), clearly a center for governance, not a temple dedicated to sacrifices.
28
29
The physical size of Nojpeten in 169 6 was the same as it was in the midtwentieth century, before the lake rose high enough during the 1980s to
force the abandonment of the first row of buildings around the island's
perimeter. The landing place for the royal palace and its connected meeting hall was almost certainly at the island's centerpoint on the west side,
where today a straight street rises directly from the shore to the south side
of the plaza. These two buildings, based on the measurements provided by
Fuensalida and Avendano, would have been located about where today's
second, interior blocks begin, about one-fourth the distance between the
shore and the central plaza.
Although we are not told where the high priest, the other eight rulers,
and the thirteen individuals who bore the title Ach Kat lived, it is reasonable to assume that their dwellings were divided among the four quarters
at about the same distance from the shore as the royal palace of Ajaw Kan
Ek'. The house plots of the elite dwellings would have been large and
undoubtedly cluttered with small outbuildings such as kitchens, oratories,
and storage houses. Most of the "commoner" houses would have been
situated near the shoreline. During their tour of the island Fuensalida and
Orbita saw what they estimated to be about two hundred houses densely
clustered along the shore, each housing "parents and children with their
families." This density would have allowed an average of less than seven
30
71
The Itza
World
meters of shoreline for each house, suggesting that they were arranged as
two roughly concentric circles outside the circle of elite dwellings.
Inside the domestic circle of the principal elites were the temples, of
which Fuensalida was the first Spaniard to leave a record. He described
them as places "where they keep the idols and are brought together for
their dances and inebrieties, which take place whenever they have to idolatrize or make some sacrifice." In contrast to his description of the
tightly packed domestic space along the island's edge, Fuensalida reported
that "[o]n the high ground and center of the island are the cues y adoratorios where they have their idols. [His party] went to see them, and there
were twelve or more temples, in grandness and capacity like the larger
churches found in the Indian towns of this province of Yucatan, each of
which, according to the account, had room for a gathering of more than
one thousand persons." It was in one of these commodious buildings
that the friars saw the statue of Cortes's horse.
31
32
In 1696 Avendano provided a written description of the temples that

conforms closely to Fuensalida's:
For the worship of the said idols there are nine very large houses
constructed in the form of the churches of this province [Yucatan] all new, with traces of others which have been burned, although they built them again, as I saw in the case of two which had
been reconstructed. These "houses" have about a vara and a half
of wall, six-fourths [of a vara] in thickness. In three of them the
railing or bench will be arranged all around, situated halfway toward the inside; and in the other three [sic] the remainder, which
are higher up [on the island] [the bench will be arranged] such
that two of them create two rows of benches all around the said
churches, all plastered and smoothed.
33
34
35
72
Six days after signing his written report, Avendano provided oral testimony before colonial authorities in which he admitted that he had not seen
all nine temples: "He also saw on the said island three or four churches,
oratories of the said Indians although the said reyezuelo told the father
commissary that there were nine all of them large houses with about two
varas high of wall, in the center of which rises a railing [pretil] of plastered
and smoothed mortared masonry that serves as a bench for the Indians,
covered with palm thatch on the model of this province."
We can conclude from these accounts that the temples were large structures with plastered exterior masonry walls not more than 1.25 to 1.75
meters in height. They were roofed with a massive structure of beams
36
Itza Society
and
Kingship
covered with palm thatch similar, as Avendano pointed out, to the village churches of Yucatan that still exist in Quintana Roo. The dark interiors, which created their own mysterious mood, were ideal for large
gatherings for ceremonial dances and other rituals. A continuous bench
was arranged at some distance from the outer wall in the smaller temples
so that the bench surrounded the inner ritual space. In larger temples
those clustered at the top of the island there were double rows of masonry benches for participants and observers alike.
37
These large buildings were defined architectural spaces where public

ceremony could be carried out for specific purposes. Because Nojpeten
was far too small to provide multiple open plazas with associated pyramidal temples, the open halls were an alternative to the mixing of open
public spaces and closed priestly rooms atop stepped pyramids. Later
descriptions indicate that within the public temples were private rooms
for priests and their ritual objects and paraphernalia, confirming that
these large buildings had assumed the primary functions of the more typical Maya plaza-temple complex.
The actual number of temples on Nojpeten is of special interest. Fuensalida reported that there were "twelve or more," whereas Avendano said
that the ruler had told him there were nine. The latter number suggests
that there was a temple for each of eight provincial ruler-priests plus a
single temple for Ajaw Kan Ek' and AjK'in Kan Ek', the high priest.
Following their occupation of Nojpeten, Spanish officers counted a total
of twenty-one "houses" in which they found "idols" that to them seemed
"innumerable." They called nine of these buildings, which they specified
as "the tall ones," adoratorios, or temples. One of these, said to be the
temple of AjK'in Kan Ek,' they described as built in the form of a castle.
The ten principal ruler-priests probably controlled the nine largest temples. Perhaps the thirteen Ach Kats presided over the remainder, although
Spaniards counted only twelve of these.
38
Villagutierre, writing in 1 7 0 1 , described what he regarded to be the

principal temple of Nojpeten, a structure that differed considerably from
those described by Avendano. It was certainly the same building described
as a "castle" (castillo) by the Spanish officers. I have been unable to locate
a documentary source for the following passage, leading me to conclude
that he received the information from a private source:
Of the twenty-one cues or temples that General Ursua and his men
found on the island, the principal and largest one was that of the
false high priest Quincanek, father's brother's son of King Canek.
73
The
Itza
World
This was square in shape with its beautiful wall [hermosa pretil]
and nine levels [gradas], all made of beautiful stone, and each face
[lienzo] or fagade about twenty varas in width and very tall.
And on the last step [escalon], or level \grada\ upon entering
there was an idol in a crouching position, human in form, with an
evil face. And inside the temple, on the front wall [frontis], there
was another idol of rough emerald which those infidels called the
god of battles. It was as long as the extended span between the
thumb and forefinger, and General Ursua attained possession of it.
Above this one was another, of plaster, its faced shaped like the sun,
with lines [rayos] of mother-of-pearl all around it, and outlined by
the same, and in its mouth inlaid teeth that they had removed from
the Spaniards they had killed.
39
This building seems to have been a four-sided pyramid with nine "tall"
escalones or gradas apparently terraces estimated to be twenty varas
(about 16.5 meters) wide, presumably at the base. The term hermosa
pretil, I believe, referred to a low wall in front of or surrounding the
building and almost certainly not to a parapet, as other authors have
claimed. The author goes on to say that the temple building itself, which
clearly sat atop the stepped pyramid, was "in the shape of a castle," thus
identifying it with one of the temples so described by the Spanish officers.
By castlelike in form the observers clearly meant a building with relatively
high masonry external walls and a flat roofa completely different type
of construction from the large, pitched-roof, thatched temples with low
walls described earlier, but one that would describe equally well the temples and oratories of Mayapan.
It is tempting to conclude that this temple was modeled after the principal pyramidal temple, the Castillo, at Chich'en Itza the Peten Itzas'
origin place or the smaller but similar Temple of K'uk'ulkan, or Castillo, at Mayapan. Both of these pyramids were square, had nine terraces
and stairways on all four sides, and were capped by temples that, from
their names, were regarded by Spaniards as castlelike in form. At its base
the maximum dimensions of the Mayapan Castillo were about 3 3 by 3 5
meters; it was about 15.5 meters from the plaza to the top of its steps. The
Nojpeten pyramid appears to have been about half this size, a scaleddown model with perhaps only one stairway and with terraces less than a
meter high. Even at this size it would have been an impressive building. We
are left to wonder why there is no other known description of it or any
record of its dismantlement, which must have been a major undertaking.
40
Itza Society
and
Kingship
Itza Social Organization

Although the documentary sources tell us little directly about how either
the Itza nobility or commoners were organized, what evidence they provide suggests that the Itza social system placed much importance on kinship relations and marriage. A key to this system, although we can grasp
it only at the most basic level, is the Itza system of identifying persons
through surnames. As Avendano pointed out, all Itzas had two such surnames, one inherited from the mother (a matronym) and one from the
father (a patronym). Indeed, we can say with some certainty that all Itzas
had a "given" name, a day name, and one or both kinds of surnames; of
the surnames the matronym always preceded the patronym. In the cases
known to us, only the day name or the given name is recorded, never both.
Members of the nobility also had one or more titles, which usually preceded their surnames; their given names and day names are omitted in the
examples that we have. The common gender-marking prefixes aj- (male)
and ix- (female) frequently precede the entire string of names for all persons and sometimes precede a noble title. It is often difficult to distinguish
titles, given names, and surnames, both because there was some overlap or
similarity among them and because Spanish recorders often did not write
names accurately and consistently.
41
42
Tables 3.2 and 3.3 demonstrate how Itzas in this case the "forest
Indians" who visited officials from Bacalar at the Belize River town of
Chunuk'um (see chapter 2) identified themselves by name to Spaniards.
Of the four men and twenty-six women listed, sixteen or seventeen have
day names. Only two given names can be identified with some certainty.
All of them have surnames, and as many as fourteen bear both a matronym and a patronym.
Of special interest is the high frequency of the surname Kan ("Serpent"), which is held by five people. In the case of the first-listed married
couple, both bear what I take to be a special variant of this name, spelled
"Caan" in the document and probably signifying ka'an, "sky." The marriage between two individuals of the same surname was unusual, suggesting, along with the Kaan name itself, that these two were members of the
high nobility. As I explain later, I believe that Kan was not only the surname of the principal royal family but was also inherited through a line of
females.
43
Of all of these kinds of names, surnames provide the most important

clues about Itza social organization. Recognizing the importance of patrilineally inherited surnames and other indicators of patrilineal descent,
75
TABLE
3.2
Itza Men and Women in the Chunuk'um Matncula, Belize River,

Husband
Wife
'Single"
Male
Ik Kib' (Ic Kib)
Single"
1655
Females
X o k K'u (Xoc Ku)
Chuen Kaan
(Chuen Caan)
IxMen Kaan
(Ixmen Caan)
Chuen Kan
(Chuen Can)
IxEtz'nab' Kawij
(Ixetznab ca Vih)
IxKan Jaw (Ixcan Hau)
AjKan Chi
(Ah Canchi)
Ek' Mas (Ekmaz)
X o k K'u (Xoc Ku)

Sal Puk ((Jalpuc)
IxKi May (Ixci May)
IxKab'an P'ol (Ixcaban Ppol)
IxKib' Chab'le (Ixcib Chable)
IxEtz Pix (Ixetzpix)
IxKawak Kawij (Ixca Vac
Cavih)
IxB'en Kan (Ixben Can)
IxKab'an M o (Ixcaban M o )
IxMen Kante (Ixmen Kante)
IxKan B'alam (Ixcam Balam)
IxMen Kan (Ixmen Can)
IxMen Sima (Ixmen (Jima)
IxMuluk Chan (Ixmuluc
Chan)
IxKaw Kech (Ixcau Cech)
IxTutz Pix (Ixtutzpix)
IxTinal (Ixtinal)
IxMuluk Muk'ul (Ixmuluc
Mukul)
IxKab' Us (Ixcab Us)
IxKan Chan (Ixcan Chan)
IxMen K o b ' (Ixmen Cob)
Scholes and Thompson, 1 9 7 7 , pp. 6 3 - 6 4 .

The two names recorded as " K i b " and " C i b " are probably the same; I have
transcribed both as Kib' (Ik Kib' and IxKib' Chab'le).
SOURCES:
NOTE:
TABLE 3.3
Individual Itza Names by Type in the Chunuk'um Matricula, Belize River,

16 s 5
Order
Sex
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
00
F
F
F
F
M
F
M
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
M
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Male
Prefix
Female
Prefix
Ix-
Day
Name
Given
Name
Chuen
Men
(Xok)
Ix(Xok)
Matronym or
Patronym
Kaan
Kaan
Xok
Kan
Xok
Ik
Sal
Kan
Ek'
Ki
AjIxIxIxIxIxIxIx
IxIxIxIxIxIxIxIxIxIxIxfc-
Ix-
Kab'an
Kib'
Etz'[nab']
Kawak
B'en
Kab'an
Chuen
Etz'nab
Men
(Etz')
Kan
Kan
Kan
Kan
Men
Men
Muluk
Kaw
(Tutz)
Tutz
Muluk
Kab'
Kan
Men
Patronym
K'u
Jaw
K'u
K'ib'
Puk
Chi
Mas
May
P'ol
Chab'le
Pix
Kawij
(Kan)
Mo
{Kan)
Kawij
Kante
B'alam
(Kan)
Sima
Chan
Kech
Pix
Tinal
Muk'ul
Us
Chan
Kob'
Scholes and Thompson, 1 9 7 7 , pp. 6 3 - 6 4 .

Married couples (see Table 3.2) are indicated by italics. Alternative assignments
are indicated by parentheses.
My assumptions in parsing these names were as follows: (1) any name known to be a
surname in Yucatan (Roys, 1 9 4 0 ) and/or among the Itzas can be an Itza matronym or
patronym; (2) any such surname that precedes another may be a matronym; (3) any such
surname that is not preceded by another is probably a patronym, although Kan appears to be
an exception in the case of Itza names, where it may be exclusively a matronym.
The only such presumed surnames among this group that are not found among the 4 1 1
Christianized inhabitants of Tipuj in this matricula are Kech, Ki, K'ib', Tinal, Us, and X o k
(Roys, 1 9 4 0 , pp. 5 8 - 6 3 ) . Tutz may be the surname recorded as Tus in Yucatan, which
appears once among Christianized Tipujans (ibid., p. 4 3 ) . Kawij is a variant spelling of the
name usually recorded as Kawil.
SOURCE:
NOTES:
The Itza
World
most Maya scholars have long assumed that among the Mayas descent in
the male line, from father to son, was the preferred method of transferring
power and authority, as well as property, from one generation to the next.
This was the pattern seemingly most often recorded for the descent of
kings in the Classic-period inscriptions, although the "rules" were flexible
enough to allow brothers and other close patrilineal male kin, and even on
rare occasions a daughter, to inherit office. Some recent research, however, suggests that matrilineal principles may also have been at work in
succession to office in the Maya lowlands from Classic through colonial
times.
The Itzas certainly recognized descent in the male line. They, like the
Mayas of northern Yucatan, had patronyms that were always inherited by
a father's children, whether male or female. With few recorded exceptions, persons with the same surname did not marry each other, indicating the existence of exogamous (out-marrying) groups identified by the
name of a line of males. Such partners avoided marriage no matter how
distant the relationship between the couple a pattern well documented
in eighteenth-century Itza mission records and early colonial northern
Yucatan as well.
The seventeenth-century Franciscan historian Fray Diego Lopez de
Cogolludo, in his paraphrasing of Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida's account
of the 1 6 1 8 - 1 9 Franciscan visits to Nojpeten, was the first to hint at the
presence of the Kan matrilineage among the Itzas:
44
45
[The Itzas] preserve the same surnames that they had [before they
left Yucatan] (and those of Yucatan use them even today). These
differ in that they are named with that of the mother first, joined
immediately following with that of the father. Thus, the cacique
who it was said was called Canek signifies "He who is or is called
Can from the mother's side and Ek from that of his father." These
of Yucatan n o w . . . [give their] sons and daughters [only the name]
of their father, as is common among Spaniards.
46
78
Lopez de Cogolludo clearly meant that "Canek" was two names, Kan and
Ek', the first passing from mother to child, and the second, from father to
child. He apparently presumed that the first name was the mother's patronym and the second the father's patronym. Avendano almost always
wrote the ruler's name as "Can Ek," indicating that he understood it to be
a two-part name, although he did not comment on how the king had
inherited his name.
47
Itza Society
and
Kingship
Bishop Diego de Landa, writing in 1 5 6 0 , had described a similar compound naming system in Yucatan:
They place much emphasis on knowing the origin of their lineages
[linajes], especially if they come from some house of Mayapan; and
they seek to find that out from the priests, [since] it is one of their
sciences; and they boast much about the men who have been famous in their lineages. The names of the fathers always endure in
the sons; in the daughters no. They always call their sons and
daughters by the name of the father and of the mother that of the
father as proper [propio], and that of the mother as appellative [apelativo], so that they call the son of Chel and Chan, Nachanchel,
which means sons [sic] of so-and-so people. This is why the Indians
say that those of one name are relatives and are treated as such. As
a result, when they arrive at an unknown place in need, they immediately produce the name, and if there is anyone [with that name],
they are immediately received and treated with every kindness.
48
The son of a father named Ch'el and a mother named Chan was therefore called NaChan Ch'el, in which the prefix na- indicated "from the
mother."
Both Landa and Lopez de Cogolludo seem to have considered both
names to be patrilineally inherited patronyms, just as double surnames
(the mother's and father's appellidos) were for Spaniards. The Maya ethnohistorian Ralph L. Roys concluded, however, from his study of names
inherited from the mother in the colonial Yucatecan sources (which he
called naal names), that a man's naal name "was derived not from his
mother's patronymic [sic] . . . but from her matronymic, which she could
have inherited only from a female line of maternal ancestors." As in the
case described by Landa, such names were sometimes marked by the prefix na-, the Maya term for mother. In a convincing example Roys demonstrated that a woman named IxChan Pan, who was married to NaMay
Kanche, had a son named NaChan Kanche. Because he inherited the name
NaChan from the mother's "first" surname, Chan must in this case have
been a matrilineally inherited name. IxChan Pan's mother's "first" surname, in other words, presumably was the same as her mother's first
surname, just as IxChan Pan's son shared her own first surname. Such a
pattern of succession is possible only if the name is inherited through a direct line of females. Had the son inherited his mother's patronym, as other
sources have apparently assumed, his name would have been NaPan Kan.
49
50
79
The Itza World

Roys also proposed that the Mayas of Yucatan may have had matrilineal descent groups as well as patrilineal ones. The former type was called
tz'akab', and the latter, ch'ib'al, which colonial dictionaries seem to have
distinguished as descent in the female and the male line, respectively.
Although he found no direct evidence of such social forms, he did discover
that "while nearly all the naal names . . . also occur as patronymics, there
were a large number of other patronymics which have not been found
employed as naal names; and among these are included nine of the eleven
principal ruling families of Yucatan at the time of the conquest." In other
words, matronyms and patronyms appeared to Roys to be somewhat independent entities, possibly representing different types of social groups,
that differed in their geographical distribution and their relative frequency
of usage among the elites of Yucatan.
51
52
53
Because there are no other published examples of the NaChan Kanche

sort, in which matrilineal descent is strongly implied, the possibility of
matrilineal descent remains unconfirmed. Nonetheless, if males and females in early colonial Yucatan had a double naming system, it is no
surprise to find that the same or a similar system operated in Peten among
people of relatively recent Yucatecan cultural origin. The Itzas, however,
never included (at least in the cases known to us) the na- prefix with their
surnames, making it much more difficult to determine whether a surname
was a matronym or a patronym. Only in cases where an individual bore
two surnames can we be certain that the first was a matronym.
The Itzas claimed that from before the time of Cortes to that of the last
known Kan Ek' ruler, the dynasty reproduced itself with a series of kings
named Kan Ek' with the primary meaning "Serpent Star" and perhaps a
secondary meaning of "Sky Star" (ka'an ek'). Although it is nowhere
explicitly stated by an Itza source, Spaniards believed that the dynasty
passed from father to son, as the continuity of the name Ek' would suggest. They apparently reasoned that if mothers and fathers of kings always
belonged to the Kan and Ek' patrilineages, respectively, their children,
whether male or female, would always bear the double name Kan Ek'.
The same would have been true, however, if Kan had been a matronym
passed on through females, in which case the rulership was reproduced
through the successive intermarriage of men with the patronym Ek' and
women with the matronym Kan. In the Itza core area the name Kan never
appears "in last place" as a patronym (that is, following another surname).
It does appear, however, as the first of another double name, Kan Chan,
assigned to members of the nobility. This evidence suggests that Kan was
only a matronym among the Itzas, never a patronym. This suggests, in
54
so
55
Itza Society
and
Kingship
turn, that the name Kan was matrilineally inherited in the same way that
NaChan Kanche inherited his matronym, Chan, from his mother.
Of equal significance is the fact that Kan is absent as an independent
surname in the eighteenth-century Itza-area church marriage registers, although the name appears as part of the compound surnames Kanchan and
Kanek'. Ek', on the other hand, does appear in these records, although
less frequently than Kanek'. Such compound surnames were treated by the
Catholic priests as single patronyms, presumably correctly. Because Kan
Ek' represented both a matronym and a patronym when used by Itza
royalty, however, the patronymic name Kanek' was a nonroyal name,
obviously modeled on the royal one. According to Avendano, it was taken
by the followers or more distant kin of the king, or Ajaw.
56
57
From this discussion we may tentatively conclude that Kan was the
royal Itza matronym either the only Itza matronym or the most important one, reserved for high-ranking nobility. If this is correct, Kan was also
the royal Itza matrilineage, just as Ek' was the royal Itza patrilineage.
Kans also apparently married into other high-ranking patrilineages, as
indicated by the name Kan Chan.
Whether or not there were other matronyms and matrilineages in Itza
society is not yet fully clear. One possibility is Kawil, of which only two
instances are known: Kab'an (day name) Kawil and Kawil Itza, both of
whom were heads of Itza towns. Kawil was not a patronymic surname at
San Andres or San Jose, just as Kan was not, but it may have been a given
name. Another candidate is Moan, also represented by two persons,
both named Moan Pana and both heads of towns (Table 3 . 1 ) . Although
Moan is a Yucatec patronym, it does not appear later at the postconquest
mission towns San Andres or San Jose.
Besides giving us glimpses of kinship groups identified by names, the
colonial documents tell us something about the more domestic aspects of
Itza social life.
Polygyny, the marriage between a husband and multiple wives, was
common among the Itza elites but probably not among those of lower
status. In at least some cases a man's wives were sisters, an arrangement
known as sororal polygyny. The number of wives married to one man is reported to have varied from three to seven. Rural households after the
1697 conquest were sometimes large, with as many as twenty-five persons 81
living in one house at Ixtus in the Yalain area. Such numbers, however,
may have partly reflected what amounted to refugee conditions at the time.
As we learned earlier, Fuensalida estimated that there were two hundred
houses along the shore of Nojpeten in 1 6 1 8 , with royal palaces and temples
58
59
60
61
62
The Itza
World
presumably occupying the rest of the small island. In 1696, when, because
of increasing defense needs and migration from rural areas, the population
of the island was probably larger than it had been seventy-eight years
earlier, Avendano estimated it at about five thousand people. If at that time
there had been 250 houses, the average household size would have been
about twenty persons a rough but not unreasonable estimate.
63
The Itza Kingdom

The Spanish friars, soldiers, and bureaucrats who knew the Itzas regarded
their political system as a small kingdom over which Ajaw Kan Ek' ruled
as a despot. The Spaniards called him both king (rey) and "petty king"
(reyezuelo), the latter term emphasizing that in the order of things he
stood well beneath the king of Spain. They also knew from statements by
Itza royal family members and nobles that under the king was a ranked
hierarchy of positions whose incumbents both advised the king and governed the various sections of Itza territory. Such recorded Itza statements,
however, are few and lacking in detail. If any Spanish observers fully
grasped the nature and structure of the Itza kingdom, they left a sparse
record of their knowledge.
64
Fortunately, careful readings of Spanish documents that incorporate

Itza testimony enable us tentatively to reconstruct the main features of the
Itza political system. One issue over which there has been much debate is
the degree to which Maya political systems were centralized and hierarchical. Most recently Joyce Marcus has argued that since
at least A.D. 534 onward, the Maya displayed the archaeological
manifestations of what anthropologists have called an "archaic
state": a stratified, highly centralized, internally specialized society
with a professional ruling class. As a political system, the archaic
state is seen as having more institutionalized power than the ranked
but unstratified societies that preceded it, particularly in the areas
of waging war and exacting tribute.
65
82
Marcus attempts to resolve conflicting evidence that depicts Maya political systems as sometimes relatively egalitarian (made up of several small
components of roughly equal status) and at other times highly stratified
(composed of units under a single, powerful rulership). She proposes a
"dynamic" model characterized by oscillations between periods of high
conflict among smaller, less hierarchical centers and periods of relative
Itza Society
and
Kingship
peace in which single centers, such as Chich'en Itza, became powerful

regional ruling capital centers.
I agree with Marcus that the Itzas represented a more "centralized"
pole of this oscillating historical pattern a quadripartite system ruled
by a central kingship that controlled a significant territorial hinterland.
In chapter 2 I presented evidence that Itza military and political strategies between 1 5 2 5 and 1697 resulted in the increased military effectiveness of their political system, to the point that they had created an "empire" of sorts encompassing the native populations along their frontiers.
That Spanish observers saw these populations particularly Chols and
Mopans as disorganized or decentralized reflected less the inherent organizational weakness of these borderland groups than the success of the
Itzas in incorporating them into a larger, highly centralized system that
could offer effective defense against Spanish intrusion or attack.
As I have studied the evidence concerning the Itza political system over
the past years I have gradually shifted from regarding the "Itzas" as a
confederacy of political or kinship groups of relatively equal status to
seeing them as strongly hierarchical, "ruled" by a small, exclusive set of
closely related kin who shared power with other groups only at their
convenience or as a matter of political strategy. Although the Itzas did
integrate other groups by recognizing their leaders as weaker, subsidiary
representatives on the ruling council, the royal family managed to control
the joint kingship and all senior territorial rulership positions. I have
suggested that Itza history hints at the possibility that this system coalesced through a policy of integration by conquest, in which the Itzas
incorporated newly dominated groups by marrying them to existing elites
and granting them positions on the ruling council as Ach Kat militaryreligious leaders.
66
67
68
THE RULERSHIP AND GOVERNING COUNCIL

OF NOJPETEN
In April 1695 a Mopan interpreter named "Cacique" Yajkab' provided

one of the earliest and most intriguing descriptions of the Itza political
order. He gave his brief testimony to the Guatemalan captain Juan Diaz de
Velasco, who was escorting Dominican friars hoping to meet Ajaw Kan
Ek' at Nojpeten. Yajkab' outlined features of Itza rulership and the physical design of Nojpeten that helps make sense of other, contemporaneous
accounts. He testified that the previous "lord and principal cacique"
of the Itzas "left three of his sons as governors of the island." He meant,
we can assume, that the previous Ajaw Kan Ek' was succeeded by his
69
The Itza World

three sons, all of whom, he said, were named Kan Ek' ("Canec"). Yajkab'
also told Diaz de Velasco that the island contained four towns or wards
[pueblos o barrios). The spellings in the original sources are questionable
and inconsistent in two editions of Fray Francisco Ximenez's historical
work, but I have interpreted the names of the wards to have been Kan Ek',
Kaj Jol ("Town of the Port"), Makocheb' ("Narrow Stairway"), and Nojpeten ("Big District [or Island]").
Yajkab' seems to have made a clear distinction between the title translated as "lord and principal cacique" (senor y cacique principal), which is
applied to the deceased ruler, and that given to his three sons, who were
"governors of the island." By implication, his successor, the new Ajaw
Kan Ek', may not have been his son but rather another close relative,
possibly his brother's son.
70
Avendaiio's List of Rulers and Elites

When Fray Andres de Avendano visited Nojpeten in January 1696, he
sought to ascertain something about the organization of people and space
on the island capital. He asked various Itza leaders "how many districts
[parcialidades] that peten [island, in this case] on which we were had,
and . . . they told me there were twenty-two," which they went on to
describe by their names. The resulting list provides names and titles of
persons who apparently made up the Itza governing council, including
Ajaw Kan Ek' and other major noble leaders. Avendano offered almost no
interpretation of the list: neither the identities of the individuals nor the
significance of their titles is explained. Although the list is difficult to
interpret, it is nonetheless an exceedingly important document a critical
key to grasping the nature of the Itza kingdom from the perspective of its
own rulers.
71
Table 3.4 lists Avendaiio's original spellings of the names and titles in
the first column and my edited transcriptions of them in the second column. Table 3.5 offers a tentative breakdown of these names and titles. I
have reordered three of the individuals in this table (numbers 7, 8, and 9)
for reasons to be explained shortly.
72
84
The first ruler on the list is "Rey AjKan Ek'," whose proper Itza title
would have been Ajaw AjKan Ek', in which Ajaw was equivalent to the
Spanish rey, or king. I believe it highly likely that his name had the dual significance of either Kan Ek (kan ek\ "Serpent Star") or Kaan Ek' (ka'an
ek\ "Sky Star), and indeed we see the spelling Kaan in the names of the first
two individuals listed among the Tipuj an Itzas who went to Chunuk'um in
Belize in 1 6 5 5 (Table 3.2).
5
TABLE 3.4
Original and Edited Transcriptions of Avendaiio's List of

Twenty-two Parcialidades of Nojpeten, 1696
Literal transcription
Edited
transcription
La del Rey Ah Can Ek
La del Rey AjKan Ek'
La de noh ah chata
La de Noj AjCh'ata*
La de ah Die sin batab
La deAjTz'ikTz'in^ B'atab'
La de el Casique noh che
La del Cacique Noj Che
La de Ah chatan ek
La de AjCh'atan Ek'
La de Ach cat Cixbon
La de Ach Kat K'ixab'on
La de noh DO can Punab
La de Noj Tz'o Kan Punab'
La de noh
La de Noj Tz'o Kan Noj
La de
DO
DO
can noh
can Die
La de Tz'o Kan Tz'ik
La de Ach Cat Matan cua
La de Ach Kat Matan Kwa
La de Ach Cat Batun
La de Ach Kat B'atun
La de Ach Cat Baca
La de Ach Kat B'aka
La de Ach Cat, halach vinic
La de Ach Kat, Jalach Winik
La de Ach Cat Mul Qih
La de Ach Kat Mul Saj^
La de Ach Cat Kin chil
La de Ach K a t K ' i n Chil
La de Ach Cat Kin chan
La de Ach Kat K'in Chan
La de Ach Cat Kayan
La de Ach Kat K'ayan
La de Ach cat, Cit Can
La de Ach Kat, Kit Kan
La de Ach Cat Ytza
La de Ach Kat Itza
La de Ach Cat Pop
La de Ach Kat Pop
La de Ach Cat Carnal
La de Ach Kat Kamal
La de Ach Catt Mas Kin
La de Ach Kat Mas K'in
S O U R C E : Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 3 ; Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 8 r - v . This transcription

is based on a new reading of the original text in Avendafio's Relacion.
* Although recorded as Ch'ata, this is likely the same name recorded frequently as Chata. I assume, perhaps incorrectly, that it is a different name from
Ch'atan (three lines below), which I have left as recorded.
Although recorded as Tz'in, this is almost surely the name recorded elsewhere as Tzin.
Âlthough written Cixbon (i.e., Kixb'on), this is almost certainly the name
usually written Kixabon (K'ixab'on) and sometimes Cixabon (Kixab'on).
The first letter of this name in the original manuscript appears to be f (a
"soft" c with cedilla), but this may be a copyist's error. The copyist might have
mistaken a dot over the / in Kin below it for the cedilla. The alternative
transcription to Saj ("fear") would therefore be Kaj ("town"), making it
"Mound Town" {mul kaj). I interpret it as the latter in the text.
6
TABLE 3.5
Tentative Breakdown
Avendano, 1696
Order
Masc.
prefix
of Titles and Names of Twenty-two Itza Leaders Listed by
Masc.
prefix
Title
Rey
Noj Tz'o
Aj-
Matronym or
Patronym
Patronym
Kan
Ek'
Kan
Punab'
Noj Tz'o
Kan
(Noj)
Tz'o
Kan
(Tz'ik)
Noj
(Aj-)
(Tz'ik)
Aj(Aj-)
Cacique (Noj)
Title
Toponym
(Noj)
(Tz'ik)
Chata
(Tz'ik)
Tzin
(Noj)
(Che)
(Chata)
Ek'
B'atab'
(Che)
5
(Aj-)
(Ch'atan)
(Aj-)
Ach Kat
10
Ach Kat (Matan)
11
Ach Kat
12
Ach Kat
B'aka
13
AchKatJalach
Winik
Ach Kat
Mul Saj
14
K'ixab'on
(Matan)
Kwa
B'atun
15
Ach Kat K'in

Chil
16
Ach Kat (K'in)
17
AchKatK'ayan
18
Ach Kat (Kit

Kan)
(Kitkan)
19
Ach Kat
Itza
20
Ach Kat (Pop)
21
Ach Kat
22
Ach Kat
(K'in)
Chan
(Pop)
Kamal
Mas
K'in
S O U R C E : Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 3 ; Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 8 r - v .
N O T E : T h e procedural assumptions used here are similar to those followed in Table 3 . 3 . , but the task
is complicated by the presence of poorly understood titles. Alternative parsings are certainly possible in
several cases, some of which I have indicated in parentheses.
Itza Society
and
Kingship
In the list as ordered in Table 3.5, the three individuals following Rey
AjKan Ek' (numbers 7-9) all bear a title string or a title-name string with
the common element Tz'o Kan: Noj Tz'o Kan Punab', Noj Tz'o Kan Noj,
and Tz'o Kan Tz'ik. Noj is an honorific suggesting "great." I suspect that
these three are the sons of the former Ajaw Kan Ek' to whom Cacique
Yajkab' referred. There are several possible interpretations of these epithets, none of which can be considered certain. (1) Tz'o refers to the
turkey cock, treated here as a sacred "adult male bird" concept, and Kan
could be the royal matronym shared by the three brothers. (2) Tz'o Kan
may be a misrecording of tz'akan, referring to a close companion, particularly a close relative. This would be an appropriate title in light of
these three rulers' probable status as sons of the former Ajaw and, therefore, his potential successors. (3) Tz'o Kan may be a misrecording of tz'uka'an, which could mean "center of sky" or "heart of sky," the name of the
creator in the Popol Vuj of the K'iche Mayas of Guatemala and recently
proposed (although with different terminology) as a central cosmological
referent to the north celestial pole in ancient Maya thought.
73
74
Each of these three titles ends with a different word: Punab' ("Mahogany Tree"), Noj ("Great"), and Tz'ik (perhaps "Fierce"). The nature of
these final terms is not clear, but perhaps they in some way described the
strength and prowess of the individual. I suspect, however, that these were
given names or surnames.
The next individual (number 2), Noj AjChata (AjCh'ata in the original
text), "Great AjChata," is a man whose lineage patronym was probably
Chata. Following him is AjTz'ik Tzin, B'atab': "Fierce Tzin [another lineage name], B'atab'." The next person, Cacique Noj Che, may bear only a
title, "Great/Big Tree," or the double surname Naj Che, which appears in
Yucatan but has not been recorded elsewhere in the Itza area. AjCh'atan
Ek' (number 5) has the patronym Ek' and a title, Ch'atan, that could be
Ch'at'an (aj-ch'a fan, possibly "Receiver of Words" or "Receiver, Bearer
of Strength, Power"). Ch'atan, however, could be the patronym Chata.
The last fourteen persons all bear the same initial title, Ach Kat. The
meaning and significance of this title in terms of the Maya language have
eluded all attempts at understanding, because literally it would mean
something like "Penis of the Vessel" or perhaps "Head Man of the Vessel,"
neither a satisfactory or revealing solution. It appears most likely that Ach
Kat was a Mayanized form of the Nahuatl title Achcauhtli (plural Achcacauhtin), which literally means "elder brothers." Rudolph van Zantwijk
has described the Achcacauhtin of central Mexico as "military chiefs or
commanders of medium- to large-sized calpollis," localized communities
75
87
The
Itza
World
with common lands and ceremonial center. According to Sahagiin, there

were six of these on the ruling council of Tenochtitlan.
It would not be surprising to find such institutions among the Itzas,
whose ancestors could have been introduced to them through contacts
with Nahuatl speakers from Tabasco or perhaps elsewhere. The linguist
Otto Schumann observed several aspects of contemporary Itza culture
that suggested historical contact with the Nahuatl-speaking Pipils who
lived along a stretch of the Pacific coast of El Salvador and Guatemala.
These similarities include certain Nahuatl words, surnames, beliefs, and
linguistic practices.
76
77
78
In his study of Aztec warfare, Ross Hassig described the Achcacauhtin

as "executioners, keepers of the arms, and military trainers" and considered it likely that they were members of the cuauhpipiltin, "commoners
who had achieved noble status by virtue of their deeds in w a r . " Elsewhere he writes, "The achcacauhtin were warriors in charge of declaring
war or subduing rebelling provinces. The achcauhtli position was usually
held by a valiant warrior, but rather than being warriors per se the achcacauhtin were a type of judicial officer and oversaw arms, doctrine, and
training."
We have no direct information that would enable us to determine
whether the position of Ach Kat had military and other functions similar
to that of the Aztec Achcauhtli. If the Itzas adopted some aspects of Aztec
or possibly Pipil military organization, and not just the title, the Ach Kat
positions recorded by Avendano may have been military in nature. The
possible presence of three or four toponyms following the title, as indicated in Table 3.5, suggests that these individuals were associated with
certain named places: B'aka (possibly from b'ak ja\ "bone lake"), Mul
Kaj ("Mound Town"), and Pop (poop, "mat"). Places named B'aka and
Pop are recorded in the documents. K'in Chil may well have an association with the Itza deity K'in Chil Kob'a, which Avendano described as a
"statue" of a man made of stone and lime, situated "in a crevice in a pile of
stones." There was a town named K'inchil in the AjKanul province of
Yucatan, also associated with an image of K'in Chil Kob'a, who had a
vaulted temple.
The holders of the Ach Kat position may have been responsible for the
military recruiting, training, and directing of youths from specific towns
or regions of which they were themselves residents. If so, the Itzas would
have had a locale-based standing (or easily assembled) army, a likelihood
in light of their reputed military prowess. The presence of the additional
79
80
81
82
83
88
Itza Society and Kingship
title Jalach Winik (often translated "Real Man ') appended to one of the
Ach Kats (number 1 3 ) is particularly intriguing, because in Yucatan this
title described a territorial ruler. This man may instead have been the
principal military commander among this Itza group. All of the probable
surnames among this group differ, suggesting that each represented a
different lineage associated with one of the principal towns.
5
84
85
Comparative Accounts of the

Principal Rulers of Itza Territory
I return now to the identities of the first set of titled individuals of Avendaiio's list, those immediately following Rey AjKan Ek' in Table 3 . 5 . This
set, for reasons that will become clear, probably included not just the first
seven but the first eight persons following the Ajaw's name, thus including
the first Ach Kat (K'ixab'on), whose name was seventh on Avendaiio's list.
Fortunately, in addition to Avendaiio's list, we can call on other sources to
explore further the structure of Itza rulership and administration. Table
3.6 presents such information in the form of a tentative cross-tabulation
of the rulers described in these several sources (with the order of the
original listing indicated in parentheses).
Column I, combining information from two Itza noble prisoners captured by Guatemalans in 1 6 9 5 ,
Ajaw Kan Ek' and Kuch Pop Kit Kan.
The first part of the second title-name string, Kuch Pop, identifies this
position as probably equivalent to the Yucatecan position Jol Pop ("Head
of the Mat"). This part of the title, meaning something like "Bearer of the
Mat," referred to the person's responsibility for matters of governance,
because pop (mat) referred not only to the mat on which the king sat but
also to the very principle of governance by council. In May 1 6 9 5 a noble
prisoner named AjK'ixaw told his Guatemalan captors that "the principal
cacique or reyezuelo" was named Kit Kan and that he was "very tall and
fat" and never left the island capital. I believe that he was referring to
Kuch Pop Kit Kan, who was in essence the head of government affairs on
Nojpeten. The rest of his title, Kit Kan, is frequently found in association
with the highest level of Nojpeten rulership.
n s t s
86
Column II lists the titled individuals named by AjChan while he was in

Merida to declare his uncle's readiness to surrender to Spanish rule (chapter 7). Asked whether "the caciques and principal lords of his provinces"
had been in agreement with Ajaw Kan Ek' before the declarant left for
Merida, AjChan said that the ruler had communicated with the four listed
reyezuelos (petty kings) in addition to Ajaw Tzin, "who is one of the
89
TABLE
3.6
Tentative Reconstruction of Equivalent Persons and Positions Among the Highest-Ranking

1695-1702,
Based on Comparison of Principal Sources
IV
1698
OTHER
Rey Kan E k ' ( l )
Rey AjKan Ek' (common)
I
1695
II
1695
III
1696
(1) Ajaw Kan Ek'
Rey Kan Ek' (1)
Rey AjKan Ek' (1)
(2) Kuch Pop Kit Kan
Reyezuelo Kit Kan (2)
Noj Tz'o Kan Punab (7)
(3)
Reyezuelo Ajaw Matan (3)
Noj Tz'o Kan Noj (8)
(4)
Reyezuelo AjKit Kan (5)
Tz'o Kan Tz'ik (9)
(5)
Reyezuelo AjK'in (4)
NOJ
Reyezuelo Tesukan (3)
AJCHATA
(2)
Itza Nobility,
V
SOURCES
Reyezuelo K'in Kante (1696)

Cacique AjKan ( 1 6 9 6 )
Ajaw Tzin, Principal (6)
AjTz'ik Tzin B'atab' (3)
Cacique Tzin (6)
(7)
Cacique Noj Che (4)
Cacique Tut (7)
(8)
AjCh'atan Ek' (5)
Cacique Kan Ek' (8)
(9)
Ach Kat K ' i x a b ' o n ( 6 )
Cacique Kitkan (9)
(6)
Capitan Tut
SOURCES: Column I: Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 29, bk. 5, Ch. 6 5 , pp. 3 5 6 - 5 7 . Column II: AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Declaracion de un indio que dijo
llamarse Ah Chan . . . , 29 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 1 9 1 V - 1 9 6 V . Column III: Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 8 r - v . Column IV: G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , ff. i 2 i v 1 2 9 V ; P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherfas de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza . . . , 6 Jan.
1 6 9 8 , ff. 8or-84v. Column V: for Reyezuelo K'in Kante, G 1 5 1 A , pieza 3 , Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 20 Sept. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 3 7 V 2 4 0 ^ for Cacique AjKan, Avendano, Relacion, T 9 9 6 , ff. 2 5 V , 46r, 48r, and Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , pp. 28, 50, 5 2 .
N O T E : The numbers in the left-hand column indicate the order of the listing given by the sources for columns II and IV, to which those listed
in column III have been tentatively reordered to conform (see text). The numbers in parentheses for columns IIII indicate the order in which
the individual was listed in the source. The italicized name, Noj AjChata, is probably not the same person as the others in row 5.
indios principales" What is of particular interest here is the quadripartite

structure indicated by the four reyezuelos and their apparent seniority
over Ajaw Tzin.
Column III reorders the first nine titles on Avendano's list of heads of
parcialidades. The first four positions are apparently equivalent to the
four reyezuelos in column III. The three titles containing Tz'o Kan were
likely the three sons of the former ruler said by Cacique Yajkab' to have
been assigned, upon their father's death, positions as "governors." Their
common title was apparently equivalent to the title Kit Kan as seen in
columns II and IV. The fourth person, Noj AjChata, identified by his
surname, held the same position but was probably not the same person as
Reyezuelo AjK'in in column II or Reyezuelo Tesukan in column IV. These
last two, I believe, were titles held by one individual, identified elsewhere
as Reyezuelo K'in Kante and Cacique AjKan (column V). In 1695
d
1696 this man, also identified as the "uncle" of Ajaw Kan Ek', was at war
with the ruler and had apparently been replaced by Noj AjChata before
Avendano arrived at Nojpeten.
The title Kit Kan is of special interest in that it, like Tz'o Kan, apparently refers to the former ruler's three sons. Like Ach Kat, the title may
have a rough Nahuatl parallel, in this case to the Aztec title Cihuacoatl
borne by the internal heads of the three states of the Triple Alliance, who
held positions in a complementary relationship to the supreme ruler. Kit
Kan could, in colonial Yucatec, mean "father's sister serpent," paralleling
three possible meanings of Cihuacoatl "female consort," "female companion," or "female snake" in which femaleness probably referred to
junior status in comparison with the ruler himself. This is not to suggest
that the Itzas attempted to replicate the position exactly. If that had been
the case, then AjK'in Kan Ek', the high priest and ruling partner of Ajaw
Kan Ek', would have been the one and only Kit Kan, when in fact he did
not bear this title. The three who did were in effect co-rulers in a junior
sense with the principal ruling pair.
The next four positions in Avendano's list (column III) are apparently
equivalent to the four caciques in column IV. These are quite clearly junior
to the first four, with only one bearing a title without a name (Cacique
Noj Che), AjTz'ik Tzin's closing title, B'atab', is almost certainly the Itza
equivalent of cacique, suggesting that all four of these personages were 91
known as B'atab'. AjTz'ik Tzin is the same person as Ajaw Tzin in column
II and Cacique Tzin in column IV, and Aj Ch'atan Ek' is the same person as
Cacique Kan Ek' in column IV. It is less clear that Ach Kat K'ixab'on is the
same person as Cacique Kitkan in column IV If he was, then his name
a n
87
88
The Itza World

would have been either K'ixab'on Kitkan or Kitkan K'ixab'on. I do not
believe that he bore the title Kit Kan but rather that this was a surname
adopted from the high-ranking title shared by the three ruling brothers.
Column IV was dictated by Ajaw Kan Ek' and his co-ruling cousin (not
included here), the high priest AjK'in Kan Ek', more than a year following
the conquest, while they were held prisoners at Nojpeten. The Spanish
description that introduces the list makes it clear that it comprised the
membership of the core ruling council at the time of the 1697 conquest:
"They declare that always and until [the time of] the entrada of don
Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi [the province of Suyuja Peten Itza] was
governed by four kings and four caciques who had their own provinces
\parcialidades\ separate and richly populated, and they are as follows."
Again, the three identified as Reyezuelo Kit Kan appear to be the same
persons as those with the Tz'o Kan title in column III.
89
90
One person remains to be mentioned: Cacique Tut, alias Cacique Noj

Che and Captain Tut. He was the war leader usually called simply AjTut,
described by Avendano as the head of the port town of Nich in Chak'an
Itza territory. He may also have borne a title such as Nakom, "war captain," for the Spaniards frequently gave him the title capitdn, the probable
Spanish equivalent of the Maya term. Although the other B'atab's did not
receive this title, the two principal Kowoj leaders were known as Cacique
Kowoj and Captain Kowoj, respectively, indicating a type of politicalmilitary dual partnership that is known to have existed in Yucatan.
91
92
B'atab' and Ajaw B'atab'

Other sources confirm that, as in column I, the Itza equivalent of rey was
Ajaw. The four men called reyezuelos by the Spaniards (numbers 2 - 5 ,
columns II and IV) may have had a single title equivalent to the Spanish
reyezuelo, or "petty king," but it is nowhere explicitly recorded. Two titles
by which three of them were known were obviously Noj Tz'o Kan (or
simply Tz'o Kan) and Kit Kan. It is possible that the common title was
Ajaw, as applied to Ajaw Matan in column II. The four designated as
"caciques" in column IV may well have borne the shorter title B'atab', as
applied to AjTz'ik Tzin in column III. This individual, however, was also
called Ajaw (column II), leaving open the possibility that all eight rulers
under Ajaw Kan Ek' could bear the title Ajaw.
To further complicate the matter, the Spanish commentary on the province administered by Ajaw Kan Ek' (column IV) states, "This king was like
an emperor among them, as he ruled over all of the other kings [i.e.,
reyezuelos] and caciques, who in their language they call batabob; and
93
91
they testify that this [Nojpeten] is the largest province." By distinguishing kings from caciques, this statement supports the hypothesis that although all eight could bear the title B'atab', one category was higher in
rank than the other, marked by the additional title Ajaw. The three titles
Ajaw (one holder), Ajaw B'atab' (reyezuelo, four holders), and B'atab'
(cacique, four holders) appear, therefore, to represent a three-level governing hierarchy.
94
The Number of Itza Provinces

The commentary for column IV specifies that each of these nine rulers
represented a particular province or district (parcialidad), suggesting a
total of nine Itza provinces. AjChan, however, stated in his testimony
(column II) that there were ten Itza provinces, "and each one with many
towns . . . the largest of which is that of the great cayo [island] of the Itza,
which is on an island in a large lake, and on its shores many towns rich in
people." Aj Chan's tenth province might have been his own home region
centered at Yalain, east of the main lake. As a "colonized" region, the
principal rulers may have considered it to be, in a formal sense, "outside"
core Itza territory. It is more likely, however, that he considered Nojpeten
to be two "provinces" because, like all the others, it had a dual rulership.
95
Although these sources indicate that there were nine or ten Itza "provinces," I believe there were actually five: the island capital and four surrounding political territories with paired, hierarchically ranked rulers.
The confusion, it seems, was generated by miscommunication between
Spanish questioners and Itza informants over the distinction between a
"province" and the person or persons who governed it. That is, when
asked how many provinces there were, the Itzas responded by listing rulers, not specifying that the provinces were governed jointly by two rulers.
In Yucatan, political territories or provinces such as these were called
b'atab'il the territory and town governed by a B'atab' and the term
was defined in the colonial dictionaries as cacicazgo. The Itzas, however,
used the term peten to designate a province. Because peten also meant
"island" or even "peninsula" (features which, like territories, are surrounded by something "different" from themselves), Spanish writers were
often confounded by the term.
We do not know the term used to describe Itza territory as a whole, but
it might have been kuch kab'al, which, according to the colonial dictionaries of Yucatan, referred to the entire territory administered from a central town a cabecera, in the Spanish. Nojpeten, of course, would have
been the administrative center. In Yucatan the B'atab' was the representa96
91
The Itza World
tive of the "ruler" of the kuch kab'al, who was known generically as the
Jalach Winik, a term apparently reserved by the Itzas for the principal
person among those with the title Ach K a t . Ajaw Kan Ek' would have
been the Itza equivalent of the Yucatecan Jalach Winik. In Yucatan the
B'atab' is usually understood to have been only the administrator or governor of a town, whereas the Itza title B'atab' and the possible title Ajaw
B'atab' refer to territorial administrators who also served, I propose, as
heads of the quarters of the island capital. That is, they were both local
and regional governors.
97
QUADRIPARTITE DIVISION AND DUAL RULE
The division of the Itza polity into four sections, ruled from a center,
reflected an association of territory with a quadripartite cosmos and the
four associated cardinal directions, the year-ending and year-beginning
rituals associated with the cardinal directions, and a host of other cosmological and ritual meanings. Dual rulership in this system was important
not only at the provincial level but also at the highest level of the ruling
hierarchy The name AjK'in Kan Ek', the Itza high priest and father's
brother's son to Ajaw Kan Ek', appears on none of the lists of ruling
nobility. All sources, however, agree that he shared power equally with his
cousin. In the commentary for the list in column IV of Table 3.6, AjK'in
Kan Ek' is cited as stating that "he testified having ruled over all [of the
other rulers] as the principal priest of them all." On the eve of the conquest AjChan told Ursua that AjK'in Kan Ek' "is equal in power to the
reyezuelo [Ajaw Kan Ek'] for all things that are ordered." Shortly after
his capture in 1697
high priest himself answered a question on this
topic posed by Ursua: "Asked how, being priest, he says he is king, he said:
He is priest and wise man for all of them. For that reason he is called king
of these lands, and because he is father's brother's son to Ah Canek, who is
the legitimate king of these lands." The high priest meant that he and his
cousin shared a single political persona by virtue of the fact that their
fathers were brothers. That is, these two men ruled jointly as a single
person: one primarily in the realm of political affairs and the other in the
complementary but by no means separate realm of the supernatural.
His claim that he was the "legitimate king" may also have referred to
issues of succession. It is possible that his uncle had been the previous ruler
and had inherited the rulership from his own brother, the father of the
present ruler. In this scenario the present Ajaw Kan Ek' would have succeeded to the position as the next in line after his uncle, to be followed
next in line by AjK'in Kan Ek'. If this speculative genealogy is correct,
98
99
100
t n e
101
94
AjK'in Kan Ek' would have been the brother of the three sons of the
former ruler who served as territorial governors with the title Kit Kan.
Such a "joint rulership" model applied at the provincial level would
result in four senior-junior "principal pairs," each comprising an Ajaw
B'atab' and a B'atab' or, in colonial terminology, a reyezuelo and a
cacique. The difficulty in identifying the membership of these pairs stems
from the several slightly varying orderings of rulers provided in Table 3.6
and the consequent uncertainty of the "correct" order that would result in
proper pairings.
Fortunately, we can establish with some certainty one of these pairs,
that of Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante and B'atab' Tut. The person who in
normal times had held position 5 (Table 3.6, left margin) was almost certainly the individual identified by Avendano in January 1696 as a "close
relative" of Ajaw Kan Ek' and as the principal ruler of the northern
Chak'an Itza province, including the port of "Nich" or Nixtun on the
western end of the main lake. Avendano called him Cacique Kan, not
Reyezuelo as might have been expected for a person of such importance.
His full name might have been AjKan Kante. According to Avendano, he
was at that time in alliance with "Cacique" or "Captain" Kowoj in a
rebellion against Ajaw Kan Ek'; both rebels identified themselves with the
Chak'an Itza province.
He almost certainly was also the man called Reyezuelo K'in Kante and
identified as the ruler of the Yalain region by a group of men from that
area who testified in Bacalar in the same year. These men stated that he
was at war with Ajaw Kan Ek', whom they no longer considered to be
their own ruler. That Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante, as I shall call him, did in
fact claim rulership over both Chak'an Itza and the eastern province is
confirmed by the men's offer to provide canoes at the port of Ch'ich' the
same place as Nich or Nixtun from where the Spaniards could attack
Nojpeten. Following the forced exile of Ajaw Kan Ek' to Santiago de
Guatemala in 1699, he may have been the person who was installed as the
new Itza ruler in the vicinity of B'alam Tun and Laguna Sacpuy (see
chapter 14).
When Avendano reached Nich he identified it as the principal settlement of Chak'an Itza. Its "cacique" was none other than one identity
given for the junior half of the pair headed by Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante: 95
AjTut, who had a reputation as a powerful military leader and longdistance trader. In the years following the conquest he pursued a relentless war against the Kowojs and established a refuge against Spanish encroachment in the region known as Mompana.
102
103
104
The Itza World

TABLE
3.7
Principal Pairs of Itza Rulers

Direction
Represented
Ajaw B'atab'
B'atab'
K'in Kan Kante (also held by Noj

AjChata, alias Reyezuelo Tesukan)
Tut (Noj Che)
North
Kit Kan (Noj Tz'o Kan Noj)
K a n E k ' (AjCh'atan Ek')
West
Kit Kan (Tz'o Kan Tz'ik)
Kitkan (Ach Kat K'ixab'on)
South
Kit Kan (Noj Tz'o Kan Punab')
Tzin (Ajaw Tzin, AjTz'ik Tzin)
East
That one Noj AjChata (Table 3.6, column III) occupied the position of
Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante in January 1696 is not surprising, given the
breach between the latter and the principal ruler. Whether Reyezuelo
Tesukan (Table 3.6, column IV) was Noj AjChata or Ajaw B'atab' K'in
Kante (column V) cannot be known with certainty. I suspect that the
enmity between Ajaw Kan Ek' and his uncle, the ruler of Chak'an Itza,
had lasted until the eve of the conquest and that Tesukan, therefore, was a
title given to Noj AjChata.
This information establishes quite firmly that this senior-junior principal pair, notwithstanding the political ruptures that characterized this
period, controlled both the northern quarter of Nojpeten and that region
to the north of Nojpeten known as Chak'an Itza. Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante
had established an alliance with the Kowojs against his own close matrilineal kinsman, Ajaw Kan Ek', as part of a strategy to depose the ruler.
I believe that we can accept the original order of the list recorded as
column IV as the most dependable guide to establishing all four of the
principal pairs. Returning Reyezuelo Tesukan (3), who probably held
Ajaw B'atab' Kit Kan's position by the end of 1 6 9 5 , to his original place
(between 2 and 4) would result in the four pairings shown in Table 3.7.
THE POLITICAL
RULED
96
GEOGRAPHY
OF THE FOUR
JOINTLY
TERRITORIES
Michael Coe proposed that in preconquest Yucatan, Maya political geography at the territorial level was founded on a cosmological model constructed at the capital town, which served as a centerpoint from which
territorial boundaries extended, Coe constructed this model primarily on
the basis of evidence concerning the annual counterclockwise ritual rota-
tion of offices on the town governing council, an event that unfolded

during the five "unlucky" Wayeb' days that constitute the final, nineteenth
month of the 365-day vague year and during the New Year rituals that
followed. The Wayeb' days were the "leftover" month of five days that
remained after eighteen twenty-day named months had been completed.
The first day of the new year that followed in the fifty-two-year Mayapan
calendar round used by the Itzas always began on 1 Pop, the first day of
the twenty-day month called Pop. Only four named days, known as yearbearers, could logically initiate the new year; these cycled over a four-year
period in the following order: K'an (east), Muluk (north), Ix (west), and
Kawak (south).
105
The annual Wayeb' rituals, described in detail by Landa, were marked

by a complex circuiting of "idols" within quarters and by ritual dancing
and animal sacrifice. The rituals also served as a mechanism whereby
important men on the council shifted certain responsibilities and privileges to others for the coming year. This was accomplished by making the
new dominant ritual quarter the one that was located adjacent to the old
one, moving by one quarter in a counterclockwise direction each year.
That is, following a year in which west was dominant (an Ix year), south
would become dominant (a Kawak year), then east (a K'an year), and
finally north (a Muluk year). This rotation of ritually dominant quarters
was essentially a spatiotemporal "walking out" of the cosmological model
that structured both town and kingdom.
106
It would not be surprising if at Nojpeten these important men were the

eight paired individuals just discussed: one Ajaw B'atab' and one B'atab'
for each of the four quarters or wards of the island capital, which corresponded in turn with a wider geographical division of Itza territory into
four directional quadrants. As a group these men were equivalent to the
town councilors known in Yucatan who bore the title of AjKuch Kab'
("bearer of the town"). The person who served as the head of the council
at Nojpeten was known as Kuch Pop Kit Kan ("bearer of the mat"),
probably equivalent to the Yucatecan Jol Pop.
I have already proposed that the principal pair who ruled the northern
Itza territory known as Chak'an Itza were B'atab' Ajaw K'in Kante and
B'atab' Tut. With these two in place as rulers of the north, and assuming
that the principle of Wayeb' counterclockwise rotation influenced the dietation of the list of rulers in column IV of Table 3 . 6 , the four pairs listed in
Table 3 . 7 would represent north, west, south, and east in the order shown
there. Table 3.8 further clarifies the proposed associations among seniorjunior title holders, yearbearers, territorial directionality, the four direc-
97
TABLE
3.8
Proposed Paired Principals of Nojpeten, with Associated Yearbearers, Directions,

and New Year Days
Principal
Title
Paired
(Usual
Principals
Designation)
Ajaw
K'in
Ajaw B'atab'
B'atab'
Ajaw B'atab'
B'atab'
Kan Ek'
Kan Ek'
Kit Kan
Tzin
K'in Kante' (Aj Kan)
Tut
Ajaw B'atab'
B'atab'
Ajaw B'atab'
B'atab'
Kit Kan
Kan Ek'
Kit Kan
Kit Kan
Quarters,
Associated
Conquest-Period
New Year Days
Direction
Name of Quarter
of Nojpeten
Center
(All of Itza territory)
K'an
East
Nojpeten
June 2 1 , 1 6 9 7
Muluk
North
Makocheb'
June 2 2 , 1 6 9 4
June 2 1 , 1698
Ix
West
Kan Ek'
June 2 2 , 1695
Kawak
South
Kaj Jol
June 2 1 , 1 6 9 6
Yearbearer
tion quarters of Nojpeten, and the late-seventeenth-century dates on

which a particular quarter's new year day actually fell.
The north, as we have seen, constituted the Chak'an Itza province (see
map 3), which, just before the 1697 conquest, was expanding its influence
over Kowoj territory and the Yalain region. It may have been identified
with the principal temple of Nojpeten, the pyramidal structure whose
principal stairway and principal temple entrance faced north. This may
have been the Nojpeten quarter that Cacique Yajkab' called Makocheb',
"Narrow Stairway," referring to the temple itself. The port area of Ensenada de San Jeronimo was controlled by the rulers of the north, providing access to trade and movement along the main path that led north
through Kejach territory and on to Yucatan. Itza military activities against
the Kejach region, known since the time of Cortes, would have been
administered by the rulers of the north.
The west constituted the heartland of the Itza kingdom in that it was
the most populous Itza region and was probably the homeland of the
principal ruler and his descendants. As we learned earlier, the principal
entrance to the palace of Ajaw Kan Ek' was on the western shore of
Nojpeten. This quadrant of Nojpeten was surely that called Kan Ek' by
Cacique Yajkab'. Although the western region did not include the port on
Ensenada de San jeronimo, which was controlled by the northern quarter,
its lands cut a wide swath all the way from western arm of the main lake to
Laguna Sacpuy and possibly beyond. The trade routes southwest toward
Rio Pasion and on to Guatemala may well have been under its jurisdiction, although at the time of the conquest these seem to have been controlled by B'atab' Tut of the north. The total population of the western
quarter was probably more than the populations of the other three quarters combined. I suspect, but cannot confirm, that its principal town (still
unidentified) was on or around Laguna Sacpuy.
Little is known of the south, although it is likely significant that the
trade and communication route leading directly to Verapaz was under its
jurisdiction. Those Mopans who were under the immediate influence of
the Itzas at the time of the conquest lived along the southern area of this
route, and we know that since the early part of the century Itzas and
Mopans had together fought against Spanish penetration into adjacent
Choi communities (see chapter 2). It must have been the rulers of the south
who administered policies regarding such military activity. I suspect that
in Nojpeten itself, the southern quadrant was the one that the Mopan
cacique Yajkab' called Kaj Jol, "Town of the Port." The name may have
referred to a public port on the south side of the island, where the present-
99
The Itza World

day causeway enters the island from the mainland. This may have been his
own designation for the quarter, because this would have been the entrance used by traders plying the region between Verapaz and Nojpeten.
The principal town of the south may well have been on the shore immediately south of Nojpeten.
The east would have been the quarter called Nojpeten by Cacique
Yajkab'. In terms of immediate territory, it may have been relatively small,
incorporating mainly towns along the northern shore of the lower arm of
the main lake east of Nojpeten and further east to the nearby Lakes Petenxil and Quexil and other small bodies of water in this vicinity. But the
east was, at least symbolically, the gateway to Lagunetas Salpeten and
Macanche, the Yaxha-Sacnab basin, and even the Tipuj region beyond. It
is not known whether the paired principals of the east governed, or attempted to govern, these eastern regions, but it is possible that they did so.
This area was abandoned immediately after the conquest, and its principal
town has not been identified. Although little is known of the junior ruler,
B'atab' Tzin, it was said that he died shortly before the 1697 conquest,
perhaps as a result of internecine warfare.
107
The quadripartite territorial model with a central fifth "province," the

island capital, simple and symmetrical in design, implies a high degree of
physical symmetry on the ground. That is, we would expect each territorial quarter to be essentially a mirror of the others, dividing land and
population more or less equally under the governance of more or less
equal territorial rulers. We have already seen that by far the largest and
most densely populated territory of "ethnic" Itzas was that of the west,
with a heavy concentration of nearly contiguous food-producing towns
along the western end of the main lake all the way to Laguna Sacpuy, and
with other communities possibly as far west as Laguna Perdida. The other
three provinces differed from the dominant west in that each had a few
towns near the main lake and a vast hinterland that stretched far beyond
the immediate region of Nojpeten. Whereas the west was self-contained
and thoroughly Itza in population, the other three regions incorporated,
or attempted to incorporate, more distant regions that had to be won and
colonized through warfare.
100
For example, the Chak'an Itza province of the north, with its important
port town on Ensenada de San Jeronimo, seems to have been small at the
end of the seventeenth century. Had its ruler's efforts to ally himself with
the Kowoj leaders not been interrupted by the conquest, he might have
been able to expand the territory to incorporate most of the Kowojcontrolled region. The north was also a gateway to the Kejach region

further north, where the Itzas carried out periodic raids but apparently
achieved little effective colonization; it also linked all of Itza territory with
the most direct trade route to northern Yucatan.
The east, in addition to its population on or near the main lake, extended outward for a great distance to incorporate the vast, periodically
contested region from Laguneta Macanche (and possibly Laguneta Salpeten) east to Tipuj and beyond including even the eastern Mopans
known as Chinamitas. And finally, the south, also a product of long struggles for control over distant populations, could have extended far to the
southeast to incorporate as many Mopans as the Itzas could pacify. These
alliances, however, were frayed by periodic territorial wars, and the Itzas
had recaptured the corridor to Tipuj from the renegade Mopan "Chinamitas"as well as Kowojs who had occupied Mopan territory only during the seventeenth century.
ACH
KAT
REVISITED
I suggested earlier that the fourteen persons on Avendano's list of Nojpeten leaders with the title Ach Kat (Table 3.5) bore a title derived from
the Nahuatl Achcauhtli, a term designating a military chief representing a
localized social group. Some of those with the title Ach Kat seem to have
been associated with particular places, just as the Achcacauhtin were. In
this section I explore the possibility that these people were not only military commanders who represented towns or regions throughout Itza territory but also priests associated with the thirteen approximately twentyyear periods known as k'atuns.
Avendano, however, listed fourteen, not thirteen, Ach Kats. One of
these, Ach Kat K'ixab'on, is clearly a B'atab', a junior territorial ruler. The
title designation, therefore, may be incorrect, leaving only thirteen if he is
omitted. One Ach Kat bears the additional title Jalach Winik, which in
Yucatan signified a territorial ruler who also exercised military and religious authority. Sometimes described as a "bishop," he could also declare war and exact military service from towns under his jurisdiction.
Although in Yucatan the Jalach Winik seems to have been equivalent to
the Itza supreme ruler, this is obviously not the case for the Itza Ach Kat
Jalach Winik, who may have been the principal military commander and
priest of the Ach Kats. Therefore, we might speculate that he was the most
important member of a group of thirteen Ach Kats, each of whom represented an outlying town or territory.
108
Avendano provided important remarks on the significance of the k'atun

cycle in the context of his encounters with the Itzas. Following a brief
101
The Itza World

description of Itza painted books, Avendano added the following carefully
phrased explanation:
These [books] are painted all over with a variety of figures and
characters (which the Mexican Indians also used in their ancient
customs) that indicate not only the count of the said days, months,
and years, but also the ages and prophecies that their idols and simulacrums announced to them or, better said, the Demon, through
the veneration they grant to him in some stones. The ages are thirteen in number. Each age has its own particular idol and its own
priest, with a particular prophecy of events. These thirteen ages are
distributed among thirteen provinces which divide up this kingdom
of Yucatan, and each age with its own idol, priest, and
prophecy reigns in one of these thirteen parts of this land according to how they have it distributed.
109
As Munro Edmonson has emphasized, the historical cycling of k'atuns

among different places in Yucatan is well documented in a variety of ethnohistorical sources. Avendano explicitly notes that the k'atun prophecies were "announced" by their "idols and simulacrums" as well as by
"some stones" that he considered to be dedicated to the worship of Satan.
Each k'atun was therefore associated with an "idol," a stone, and a place
where the k'atun was seated. Although we do not know the specifics of
Itza k'atun ritual geography, I suggest that those with the title Ach Kat
also served as priests in the ritual observances associated with each of the
thirteen k'atuns and that they represented each of the seating places of
these k'atuns across Itza territory.
The Itzas are known to have consulted their "idols" for advice on
various matters, including royal policies and the practice of warfare.
Lopez de Cogolludo, in his interpretation of Fuensalida's account, wrote
regarding communication with "idols" of warfare:
110
111
They have idols of battles, one called Pakoc and the other Hoxchuncham. They carry these when they go off to fight with the
Chinamitas, their mortal enemies along their borders. When they
commence the battle, and when they conclude a valiant battle, they
burn copal, which is like incense, to them. Their idols customarily
give them an answer when they consult them, and they [the Itzas]
customarily talk to them and dance with them in their dances. This
is why the Indians paint themselves when they dance the aforementioned dance of sacrifice.
112

It thus comes as no surprise that in colonial Yucatec the word k'atun
referred not only to the prophecy-associated period of 7,200 days (or
twenty 360-day tuns) but also to a soldier, a battalion or army, and warfare and fighting. The Ach Kat may, therefore, have been one kind of
soldier-priest who appears to have had responsibility for seeking, receiving, and transmitting supernatural messages regarding prophecy, particularly prophecies concerned with warfare.
I suggested earlier that four of the Ach Kat titleholders may have been
associated with place names: B'aka, Mul Kaj, Pop, and possibly K'inchil
Kob'a. These places and there were presumably others associated with
other holders of the title may have been towns not only where soldiers
were recruited but also where associated k'atuns were ritually seated. At
any one time there could presumably have been only thirteen towns in the
Itza sphere of influence where a k'atun could be seated. These locations,
however, might well have changed over time as part of the Itza program of
warfare and expansion, most recently toward the east during the seventeenth century.
Perhaps the explicit associations among the k'atun calendrical series,
governance, prophecy, and warfare came together most dramatically
when successes and failures in warfare figured prominently in Itza political life. For example, Itza success in establishing military and political
control over Tipuj by the beginning of K'atun 1 Ajaw (1638) might have
resulted either in seating the new k'atun at Tipuj or in designating Tipuj as
the site for a specifically designated k'atun seating sometime in the future.
In this way newly conquered population centers could have been incorporated directly into the central ruling council at Nojpeten by adopting them
not only as symbolic elements of the Itza historical and ritual record but
also as part of the military structure.
113
THE RULING
C O U N C I L IN
PERSPECTIVE
To sum up, I believe that the Itza core ruling council comprised Ajaw Kan
Ek' and his cousin, the high priest, and eight high-ranking rulers in seniorjunior pairs. In addition, thirteen other men (one of whom was a junior
ruler) who represented outlying towns or territories as military chiefs and
possibly as k'atun priests, joined these ten men as part of an extended
governing council of twenty-three members. Ajaw Kan Ek' may have inherited the kingship from his father's brother, to whom it may have passed
upon his father's death. All of the eight senior-junior rulers probably resided primarily at Nojpeten, although they represented various territorial
provinces and outlying towns. The four highest-ranking ruler-priests ap-
105
The Itza World

parently bore the title Ajaw B'atab' and normally belonged to the royal
Kan lineage. Three were brothers, the son of the former ruler. The fourth
was an uncle of Ajaw Kan Ek'. The four junior rulers bore the title B'atab';
only one of these is known to have borne the royal name Kan, whereas the
other three represented other elite patrilineages. The thirteen additional
members of the council each bore the title Ach Kat. One of these, also
known as Jalach Winik, appears to have been in charge of this group.
Ajaw Kan Ek' governed as principal ruler jointly with his father's
brother's son, the high priest AjK'in Kan Ek'; together they were considered a dual social persona with contrasting but complementary qualities,
duties, and privileges. The "province" that they represented most directly
was the island capital of Nojpeten, but they were also associated with the
territorial region of the west. In addition, they were the nominal overlords
of all of Itza territory, including its colonized populations. The principle of
joint rulership probably also applied to the eight senior-junior rulers, with
a pair of them representing each of four principal territories. These four
provinces were confined to the Itza core area and may have been metaphorical extensions of the four wards that divided the island capital,
among which ritual power transfers shifted annually in a counterclockwise cycle.
In contrast to the formal, almost static principles that enabled the Kan
matrilineage to dominate this quadripartite structure and its capital center, the group of thirteen Ach Kats may have represented a more dynamic
aspect of the political system. An individual Ach Kat may have represented the military, religious, and practical interests of his home communities, whereas the ten principal ruler-priests operated in a more abstract,
formalized sphere of central governance, perhaps legitimated by their role
as high priests of deity cults. The Ach Kats apparently crosscut the rigid
quadripartite territorial structure of the principal rulers, incorporating
other lineage groups and perhaps a wider territorial sphere.
WERE THE ITZAS
GOVERNED
BY
"MULTEPAL"?
Ralph Roys concluded some time ago that "a large part of the Yucatan
Peninsula had been subject to centralized administration, called a joint
government (multepal), with its capital at M a y a p a n . " The term multepal was based on his reading of passages in the Books of Chilam B'alam of
Chumayel, Mani, and Tisimin referring to a decisive battle at Mayapan
during a K'atun 8 Ajaw (presumably 1 4 4 1 - 6 1 ) . The passages, which are
nearly identical, all contain the compound term mul tepal, which Roys
114
104

translated as "joint government. ' For example, his translation of the
Chilam B'alam of Chumayel text reads, "8 Ahau was when there was
fighting with stones at Ich-paa Mayapan because of the seizure of the
fortress. They broke down the city wall because of the joint government
[multepal] in the city of M a y a p a n . " Although he offered no precise
description of what form such an institution might have taken, Roys apparently had in mind a confederation of territorial lords who ruled jointly
with a single primary ruler or with a trio of ruling brothers. Landa summarily described such a system, said by Maya informants to have existed
at both Chich'en Itza and M a y a p a n .
More recently, Scheie and Freidel have argued that a Mayapan-type
multepal was also the form of government at Chich'en Itza, where epigraphic evidence suggests that at one point in the city's history a set of five
brothers, "a brotherhood of princes," ruled together as apparent equals.
Their relationships are indicated by their common relationships to "two,
perhaps three generations, of women who were mother, grandmother,
and possibly great-grandmother" to t h e m . This, they conclude, constituted the multepal, although they apply the term in a completely different
sense to the large "assemblies" of nobles and warriors, respectively, at the
Temple of the Chak Mool and the Temple of the Warriors at Chich'en
I t z a . Although they note "precedents for the sharing of power between
a Maya king and his key relatives" at the Classic-period sites of Tik'al,
Kopan, and Yaxchilan, they conclude that the "dissolution of the kingship
into a council of nobles" evidenced at Chich'en Itza was a "fundamentally
new and revolutionary definition of power and government for a people
who had acknowledged sacred kings for a thousand y e a r s . " Indeed,
such a system of jointly ruling brothers appears strikingly similar to the
kingdom established by the Itzas in Peten.
The time-honored use of the term multepal for joint government at
Mayapan is, I believe, based on rather thin evidence. The concept of a
joint ruling council that governed Maya territories, however, appears to
be strong at Chich'en Itza, Mayapan, and Nojpeten. Evidence of a group
of titled siblings and titled individuals from other lineages at Chich'en Itza
is mirrored, as we have seen, among the Peten Itzas. The historical traditions recounted by Landa indicate that rulership at Mayapan was shared
between a principal ruler and subsidiary rulers representing various towns 105
and elite lineages. I suspect that in all of these kingdoms, as I prefer to
think of them, such "shared rule" was tempered by a strong principle of
lineage domination by a single group of closely related males, two of
5
115
116
117
118
119
The Itza World

whom "ruled" as a dual persona. The Itza model proposed here may
require a broad reexamination of Postclassic Maya political organization.
Conclusion
At one level the Itza kingdom appears to have been centrally controlled by
a single royal matrilineage whose members solidified their power through
strategic marriage alliances with other elite kinship groups who played
major roles in governance. Territorial control was highly coordinated by
the dominant Kans and other high-ranking elites through a system of
geographical quarters that almost precisely reflected the social-religious
hierarchical structure of the central capital. This was a tightly constructed
kingdom that had successfully expanded its influence and solidified its
power in the face of nearly two centuries of European domination around
its borders.
At another level, however, the Itza political system reflected principles
that might be seen as destabilizing and decentralizing. If I have correctly
identified the council members called Ach Kat as both military chieftains
who represented their towns and regions and priests who represented
their towns as places where k'atuns were seated throughout the territorial
sphere of Itza influence, then such a group would have symbolized the
essence of the instability inherent in both warfare and the cycling k'atun
calendar. As war captains, their fortunes would have depended on success
in the battlefield, and their loyalty to the central rulership would have
been subject to the changing winds of such fortune. The rulers, that is,
were always at risk of rebellion by war captains.
106
As Spanish soldiers and bureaucrats prepared to conquer the Itzas they

became increasingly convinced that this was a kingdom with a ruler and
high priest who exercised considerable control over their local and territorial leaders. They were correct, but they remained unaware of the
constraints under which Ajaw Kan Ek' exercised his secular power. The
ruler had to answer to his "court" his close relatives who were the everyday administrators of the kingdom, elites from other lineages, and representatives from outlying regions. At least one of his closest relatives, an
uncle, appeared to be hoping to "dethrone" Ajaw Kan Ek' with the assistance of the long-time enemies of the Itzas, the Kowojs. Others at lower
levels were encouraging or allowing the abandonment of towns or were
shifting their support to the ruler's enemies. Yet whether they supported
Ajaw Kan Ek' or his renegade relative Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante, the Itzas

understood that the Spaniards sought religious conversions and political
control that would change their lives forever. And the Spaniards were
convinced, after a brief effort to reach a "peaceful" conquest, that the
Itzas, regardless of their internal political differences, would ultimately
refuse to submit without a fight.
107
Part
Two
ROAD TO THE
ITZAS
chapter
four
POWER POLITICS
he conquest of the Itzas began with a seemingly straightforward plan proposed to the king in 1692 by the young
Basque aristocrat Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi. Ursua, who had already
been granted the future governorship of Yucatan, proposed to construct a
north-south road that would connect Merida directly with Guatemalan
territory. In the process, he would congregate and bring under Spanish
political and religious domination any unconquered native populations he
might find along the route (that is, "reduce" them). His original proposal
made no mention of the Mayas who lived around Lago Peten Itza, nor did
it even hint of his intention to conquer them militarily. Rather, Ursua
offered his plan in response to another set of proposed reduction activities
being widely discussed both in Guatemala and at the Council of the Indies.
Those activities were designed to construct part of a Guatemala-Yucatan
road and at last to bring under Spanish control the unconverted Manche
Chols of southeastern Peten and the Choi-speaking Lakandons of the
upper Rio Usumacinta.
Over time, Ursua's original plan to build the northern half of the
road, meeting up in Choi Lakandon territory with Guatemalans pursuing
their share of the task became dramatically transformed. In this chapter
I tell part of the story: how Ursua's proposal came into focus and how it
was related to the plans under discussion in Guatemalan circles. Circumstantial evidence suggests that Ursua's support on the Council of the Indies
was so strong that he was personally handed the patent to begin constructing the road from Yucatan, notwithstanding that the scope of his project
and his administrative control over it would threaten the authority of the
resident governor, Roque de Soberanis y Centeno. Ursua's supporters, it
appears, were working behind the scenes to remove Soberanis from office
in order to allow Ursua to assume full control over the governorship well
ahead of schedule. Their efforts resulted in Soberanis's excommunication
1
Road to the Itzas

and temporary removal from office. Ursua thereupon stepped in as interim governor, a move that enabled him to establish momentum in planning, organizing, and initiating his project without opposition.
Because this book focuses on the Yucatecan side of the conquest, I take
pains to provide a portrait of Ursua himself. This chief architect and
commanding officer of the enterprise was a man of great stamina and
ruthless determination, and he emerges as the central Spanish character
in this drama. Although initially beholden to his patrons in Madrid, he
quickly assumed near-absolute powers at the local level and, once in
power, used his patrons as sources of political protection.
Guatemalan
Proposals
for New
Conquests
On December 6, 1688, the Guatemalan captain Juan de Mendoza petitioned the Crown requesting license to pursue an ambitious reduction of
the Choi Lakandons. Mendoza had participated with the president of the
Guatemalan audiencia, Enrique Enriquez de Guzman, in the reduction of
indigenous populations in Honduras. The project had been small in scale
but successful, resulting in the formation of five towns with a total population of 810. Mendoza now requested a patent from the king to do the
same to the Lakandons. He requested fifty armed men, funds for their
salaries, and an advancement in his status to the rank of sergeant major,
with the title of commander and governor.
Mendoza's petition languished in the Council of the Indies until 1692,
when Enriquez de Guzman, no longer in office but now serving in the
royal court in Madrid, represented Mendoza's request before that council.
The result was the issuance of a cedula ordering all that Mendoza had
requested. The reduction was to take a three-pronged approach through
territory with a large native population, and it was to have a strong missionary presence.
The first prong of the Spanish forces would leave from Verapaz, presently in the hands of the Dominicans. The second was to start from
Huehuetenango, territory of the Mercederian order, and the third would
depart from Chiapas, another Dominican territory. Although the ostensible purpose of the entradas was to pacify the Choi-speaking Lakandons
living along the tributaries of the upper Rio Usumacinta, they would also
move through Manche Choi territory from Verapaz. By implication, all
three prongs were intended to penetrate as far as Itza territory in central
Peten. Mendoza was to enlist the support of the Dominican and Merce2
112
Power Politics
derian provincials, seeking out the experienced Dominican Fray Agustin
Cano and the Mercederian Fray Diego de Rivas as the principal missionaries for the project. Mendoza's role as "captain of this conquest" was to
be limited to serving as a military escort for the missionaries; he was "not
to make war on the Indians, because reducing them is my [the king's] determination, [and] it is accomplished by means of the evangelical word."
Finally, the cedula noted, briefly and almost in passing, that the Guatemalan reduction would be coordinated with another entrada from Yucatan, to take place at the same time. It offered no explanation of the purpose of the Yucatecan entrada or who would direct it, but Governor
Roque Soberanis y Centeno was to receive a copy of the cedula. The
president of Guatemala, Jacinto de Barrios Leal, and Governor Soberanis
were to work out methods for cooperating in the venture.
This brief note was the first indication that plans were under way to
grant Ursua, who was presently in Mexico City, extensive powers to carry
out a road-building and reduction project that would open communication routes between Merida and Guatemala. The details had not yet been
worked out, but Ursua, who must have received a personal copy of the
cedula, now had the green light to plan accordingly.
Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi

Ursua, a Basque of noble ancestry, was born in the village of Oloriz in the
Basque province of Navarra, in the foothills of the Pyrenees. Almost nothing is presently known of his life before his arrival in Mexico in about
1680, but the Pamplonan abbot of Barajoan, Francisco de Elorza y Rada,
wrote a few paragraphs about his noble genealogy in 1 7 1 4 . In addition, we benefit from remarks about his career in Mexico made by the
famous nineteenth-century Yucatecan historian Bishop Crescendo Carrillo y Ancona.
When he arrived in Mexico, Ursua held the modest title of sergeant
major, serving in the viceroy's militia. He quickly progressed through a
series of military and political promotions. His powerful contacts in the
royal court and the Council of the Indies engineered his appointment in
1690 as future governor of Yucatan, to succeed Roque de Soberanis y
Centeno. Before he left Yucatan in 1708 to become president of the
Philippines, Ursua was named Caballero of the Order of Santiago (a noble
privilege of some of his ancestors, including his paternal grandfather) in
1 7 0 0 , and he received the titles of Conde de Lizarraga (which he pur5
113
Road to the Itzas
chased) and Castillo in 1705 after petitions to the Crown. He died in

Manila while in office in 1 7 1 5 .
Ursua had inherited a strong family tradition of prestigious and valorous service that he was determined to follow. The best known of his namesakes was Pedro de Ursua, who was born in Pamplona in 1 5 2 7 and killed
by Spanish bandits in the Peruvian Amazon in 15 60. Pedro had arrived in
Cartagena at eighteen with his Basque uncle, Miguel Diez de Armendariz,
who had been sent from Spain as the city's first visitador (official investigator) and judge. During the rest of his short life Pedro de Ursua conquered
and resettled interior native peoples, founded the cities of Pamplona and
Ocaiia in Nueva Granada (now in the Department of Santander, Colombia), served as military governor of various territories, and put down a
rebellion of black slaves in Panama. We might suppose that the young
Martin was deeply influenced by Pedro's career and that he studied Toribio de Ortiguera's account of his ancestor's last years, as well as any
family-owned papers about him that still remained in the Ursua palace.
8
Martin's grandfather, General Pedro de Ursua y Arizmendi, was a military man "who, setting off from his fatherland Bastan, served gloriously
on land and sea the lords and kings don Felipe the third and don Felipe the
fourth, and this [latter] great monarch promoted him to Count of Jerena,
a title of Castile." His oldest son, Pedro de Ursua y Arizmendi de Egiies y
Beaumont, who inherited the title of Count of Jerena, was probably Martin's father. He attended university in Salamanca, worked as a young man
for the Royal Council of Castile, was later promoted to the New Chancery
of Zaragoza, and late in life received an appointment on the Council and
Chamber of Castile. In 1 6 6 1 he traveled to South America with his mother's brother, Diego Egiies y Beaumont, who was then governor and captain general of the viceroyalty of Nueva Granada.
10
11
114
Martin's older brother, yet another Pedro de Ursua, was an abbot in

Pamplona, and he counted among his other contemporary male relatives
the Count of Fresno de la Fuente, who lived in New Spain, and two or
more archdeacons of the Pamplona cathedral. These were all highly successful men whose ancestry granted them not only titles of nobility but
also positions of power in the royal court, the church, and the military.
Moreover, they married women from powerful noble families, creating
extensive networks of kinship and marriage that bridged Europe and the
Americas.
12
Elorza y Rada wrote with great admiration about the noble heritage of
the Ursuas and the Arizmendis. The Ursua homestead in the Valle de Bastan, in 1 7 1 4 the residence of the younger Pedro, then lord of the house of
Power Politics
Ursua, was "an ancient fortress constructed with embrasures and defense
towers, with walls at a distance from the palace, and with a moat and
drawbridge that defend its enclosures." The Arizmendis occupied two
palaces, named Utalcua and Nas, respectively, in the nearby villa of Osses.
Nas had in earlier times been the local royal seat for the court that elected
the knights of Navarra, who included members of the Ursua family.
Elorza y Rada had seen a full-length portrait of don Martin, obviously
painted following the conquest of the Itzas and his subsequent purchase of
the title of Conde de Lizarraga. He held his general's baton and, in a style
reminiscent of the earliest Spanish conquerors, towered over subjugated
natives prostrated at his feet. Next to his right shoulder was a frame with a
coat of arms symbolizing three of his ancestral lines. Three magpies on a
field of gold represented the Ursuas. The two palaces of Arizmendi were
represented by two panels: a wild boar at the foot of a tree, over a silver
background, and a gold lion bordered with twelve gold crossed bars on a
red field. A black and silver chessboard represented the Valle de Bastan,
and a gold crown over the four panels portrayed the royal patronage
enjoyed by every branch of Ursua's ancestral family.
13
Ursua's own writing and reported behavior invoke a single, consistent,

and compelling personal portrait that of an arrogant, self-aggrandizing,
elitist autocrat. Gaining royal patronage to construct a road from Yucatan
to Guatemala, he soon ignored the niceties of his contract with the Crown
and determined to replicate and even outdo the feats of the early New
World conquerors by adding the conquest of the Itzas to his road project. Even in the shambles of the aftermath of his conquest, his reputation marred by scandal and corruption, he pursued a campaign of selfpromotion with the royal court and the public alike. Eventually he won
the prize that he may have coveted all along: the wealth-generating governorship of the Philippines.
Bishop Carrillo y Ancona, writing in the late nineteenth century, penned
a description of Ursua that must have reflected the folklore of his time. History was not kind to the memory of this ambitious man. Ursua, he wrote,
succeeded in establishing such an extraordinarily notable career, by
virtue of great and powerful influences, that he came to enjoy extraordinary prestige, even more so at the court of Madrid than at
that of Mexico distinguishing himself by his resolute, bold, and
enterprising character. When don Roque de Soberanis y Centeno
was governing here in Yucatan, sefior Ursua . . . rewarded himself
in a grand manner, augmenting his influences and privileged sup-
Road to the Itzas

port at the court by the famous exploit of the pacification and conquest of Peten Itza, as well as by opening the camino real between
Yucatan and Guatemala. He proceeded to enrich himself greatly,
and he relied as well on the powerful support of don Bernardino de
Zubiaur, a Spaniard like him, a merchant of Campeche who was
the possessor of great wealth and who had a brother on the Supreme Council of the Indies.
14
Carrillo y Ancona added sarcastically "Lord of Gallows and Knife" to the

official titles that Ursua had accrued, characterizing him in his role as
governor and captain general of Yucatan as "a great potentate here whom
nothing or no one could oppose or contradict even slightly, as everyone
knew and realized how much influence and power he had at the court."
The existing accounts of the conquest of the Itzas from events in local
Maya villages to negotiations with Madrid are so colored by Ursua's
powerful hand that interpreting events and relationships is often difficult.
In some cases he excised from the document record items that did not support his own objectives and interests, and in others he constructed texts
that he attributed to other voices. He produced his own official reports and
interpretations of events letters, memoranda, dispatches, and decrees
in a style that was verbose and self-serving. These he supported with
"officially" produced oral testimonies and reports by his chief military
officers and other clients. The testimonies or depositions, although taken
under oath and with the trappings of legal procedure, are often suspect,
because the interrogators asked leading questions to which the respondents had obviously been coached to provide rehearsed answers.
15
Despite Ursua's heavy editorial hand and his proclivity for influencing
and censoring the historical record, his detractors and various independent commentators also managed to contribute substantially to the account of the conquest. Some of these wrote independently to the Crown,
and others were included in official files by Ursua himself despite their contradictory views of events. Many questions remain, however, especially
regarding certain events such as the days surrounding the storming of
Nojpeten, over which Ursua maintained strict censorship of information.
So strong were Ursua's personal connections in the Council of the Indies and the Spanish court that his superiors apparently never challenged
his version of events. The council's official chronicler, Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, was clearly instructed by council members to produce
a book for public consumption that would reflect Ursua's version of the
conquest without offering alternative or uncomplimentary interpretations
Power Politics
of the general's role. So successful was this ploy that Villagutierre's report survives to the present day with no challenge to its relentlessly positive portrayal of Ursua's part in the conquest.
Ursua was a good military strategist, a stubborn and determined politician, and a strong field commander. He was, however, less interested in
governing what he had conquered than in his political and entrepreneurial
activities in Yucatan. Following his capture of Nojpeten he all but abandoned the project to weak military delegates who received little moral,
military, or financial support from him. He had little interest in details of
local governance and no desire to develop a strategy of provincial colonial
administration in Peten that responded to local cultural and economic
conditions. He expected that once the inhabitants of Itza territory were
captured and placed under colonial administration, they would pay tribute to him in the manner of the early conquerors' long-outmoded encomiendas. Ursua saw himself, in effect, as a latter-day conquistador in an
era when conquistadors were out of fashion.
16
17
Robert W. Patch has revealed that as governor, Ursua operated a vast

entrepreneurial system that netted him a large income at the expense of the
native Mayas of colonial Yucatan. This system, with origins in the sixteenth century, was known as the repartimiento. In Yucatan, Spaniards
made advance payments of money or credit, usually through local Maya
officials, for distribution to community members. In return they demanded
by a certain deadline the delivery of a specific local product, such as raw
cotton, cotton thread or cloth, or beeswax. These products were exported
to Mexico City from the busy port of Campeche, where Ursua had made
his principal home and had established numerous business ties. During the
seventeenth century the governors of Yucatan became the principal monopolists and organizers of repartimientos, assisted by district war captains whom they appointed in major Maya towns. While these war captains were ostensibly charged with defending the peninsula militarily, they
in fact carried out both the governor's and their own repartimientos. In
addition to the governor and his war captains, the encomenderos (those
who held rights to collect tribute from native villages) had been repartimiento operators since the sixteenth century.
18
19
Patch has given Ursua credit for taking the repartimiento system to new
levels of profitability:
The most important of all the entrepreneurs involved in this business with the Indians was the governor, Martin de Urzua y Arizmendi. Urziia controlled about 57 percent of all the textiles
117
Road to the Itzas

contracted, 6.5 percent of the thread, and 80.5 percent of the wax.
Of the total value, the governor's share, then, was almost an even
60 percent. Urzua did not pocket all the profits, for he had to work
through middlemen who of course received their share of the revenues. Nevertheless, his income from business with the Indians was
considerable, and helps explain why politics in Yucatan in the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries revolved around the governor's role in the repartimiento system.
20
Next to the governor, the second most successful repartimiento operator was a church institution known as the Santa Cruzada (Holy Crusade),
originally established in the fourteenth century to raise money for the war
against the Moors by selling indulgences. Although the Crown had prohibited such sales in native communities, in Yucatan this changed in about
1 6 7 5 , when another Basque immigrant, Pedro de Garrastegui y Oleado,
purchased the post of treasurer of the Santa Cruzada for fourteen thousand pesos and proceeded to sell indulgences at considerable profit to
Mayas in exchange for cotton cloth and beeswax. Garrastegui not only negotiated the right to pass his position on to his heirs but also purchased the
title of Count of Miraflores, "thereby making himself and his heirs the only
family of titled nobility in Yucatan." There can be little doubt that the
church's role in the repartimiento system, which also fed the export shipping industry in Campeche, was a major factor in the close alliances that
we see in later chapters between Ursua and the secular clergy of Yucatan.
21
Ursua and the Origins of the Camino Real

Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi arrived in Mexico in about 1680 and in
1692 claimed that he had served the Crown in Yucatan during the intervening years. By this he apparently referred to his role as a practicing
lawyer in Mexico City, where, according to Patch, "he had handled lawsuits and business affairs for many people from Yucatan. . . . In fact, the
few extant records show that the future governor had dealings with people who served either as alcaldes [chief city council members] or Procurators of Merida in 1 6 8 2 , 1 6 8 3 , 1 6 8 5 , 1689, and 1690. Contacts like these
undoubtedly smoothed the way for a working relationship between the
local elite and Martin de Ursua."
In 1694 Ursua had risen to the position of alcalde ordinario of Mexico
City. By 1 6 9 2 , however, he had already gained appointment from the
22
Power Politics
Crown as proprietary governor of Yucatan and was named to replace
Roque de Soberanis y Centeno at the scheduled end of Soberanis's term in
169 8. At some point Ursua married a wealthy Yucatecan, dona Juana
Bolio y Ojeda, born and reared in Merida, and they had several children.
Her brother was Maestre de Campo Manuel Bolio, himself a successful
repartimiento entrepreneur. Ursua had brought with him to New Spain
and later to Yucatan brothers, sisters, and other relatives and managed to
establish a tight network in Yucatecan circles by marrying them off to
local residents. He always kept his principal family residence in Campeche, suggesting that his early contacts with Yucatan involved not only
legal representation but also his acting as an agent and broker for the city's
wealthy merchants and exporters. By the time he assumed the office of
acting governor on December 1 7 , 1694, well before Soberanis's scheduled
departure from office, he had developed such strong relationships with the
leading merchants and other citizens of Campeche that he appointed them
to military command positions as part of his scheme to open the road to
Guatemala and conquer the native people along the proposed route.
During his early years in Mexico City Ursua formulated the plan that
would eventually result in the conquest of the Itzas. His ambitious ideas
probably grew out of suggestions made by his Campeche friends in combination with inside knowledge of the Choi Lakandon reductions proposed by Mendoza. On June 30, 1692, he made a formal request to the
king to carry out his plans as soon as he took office as governor of Yucatan. In this letter he claimed in expansive language that
23
24
25
26
27
the most glorious undertaking for the service of God and of Your
Majesty in which I can employ myself during the period of my government is the conversion and reduction of innumerable Indians,
infidels, and apostates, who are located between the said provinces
of Yucatan and those of Guatemala, and the opening of a road from
the one set of provinces to the other not only to facilitate trade,
which will be of general utility and in Your Majesty's service, but
also for the reduction of so many Indians toward which end Your
Majesty has so ordered the governors of the said province, as well
as the president and oidores of the Royal Audiencia of Guatemala,
and the prelates of both jurisdictions.
28
Ursua knew that the Council of the Indies had already acted positively
on Mendoza's 1689 proposal for the three-pronged entrada from Guatemala, whereas the cedula enabling it would not be issued for another four
months.
Road to the Itzas

ANOTHER
GUATEMALAN
RIVAL
Ursua's mention of orders given to the governors of Yucatan certainly

referred to a cedula issued to Governor Bruno Tello y Guzman in 1685 or
1686, granting the Yucatecan encomendero Captain Juan del Castillo y
Toledo a patent to carry out an entrada to the native towns of southern
Belize. Although the official purpose of the new entrada was to punish
the Chols who had murdered three Franciscan missionaries in 1684, Castillo, with the governor's blessing, pursued a different agenda altogether.
He instead went armed in 1687 i
Yucatec-speaking independent
rebellious zone of La Pimienta, constructing a fortified reduction town
there, Santa Clara de Chanchanja, as the intended jumping-off point for
his own miliary conquest of the Itzas. On this last part of the plan, he soon
found himself thwarted by Ursua.
29
n t o
t n e
Just as Castillo y Toledo and Governor Tello y Guzman had reasoned

several years earlier, Ursua now argued that improved land communications should be opened between Yucatan and Guatemala and that native
populations along its route should be brought together and converted to
the Christian faith. Instead of following the by now well-traveled road to
Castillo's Chanchanja mission on the southeastern frontiers of the peninsula, Ursua although he did not specify this in his 1692 letter would
follow the old road, established earlier in the century, south from Merida
and Campeche through the now-defunct Kejach missions.
Ursua was well aware of Castillo's desire to be the conqueror of the
Itzas, and in his petition to the king he may have hoped to stifle Castillo's
plans by tying his own enterprise to the pending conquest of Choi Lakandon territory by the Audiencia of Guatemala. Although Ursua tried to
avoid referring to his desire to pursue a conquest of the Itzas, that he
intended to do so was public knowledge in Yucatan. There is every reason
to believe that from the outset Ursua planned to conquer the Itzas if not
through peaceful negotiation, then by military action. Not until late 1696,
however, did he openly reveal this plan.
Meanwhile, Castillo y Toledo attempted to convince the Council of the
Indies that he be authorized to carry out an entrada to the Itzas via Tipuj,
complaining that his efforts to begin a road in that direction had been
ignored. In response to Castillo's complaints, the Council of the Indies
sent a cedula to the Audiencia of Guatemala on June 22, 1 6 9 5 , requiring
that President Jacinto Barrios Leal support and communicate with Castillo while at the same time discussing the matter with by then interim
Governor Ursua in the hope that through such communication the issue
Power Politics
of the route could be resolved. Slow communications between Guatemala and Yucatan made such discussion impossible, and in any case both
the route and the key players in the road project had already been determined. Ultimately, Castillo was sidelined by the ambitious Ursua, whose
connections in Madrid were far more significant than his.
30
31
THE TERMS AND
CONDITIONS
OF URSUA'S
OFFER
In his June 1 6 9 2 letter to the king, Ursua proposed to carry out his expensive road engineering project and barely disguised military undertaking at
his own cost, with no expense to be incurred by the royal treasury. He
later claimed that the cost of the project had been borne not only by his
personal fortune but also by that of his wife, dona Juana Bolio. The
ultimate monetary cost was paid by the native inhabitants of Yucatan in
the form of illegal repartimientos demanded by Governor Ursua.
What turned out in later years to be the most important and the most
hotly debated section of his proposal was that pertaining to the peaceful
evangelism that would accompany the reduction of the native people. As
soon as Ursua took office he wrote,
32
33
I shall put into execution the opening of the camino real from the
provinces of Yucatan to those of Guatemala, at the same time reducing peacefully and gently, by means of evangelical preaching, all
of the Indians who will be encountered in those regions, without allowing the conversion to hinder the goal of opening the road, which
is what will best facilitate reducing all of those who live in those regions later on, with continual Spanish passage and trade between
the provinces, for which enterprise and attainment it is most essential to move up the time remaining to me before my possession of
the said executive power, on account of the preparations that are
required.
34
The phrase "reducing peacefully and gently ' (reduciendo de paz y de

paso) was repeated in all of the Crown's later cedulas approving Ursua's
plan. Ursua frequently quoted it himself as he cited "proof" that he was
following the Crown's orders, but his critics in turn cited his troops' harsh,
often violent treatment of the Mayas. The most vociferous of these critics
were, not surprisingly, the Franciscan missionaries. Unbeholden to his
base of power, they had little faith in Ursua's good intentions when it came
to matters of native spiritual and personal welfare.
The memorial that Ursua included with this letter, carried by his agents
5
121
Road to the Itzas

to Madrid, laid out specific requests for supporting royal cedulas. These
cedulas included several to Yucatan ordering the bishop and the Franciscan provincial to provide Ursua with missionaries for the conversion
effort; others to the president and oidores of the Audiencia of Guatemala,
as well as the local governors, ordering that they assist Ursua and not
hinder him in any way; and finally, one to the viceroy of New Spain
ordering that he support Ursua and provide him with food supplies and
munitions at fair prices, given their scarcity in Yucatan. In addition, Ursua
requested the power to appoint a military commander or commanders of
his own choosing, to recruit soldiers, to make all necessary preparations
for his project, and to pay for all supplies at a fair going rate.
His final "request" a sharply honed abstract of the irony and moral
contradiction that was to plague the enterprise from start to finish was
that, once the road had been completed "at his own cost and expense,"
the king should reward Ursua and his commanders with an appropriate
"prize or remuneration," because "the principal end" that Ursua sought
was nothing less than "the service of God Our Lord and of Your Majesty."
URSUA'S
122
EMPOWERMENT
MADE
OFFICIAL
There can be little doubt that while he was in Mexico City Ursua had
been kept well informed of discussions at the Council of the Indies about
the Guatemalan captain Juan de Mendoza's proposal to pursue a threepronged entrada into Choi Lakandon and Manche Choi territory. Mendoza, however, was no longer a player in whatever Guatemalan schemes
were operating to put this plan into action; his name never appears in later
information about these entradas. At this point, either Enrique Enriquez de
Guzman, now on the Spanish court, or another of Ursua's Madrid contacts
must have engineered his appointment as the next governor of Yucatan on
the understanding that the Council of the Indies would support a bid from
Ursua to complement the Guatemalan's reduction plans by proposing to
construct the road that would connect the two provinces. The council
delayed three years after receiving Mendoza's 1688 petition until November 24, 1692 before granting permission to the president of Guatemala to pursue the reductions from Guatemala. Their permission came
slightly less than four months after the posting of Ursua's letter and memorial to the Crown. The timing could hardly have been serendipitous: it
would have just allowed Ursua's correspondence to reach Madrid and the
council to hurriedly draft a response to Mendoza's outstanding petition.
The new cedula, however, included one highly significant item missing
in the original request: that an entrada, unspecified in nature, would origi-
Power Politics
nate from Yucatan at the same time as the departure of the three Guatemalan entradas. Governor Soberanis received a copy of this cedula, as did,
presumably, the viceroy of New Spain.
On October 26, 1693, sixteen months after Ursua had written from
Mexico, the Council of the Indies issued a flurry of cedulas granting all
that he had asked. His personal role in the road-building project was now
official. The cedula to Ursua, whom Carlos II addressed as sergeant major,
was written in warm, appreciative, even personal language, thanking him
"for the kindness and love that you demonstrate for the service of God and
me, undertaking an enterprise so useful to both, and assuring you of
my gratitude and remembrance." The king noted that on November 24,
1 6 9 2 , he had sent orders to the Audiencia of Guatemala and the governor
of Yucatan "that they maintain contact and assist in this reduction." The
emphasis was on reduction, not road opening. Guatemala and Yucatan
must establish a direct route to ensure that they would meet at the same
time and place. Local officials must provide any assistance that Ursua
might require of them.
35
36
The rest of the king's orders, except for the pointed repetition of Ursua's promise that the reduction would be pursued "gently and peacefully," pertained to the sorts of particulars that a seasoned commander
such as Ursua would have considered beforehand. Ursua should make
certain that his chosen route would pass along streams providing sufficient water from day to day. If he encountered large rivers, he should look
for the best places to build bridges across them. Settlements were to be
established every four to eight leagues along the road to ensure that the
reduced populations would stay put. If at first this proved difficult, roadside inns should be constructed as rest houses for travelers. In either case,
the king reasoned that the trade the road would encourage would attract
settlers along the route.
37
Neither the impending Guatemalan entradas to Choi Lakandon territory nor the likelihood that both Castillo y Toledo and Governor Soberanis would oppose his plans appears to have caused Ursua much concern, and in all but the case of Soberanis he eventually compromised with
rival parties and sought cooperation with them. As he later learned, pursuing the camino real all the way to Guatemala would have been financially and militarily impossible, especially after he shifted his attention
from the road itself to the conquest of the Itzas. The Choi Lakandon conquest turned out to be a small affair, pale in comparison with the drama
and scale of the Itza enterprise. Ursua scrapped his original plan to construct a western road through Choi Lakandon territory and routed the
123
Road to the Itzas

road to Guatemala to the east, passing by Lago Peten Itza on the way to
Verapaz.
Other cedulas were shipped out along with the one directed to Ursua,
all dated October 2 6 , 1 6 9 3 . As Ursua had requested, these were addressed
to President Jacinto Barrios y Leal and the oidores of the Audiencia of
Guatemala; the viceroy of Mexico, the Conde de Galve; the bishop of
Yucatan, Juan Cano y Sandoval; and the Franciscan provincial, Fray Juan
Antonio Silva. They were brief and to the point, notifying the recipients
of Ursua's intention and ordering their cooperation and assistance. No
cedula was addressed to Governor Soberanis, who was not formally notified of the project until 1 6 9 4 .
38
39
The Displacement of Soberanis y Centeno

Roque de Soberanis y Centeno had assumed the governorship of Yucatan
on August 2 0 , 1 6 9 3, replacing Juan Jose de Barcena. Like Ursua, he was
a knight of the Order of Santiago. Also like his successor he came from a
wealthy and influential family. According to the nineteenth-century Yucatecan historian Eligio Ancona, who did not identify his source,
40
[i]t is said that he was still too young for the high position to which
he had been elevated and that he would never have achieved it without the influences that his family, one of the richest and most powerful of Cadiz, enjoyed at the court. Don Roque . . . enjoyed pleasures,
ardently loved the poor, and the sight of a rich or powerful man upset him. This may have been the secret of the opposition that he encountered from the high clergy and the encomenderos, because
shortly after he took charge of the government they drew up many
charges against him and sent them to the Royal Audiencia of Mexico. Don Juan Cano y Sandoval, the bishop of the province .. . distinguished himself among his opposers.
41
Bishop Cano, a man of sixty-five years, accused Governor Soberanis of

"short-cutting the maize measures, threatening a conflagration in the Peninsula." Ancona found the accusation implausible, because a man devoted to helping the poor would certainly have protected the food intended for the "destitute and needy classes." The accusation nonetheless
justified Bishop Cano's decision to excommunicate Soberanis, who refused to give up his duties as governor. When the matter came to the
42
124
Power Politics
audiencia's attention, he was suspended temporarily and called to Mexico
City in late 1694 to answer the charges.
Ursiia was not scheduled to assume his powers until Soberanis's fiveyear term had ended in 1698. Ancona claimed that the viceroy was so
convinced of the importance of Yucatan in the proposed road-building
and reduction project that he decided to appoint Ursiia as interim governor and captain general without delay. Ursiia, after all, had already received the Crown's patent to carry out the expedition. Yucatan was more
critical to the project than Guatemala, because "Peten and nearly all the
rest of the surrounding tribes spoke the same idiom and possessed the
same modes and customs as the natives of the peninsula."
43
44
The transitional politics leading up to Soberanis's displacement take us

back to September 1 6 , 1 6 9 3 , nearly a year before his misfortunes transpired, and prior to receipt in Yucatan of the cedulas of patent to Ursiia. On
that date Soberanis had written to Barrios Leal requesting details of the
Guatemalan president's plans to carry out the terms of the cedula of November 24, 1692. Barrios, unaware of Soberanis's subsequent suspension
from office but by now informed of Ursua's appointment as the future
leader of the road-opening project, wrote to Soberanis on August 1 3 ,
1694, outlining his plan to carry out the Crown's instructions for a dual
entrada from Guatemala and Yucatan without, perhaps for reasons of
political delicacy, mentioning Ursua by name.
45
The Guatemalans hoped to set out, as originally planned, from Huehuetenango, Chiapas, and Verapaz at the beginning of 1695 d
already recruiting volunteer soldiers. Barrios emphasized how much Guatemala needed cooperation from Soberanis, including pressure on the
bishop and the Franciscan predicador to recruit missionaries. Believing
that the Yucatecans were more familiar with the forests than were the
Guatemalans, he asked Soberanis to have a map of the region prepared. So
certain was he that the two parties would eventually approach one another from north and south that he suggested they should communicate
with smoke signals in order to distinguish their fires from those of the local
populations.
Soberanis replied on September 1 2 , reporting that he had already abandoned the capital and was in Campeche. His political situation prevented
Yucatan's participation for the time being, but he would have the Campechano captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes, already one of Ursua's closest
associates, prepare the map for Barrios. Barrios quickly responded with
stated regret, still emphasizing that preparations for Guatemala's entrada
a n
12s
Road to the Itzas
were well under way. He now hoped to initiate the expedition in February and had decided to join the Chiapas party himself, leaving the capital
on December 1 5 . He needed the map as soon as possible and requested,
in addition, that Soberanis send him two men familiar with the territory.
He demanded formal assurances, as implied by the various cedulas, that
runaways from any native communities who had been frightened by the
Guatemalan entrada would not be treated with hostility by Yucatecan
forces.
46
4 7
In November Barrios wrote a biting letter to Bishop Cano concerning

his excommunication of Soberanis, accusing him of having acted out of
jealousy. His implication was transparent: that the bishop had carried
out the excommunication in order to force Soberanis to leave Yucatan. By
going on to press the point that whoever might serve as interim governor
would override the bishop's apparent objections to the reduction, Barrios
may have shown his awareness that Ursiia was about to step in and put the
bishop in his place.
Barrios learned of Ursua's appointment as interim governor on November 23, 1694, in a letter from Licenciado Francisco de Saraza, an oidor on
the Audiencia of Mexico. Saraza, who was also to be the judge in the
investigation of the charges against Soberanis, had written the letter on
October 30, suggesting that Ursua's appointment may have been arranged
before Soberanis was ordered to appear in Mexico City and reinforcing
the possibility that his excommunication was part of a plan to remove him
from office as soon as possible.
Saraza apparently traveled with Ursua to Campeche, arriving on December 27, 1694, when the latter took up his duties as interim governor.
Saraza's presence there was officially to carry out a residencia, or investigation of the charges against Soberanis, and his work was tainted by
conflicts of interest. He was a strong supporter of Ursua's and in late 1 6 9 5 ,
on the recommendation of Ursua's agent and relative, Francisco de Ursua,
wrote a glowing report to the Audiencia of Mexico concerning Ursua's
accomplishments on the camino real project. Francisco de Ursiia was
attempting to forestall Soberanis's reinstatement as governor, and Saraza
was obviously eager for Ursua to remain in that post. Fray Andres de
Avendano claimed in mid-169 5 that Saraza was a staunch backer of Ursiia's project. In the end, however, Soberanis was exonerated by the
audiencia and absolved by the church of all charges in February 1696. In
the months following his return to office in early 1696 he pursued a
relentless campaign to sabotage Ursiia's plans, nearly forcing Ursiia to
leave Yucatan and abandon his project.
48
49
50
126
51
52
Power Politics
Preparation for the First Entrada

Immediately upon taking up the post of interim governor in the waning
days of 1694, Ursua began to implement his ambitious plans. By January
2 1 , 1 6 9 5 , he d already named his old friend and fellow Campechano,
Alonso Garcia de Paredes, to take troops southward, ostensibly to meet
up with those of President Barrios. The second in command was to be
Francisco Gonzalez Ricardo, another Campechano, although Gonzalez
never served.
53
n a
54
Garcia de Paredes was a wealthy man, an encomendero and town

councilman with years of experience in matters of "reducing" Mayas in
his capacity as war captain of the frontier partido of Sajkab'ch'en. Most of
his income apparently came from cutting timber destined for the shipyards at Campeche. He also owned an estancia (ranch) at Sajkab'ch'en
and drew additional income from a small encomienda near the border
with Tabasco, both areas rich in valuable logwood. His encomienda was
situated, to his probable commercial benefit, along the major trade and
communications route that ran all the way from Merida, eventually following the Rio Usumacinta to Ciudad Real in Chiapas and continuing to
highland Guatemala. Garcia had purchased the post of "permanent regidor" of Campeche, a position that gave him personal and financial influence in ensuring the success of Ursua's venture. He had also agreed to
pay an annual fee for the privilege of serving as Ursua's lieutenant captain
general and supreme magistrate for the opening of the camino real and the
reduction of "infidels" along its way.
55
56
57
58
59
Ursua's first instructions to Garcia were vague. He emphasized that the

primary purpose of the project was to open a secure land route to Guatemala, and he only implied that any "infidels" discovered along the way
were to be reduced and converted. He recognized that conversion was the
aim of the Barrios undertaking and that earlier governors of Yucatan had
tried and failed to pacify and Christianize these provinces. Of Garcia,
however, he required only that "he head out for the said provinces with all
the people who are assigned to him in order to meet up with the said lord
president [Barrios], opening road up to the said jurisdiction, whom he will
notify about everything that he deems appropriate; and he will be under
the said lord president's orders. For which his lordship [Governor Ursiia]
will assist him at his own cost with the powder, ammunition, and supplies
that he needs for the said journey."
60
Garcia de Paredes received no instructions about how to treat the native people he would encounter. Forgotten were the pious language of
127
Road to the Itzas

Ursua's original memorial and the Crown's repetition of his intention to
reduce the natives "gently and peacefully." Subsequent actions demonstrated that Garcia understood his job as that of a soldier who was to open
a road and confront any resistance militarily. Ursua's own subsequent
support of Garcia indicates that he shared this interpretation. Only one
priest, a member of the secular clergy, accompanied Garcia. Ursua should
have appointed missionaries from the regular clergy to accompany the
troops, but he did not do so until May. In the meantime, Garcia made a
first, short-lived entrada during March and April, which he used primarily
in order to capture a number of resistant forest Mayas.
Although Ursua's official instructions to Garcia de Paredes were to
open the road to the point at which he would meet President Barrios and
his troops, we will see later that this was never Ursua's true intention.
Garcia struck a path for Lago Peten Itza and never wavered from it.
128
chapter
five
THE BIRTH OF T H E
C A M I N O REAL
In early March 1695, Captain Alonso Garcia de

Paredes set out from Campeche under orders from Governor Ursua, who
had taken office only a few months before. On this, the first of several
military entradas destined for Lago Peten Itza, Garcia took with him a
modest retinue of fifty Spanish troops and an additional number of Maya
guides, muleteers, road openers, and retainers. The sole churchman accompanying the expedition was the secular priest of Sajkab'ch'en, Bachiller Estevan de Saraus.
The Spaniards were Garcia de Paredes's familiars, chosen from those
employed "in his haciendas." No surveyor accompanied the small band,
but Garcia had considerable knowledge of the lands to the south, having
traveled the existing forest road over the past eighteen years in his capacity
as war captain of the district of Sajkab'ch'en (map 8). His occasional
forays had taken him at least as far south as Tzuktok', which had been
from time to time a settled mission station. Their purpose had been to raid
villages and hamlets settled by runaways from encomienda towns or to
capture anyone else he could find in the forests. He would round up the
inhabitants and march them off to his and others' Campeche-area encomiendas and ranches, where they would enlarge the population that was
forced to participate in repartimientos, to pay tribute, and to perform
required labor (servicio personal). The distance from Kawich, at the head
of this road, to Tzuktok' was some forty-three leagues.
1
The Failure of the First Entrada

On this occasion Garcia de Paredes took guides from Sajkab'ch'en who
could lead the way through the same territory from which many of them at
been forcibly removed in earlier years. He made Sajkab'ch'en his military
Map 8.
The route of the camino real.
Birth of the Camino Real

headquarters, striking out southward from there through hostile terrain.
By mid-April he and his men had turned back, having met armed resistance from the native population. He reported to Ursiia from Sajkab'ch'en
on April 2 1 , according to the governor's summary of his letter, "thathaving come upon a hamlet of Cehach Indians, and having imprisoned
some of them as they had not wanted to submit peacefully, because there
are many who inhabit those forests, and recognizing that his men had
been intimidated, and with resolve not to go further, he decided to retreat
to this province and to inform his lordship of the aforementioned."
According to Villagutierre, who saw Garcia's report to Ursiia, at some
point the captain led a group of armed scouts to explore the area beyond
where workers were clearing the road.
3
After walking some distance through the bush they came upon
some hamlets of many Indians pagans and apostates of the
Cehach nation who, upon seeing the Spaniards, defended themselves, starting to shoot arrows.
And despite exhortations that they lay down their arms, listen to
[the Spaniards] and submit peacefully, and [understand] that no
harm would be done to them, it was impossible to get anywhere
with them. To the contrary, it was necessary to begin fighting. As a
result, forced to retreat, the pagans (although for a good while they
resisted the combat tenaciously) were imprisoned. Some of them
said and declared through the interpreters that they were of the
Cehach nation, and that there were a great many of that or of other
nations who inhabited those forests.
4
Ursua reported several months later that the Spaniards had killed eight
Kejaches on this expedition. Garcia must have penetrated the forest beyond Tzuktok', because the Franciscan friars identified Kejach territory as
beginning at Chunpich, eight leagues south of Tzuktok'.
The resistance his men encountered could hardly have surprised Garcia, considering his reputation in these forests. Villagutierre claimed that
he decided to sound the retreat because his own men were so few, "and
even the fewest for such barbarism." A more plausible motive is that he
needed his available troops to escort the Kejach captives back to Sajkab'ch'en. The troops had already violated the spirit of a reduction that
was to be pursued "peacefully and gently," attacking native people along
the route, imprisoning them, subjecting them to interrogation, and carrying them off. Their precise fate, of course, is unrecorded, but they may
well have been taken to Garcia's encomienda, as were forest Mayas cap5
131
Road to the Itzas

tured near Tzuktok' later in the year. The camino real project had begun
as a sequel to many decades of armed intrusions and reductions in this
frontier area.
The first entrada lasted a few short weeks, made little progress into the
southern forests, and was scarcely noted in further reports on the road
opening. Indeed, most of Ursua's official reports ignored the event altogether, perhaps less because of his embarrassment that Garcia had been so
poorly supplied with troops than because of his desire to conceal the fact
that he had captured natives by force of arms. Villagutierre's claim that
Ursua received news of the retreat with "great disgust" and "no little
disquietude" may have been true, but Ursua himself revealed no such
judgments in writing. Nor is there any indication that Ursua chastised his
captain for his treatment of the Kejaches. Rather, he quickly concluded
that better armed preparation was called for next time. Garcia, who returned to Campeche in early May, set out again along the camino real in
early June, this time with a veritable army, an extensive supply train, and a
military engineer who would survey the road. We shall return to this
second entrada later in the chapter, but first let us look at developments on
the Guatemalan side of the project.
8
Itza-Guatemalan
Encounters
Guatemalan president Barrios Leal, although in ill health, had departed at

the head of his own small army from Santiago de Guatemala on January
1 5 , 1 6 9 5, reaching Comitan via Huehuetenango three weeks later. Joining
other troops sent on before him, he was advised to travel ahead to Ocosingo before entering the Choi Lakandon forests. At Ocosingo the plan of
attack was finalized: Barrios would lead three companies of Spaniards and
two of Mayas departing from Ocosingo. Captain Melchor Rodriguez
would take a Spanish company and a number of Mayas from San Mateo
Ixtatan through Huehuetenango. The third party troops, native path
cutters, and muleteers under Captain Juan Diaz de Velasco would travel
southeast from Comitan to Cahabon in Alta Verapaz. Each party was to
depart from its station on the last day of February to begin the final
Lakandon campaign.
9
tei
10
It was Rodriguez's party, with the tracking assistance of the Mercederian Fray Pedro de la Concepcion, that discovered the Lakandon town
of Sakb'ajlan on April 6 and occupied the deserted settlement on the
ninth. The Mercederian provincial, Fray Diego de Rivas, promptly named

the town Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, because the first signs of it were
found on Good Friday; it was often called Dolores del Lacandon. President Barrios and his men finally found the now-occupied Dolores on
April 1 9 . The inhabitants soon started to return, and the process of catechizing and baptizing them began. After constructing a fort, Barrios and
his officers decided to begin withdrawing on May 20, leaving behind all
but fifty troops, in addition to the priests and a body of native servants.
Barrios returned to Santiago de Guatemala on July 4 .
1 1
With the rainy season now under way, Barrios decided to postpone
further action until the following year. This was to be his last entrada,
however he died early the next year. From this point onward, reduction
activities in the vicinity of Dolores del Lacandon were small in scale, and
any thoughts of extending the muddy path beyond there toward Yucatan
were soon abandoned.
A Guatemalan messenger, Diego Bernardo del Rio, arrived in Merida
on June 23 with news of the occupation of Dolores del Lacandon and
President Barrios's pending return to Santiago de Guatemala with the bulk
of his troops. The record of his report, in the form of a brief sworn
testimony taken by Ursua, says nothing about what had become of Juan
Diaz de Velasco, whom the president had ordered to set out from his
temporary post at Cahabon at the end of February for an undisclosed
destination. From this omission we might conclude that del Rio had been
carefully instructed to keep secret the fact that the final goal of the 1695
Guatemalan campaign was not to reduce the Choi Lakandons but to
discover the precise location of the Itzas and to consider how best to
pursue their conquest and reduction. Ursua's record of del Rio's intelligence report reveals nothing about the strategy by which, as we will soon
see, this initial exploratory mission would be carried out that is, for
Diaz's forces to proceed northward from Verapaz through Manche Choi
and Mopan territory all the way to Lago Peten Itza. There, if the plan had
worked, they would have joined President Barrios and his troops, who
were to have proceeded eastward from Choi Lakandon territory as soon
as their reduction project there had been accomplished.
12
The Guatemalans, who were aware of Ursua's designs on the Itzas,

were determined to reach them before Ursua did. It is inconceivable that
del Rio was unaware of the fighting that occurred between the Itzas and
Diaz de Velasco's party during April, described in the pages that follow.
Yet Ursua reported that del Rio spoke of the Itzas only vaguely in terms of
their legendary ferocity as "warlike and bloodthirsty Indians who eat
human flesh."
13
n%
Road to the Itzas

Indeed, by the time del Rio reached Merida, Diaz de Velasco had already engaged his first Itzas. The Guatemalan captain commanded seventy armed Spaniards, "many" Maya archers from Verapaz, and a host of
native muleteers. President Barrios, who was more concerned with reducing the native population than with opening a road, had been careful
to appoint missionaries to each of the military branches of his enterprise.
Diaz therefore had with him four Dominican friars, the vicar general of
whom was Fray Agustin C a n o . Guatemalan-born Cano had strong credentials as a well-respected theologian, missionary, and administrator of
his order. He was an excellent choice to lead reductions in this area,
having participated in reduction missions, without military escort, in the
Manche Choi region during 1685 d
He was well educated, op14
15
a n
posed to violence against the native people, and able to hold his ground in
the company of military officers. One of his companions in the entrada to
the Itzas, Jose Delgado, had participated in the Manche Choi reductions
with him. Diaz himself was also familiar with the region, having provided a military escort for the Dominican Fray Francisco Gallegos on a
reduction mission to the Manche Choi region in 167 6.
This was the first direct encounter between Spaniards and Itzas on their
home territory in many years probably since the murder of Fray Diego
Delgado and his Tipujan and Spanish escorts in 1 6 2 3 . By now the Itzas
were aware of rapidly accelerating Spanish activities all along their frontiers, and they were not about to be fooled into thinking that these visitors
were traders on a peaceful mission of exchange and evangelism. Garcia
was advancing south toward Kejach territory. Guatemalan troops and
missionaries were exploring in southwestern Peten, and now troops were
advancing toward the lake from the south. Defense strategies against the
Spaniards were surely being discussed at Nojpeten, and political stresses
were bringing the Itza confederacy nearly to the breaking point. It was no
wonder, then, that a group of nervous Itza hunters reacted to Diaz's armed
military explorers with a volley of arrows.
16
17
During March, Diaz's expedition passed without apparent incident

through Choi territory, collecting a number of natives whom they impressed as supply carriers. By April 2 the main party had advanced well
into Mopan lands and camped at a place known as Mopan, whose principal "cacique" was Taxim Chan; this town was probably at or near the
location of present-day San Luis. Cano wrote from there to the Guatemalan oidor Jose de Escals, who had assumed the president's authority
while Barrios was on his expedition, reporting that the Choi and Mopan
guides denied any knowledge of the path to the lake, owing to their fear of
18
134

the Itzas. Delays in the arrival of supplies, as well as the desertion of their
carriers, had forced the party to stay there for several days, which Cano
welcomed for the opportunity it gave to have "pacified many Mopans,
among them four caciques.' Nonetheless, most of the local Mopans had
fled the area with Taxim Chan, He estimated that they were only three or
four days from the lake and presumed that he would meet up with President Barrios's party there, unaware that the president had not even neared
the area. Cano emphasized that the large number of abandoned houses
and maize fields indicated a large population of Mopans, who he understood were political subjects of the Itza ruler.
On April 6 about fifty musketeers and some native archers left the camp
at Taxim Chan's town and within two days found signs of camps made by
Itzas who a month earlier had visited this part of Mopan territory. Further along the way, now following a clear road to Itza territory, Diaz de
Velasco sent ahead two of his soldiers, two archers from Saiama in Verapaz, two muleteers from Cahabon, the Mopan guide Cacique Yajkab'
who also spoke Choi, and another Choi-speaking interpreter from Cahabon. This group was assigned to explore the road beyond Taxim Chan's
town. The rest of the force moved ahead to a place called "Rio de los Ah
Itzaes," ten or twelve leagues south of the lake.
On the savannah just south of the lake about thirty-two leagues from
Taxim Chan's town the advance party of explorers encountered a group
of thirty Itza deer hunters armed with shields, spears, and bows and arrows and accompanied by hunting dogs. Seeing the strangers, the Itzas put
down their loads, pulled out their weapons, and drew their bows. The
Mopan guide told them what he had been instructed to say or at least
the Spaniards thought he did "He told the Petenes [i.e., Itzas] that they
should be peaceable and not fight, because those were merchants who sold
axes and machetes, and that with them had come some padres in order to
preach to them and teach them the law of G o d . " With this misinformation communicated, the following events transpired according to Fray
Agustin Cano's reconstruction, w hich concurs precisely with Captain
Diaz de Velasco's field diary:
519
20
21
22
23
24
While the Mopan Indian said this, [the Spaniards] were encircling
the Petenes, and their leader nailed his spear into the ground and
went to up to receive the Mopan, giving him his hand with much
courtesy. And especially when the Petenes heard him say that
padres went along, they started to murmur and began to be agitated. And seeing this, Machuca [one of the Spanish soldiers] told
Road to the Itzas

an archer from Saiama to grab the Mopan because he had intimated himself with the Petenes, and it appears that he had sold out
our own people. And the Saiama Indian, throwing himself into the
midst of the Petenes, caught the Mopan and dragged him out from
amidst all the rest. Then the Petenes became excited, [and] grabbed
their arrows in order to shoot at our men, who, quickly taking up
their muskets, fired two of them, wounding some of the Petenes.
Most of them fled, and three or four Petenes remained where they
were, as though stunned, with their arrows in their hands, without
shooting them at our men. A Cahabon Indian then rushed at them
with his machete, and they too turned to run away, leaving in the
hands of our Indian a good roll of arrows. All of the Indians having
disappeared, they went up to the packs that the Indians had left behind in the camp, and they found them filled with tamales, plantains, and other supplies with which they remedied their need, and
they were able to return to let us know what had happened and all
about the road to the lake.
25
Prisoners taken subsequent to this encounter reported that the wounded

Itzas had later died.
26
INTELLIGENCE ON
NOJPETEN
Five days later Diaz questioned Yajkab', the Mopan interpreter, concerning the names of the "caciques" of the "Ahitza" and received from him
valuable testimony. The interpreter, who obviously knew Nojpeten firsthand, stated that the previous "lord and principal cacique" had died and
had left three of his sons, all of whom were named Kan Ek', to govern the
island. These three brothers united whenever they made war on the Lakandons. These brothers, he said, attacked not only the Lakandons but
also the Mopans, taking prisoners to Nojpeten and sacrificing them there.
These were the men whom I identified in chapter 3 as bearing the titles Kit
Kan and Tz'o Kan.
Nojpeten, according to Yajkab', was divided among four "towns or
barrios," which he named. When asked how many Itzas there were, he
replied "that they were not so many, that they are 400 each zontle, if not
six or seven xiquipiles, which are 8,000 apiece. This is what he declared,
and in order to declare it better he joined his fingers, eyelashes, eyebrows,
and the hair on his head, signifying the multitude of Indians that there are
and that the island is very large and each town like the savanna of the River
of the Toads, which is more than four leagues long and in width much
27

more." His references to zontles and xiquipiles were measures of cacao
beans, four hundred and eight thousand, respectively, expressed in the
common Nahuatl terminology. Although the number of zontles is unspecified, and even though Diaz seems to have added the translation into
quantities himself, the Mopan seemed to be saying that there were "zontles
and zontles" of people, perhaps as many as six or seven xiquipiles of them.
Six xiquipiles would have been forty-eight thousand persons, a reasonable
estimate of the Lago Peten Itza area population. It seems less likely that he
was exaggerating in order to frighten the Spaniards, as Ximenez claimed,
than expressing his best estimate of a sizable population.
28
Yajkab' probably surprised the Spaniards somewhat by claiming that

the Mopans and Itzas spoke the same language, but this was certainly
good news for them. On the same day that this testimony was taken,
Antonio Machuca set out with twelve musketeers and twenty-five archers,
accompanied by thirteen muleteers, to search for President Barrios, to
discover whether the Itzas were planning an attack, and to try to capture
another guide and interpreter, "because we were disconsolate in not having an interpreter or anyone who knows the language, which is Yucatec."
No longer able to trust their Mopan informant, they apparently needed
someone else who could speak the Itza language.
The exploratory party had hoped to find a river route to the main lake.
Despite the fact that all rivers along the route (the San Juan, San Martin,
and Sanicte) flow southwestward, not northward toward the lake, they
had at first believed they would be able to take canoes or small boats from
the Chakal to a river called "Cancuen" and from there to another river
called Xokmo, which Yajkab' had told them flowed directly into the lake
of the Itzas. All rivers, he said, flowed to the lake, and none flowed out of
it. Soon the Spaniards discovered, however, that rivers flowed neither into
nor out of the lake. The rest of the journey would be on foot.
29
On April 22 the main party, unaware of existing Itza paths, managed to

open a trail to the edge of the savannah near the main lake. On the night of
the twenty-third a soldier named Beltran arrived at the camp with an Itza
prisoner named Chan, who had been captured in the savannah by the
exploratory party. Diaz wrote in his journal a vivid description of this
man's capture and his appearance: "Beltran says that he fired two arrow
shots at a soldier. One pierced the man, and the other went into the air.
Our men went near him, and when they reached him in order to capture
him he defended himself so courageously that all of them combined were
not able to subdue him. They wounded him in the head, thereby stunning
him, and they tied him up. He arrived in this condition at the headquar-
137
Road to the Itzas

ters, nude, with his entire chest, stomach, and thighs all worked with
designs. The man was a monstrosity, with very large handcrafted earplugs
or horns, surely a disgusting thing."
Clearly they had unwittingly taken prisoner a man of considerable
importance. Not only was he covered with tattoos and wearing earplugs,
but his high social status was further reinforced by his answers to questions put to him:
30
31
[H]e said that he was called Chan and his father Kin Chan, and his
mother Ix Puc, and his town Tixbol Pululha, which is of the island,
and that his cacique is he of Noh Peten called Kitcan, and he has another name and is called Cuxpop Kitcan. That around the lake
there are many people subject to the cacique of the island; that on
the island there are many people, that it is large and with large
houses, both in the interior and around it. That there are other
towns around the lake. That many rivers flow into the lake. That
those who sallied forth yesterday when Machuca fired were Ah
Itzas, that those of the island are called Petenes and those from
around it Ah Itza, and that it is all one nation, and that he was one
of them. That one or two died from the shots of Machuca. That
they and those of the island eat people and that he was a spy with
six others who were later separated. That he had gone to look for
merchants to buy axes and machetes and they had not found any,
only arrows. He said that the caciques were Cuxpop Kitcan, Aical
Chan and Aical Puc And this is what was understood of him, although he contradicts himself and lies much and on other occasions
denies it all.
32
138
The prisoner Chan and others of that patronym were members of the
high-ranking Chan patrilineage associated with Tipuj and the Yalain
province. They had close kinship, marriage, and political ties to the Kan
Ek' royal family; one of them, the famous AjChan, visited Merida later in
the year as the envoy of his mother's brother, Ajaw Kan Ek'. The prisoner's father, K'in Chan, was likely Ach Kat K'in Chan. His mother's
patrilineage, the Puks, later included the "cacique" of Laguna Oquevix
south of the main lake. Kuch Pop Kit Kan was Ajaw B'atab' Kit Kan, the
administrative "Head of the Mat" of the ruling council (see chapter 3).
The other two "caciques," Ayikal Chan and Ayikal Puk, bore the noble
title "Rich M a n " but have not been identified individually.
Although Chan provided excellent political intelligence for Diaz de
Velasco, he was careful in contrast to Yajkab', the Mopan interpreter

to avoid revealing the names of all of the highest-ranking Nojpeten leaders. Diaz would have had no context in which to interpret the positions of
the three "caciques" in the larger hierarchy. He probably regarded his
success in extracting by unspecified methods of questioning yet another confession that the Itzas were cannibals as clear proof of their barbarism. For Chan, however, providing such information may well have
been a strategy to keep the Spaniards at arm's length. Chan's statement
that he was both a spy and in search of metal axes and machetes is perfectly believable, because the approaching Spaniards must have been seen
as either bearing goods or preparing to wage war.
ITZA-SPANISH
VIOLENCE
That afternoon the rest of Machuca's scouts returned to the camp, saying
that they had intended to go to the lake to discover the best route there and
to "record what houses or towns there were on its shores." They camped
on a hill about four leagues from the lake and saw that there were also
Itzas camped about "a block" aw ay. The next morning they approached
these eleven or twelve Itzas, who were roasting a deer they had killed. The
Spaniards later claimed that they went up to them with their interpreter to
try to talk with them, but the Itzas picked up their weapons, came closer to
the Spaniards, and shot arrows at them. The Itzas quickly used up their
supply of arrows, but the soldiers found that their powder was too wet for
the muskets to fire efficiently. The Itzas thereupon rushed them with their
axes, spears, and machetes. After an hour of hand-to-hand combat, six
Itzas lay dead from gunshot, knife, and spear wounds. One Itza, even
though he was wounded by four balls, kept on fighting until he and his
companions began to retreat. Not a single member of the Spanish party, it
was said, was wounded, thanks to the mail or cotton padding they were
wearing.
T
33
The troops chased the fleeing Itzas but at first were unable to capture
even one of them. A battle ensued when one Spaniard, struck by a spear,
hit his attacker in the head with a machete and then killed him. Another
soldier fell to the ground in hand-to-hand combat with an attacker, whom
he slashed with his machete; the Itza was wounded and seemed likely to
die. During the battle, which lasted for an hour, five or six Itzas were
killed. They were so fierce, Machuca reported, that "four good men are
insufficient [to fight off] each of these Ahitza Indians." The outcome of
this battle, wrote Ximenez, was that "[t]hree Itzas escaped, and one was
taken prisoner with three head wounds. This man was cured and recovered and was very content, and he says that he is a cacique of those of
139
Road to the Itzas
Canek and that his name is Kixan. (I saw and knew him in San Reymundo
when they took him to Guatemala, and he was a strapping young person
about 3 5 years of age, very robust and stout, striped all over.) He said that
they had come as spies and that the entire land, island, and the towns are
in arms, as they wish neither to receive us nor to hear the evangelical
word."
On the twenty-fourth the prisoner named Chan escaped from the
guardroom by chewing through the ropes that had bound him. The sentinel chased him, but Chan threw himself into the river and swam away.
The new prisoner, however, proved to be a man of even greater importance than Chan. Soon subjected to questioning, he said that his name was
K'ixan (usually recorded as AjK'ixaw by Spanish observers) and that he
was from a town called Tib'ayal, on the lakeshore on a small hill. He also
listed six other towns named for their "caciques" or, in one case, for a
B'atab'. He gave the title and name of Ajaw Kan Ek' and personal names
of two "caciques" who bore the honorific Chontal male prefix pak- (PakLan and PakNek). Most of the names he mentioned (Chan, Kan Ek',
Kawil, K'ixan or K'ixaw, K'u, Sima, and Tun) were represented among the
nobility and political leadership of the region.
Captain Diaz de Velasco clearly appreciated the value of his noble
prisoner, for he promised the acting president, Jose de Escals, that he
would take AjK'ixaw to Guatemala:
34
35
He is the cacique, according to his declaration, of one of the towns

that are on the lakeshore. It would be fitting for your lordship to see
him, so that you could see his person and agility and could know
his valor. Upon your lordship's order I shall send him later. And I
judge that this one will be the means by which the rest might be reduced. By his declaration your lordship can consider the multitude
of people that there are on the shores of the lake [and] on the island
that is in the middle of it, and that without at least four hundred
men all of this land which is immense can neither be conquered
nor explored.
36
140
AjK'ixaw was indeed later taken to Santiago de Guatemala, where he

learned Spanish and was questioned at length by the Dominican friars.
Other reports in 1695 claimed that AjK'ixaw was actually the son of a
cacique. His brother, B'atab' Tut, ruled the north with Ajaw B'atab' K'in
Kante and controlled the port at Ensenada de San Jeronimo. As we shall
see in chapter 9, AjK'ixaw was returned from Guatemala in 1696 as guide
37
38

and interpreter for another expedition, but he escaped and assisted his Itza
allies in capturing and murdering a large party of Spaniards. (He had been
baptized just before his escape by one of the Dominicans on that entrada,
and Diaz de Velasco had served as his godfather.) Knowledgeable in the
Spanish language and familiar with Spanish culture and military tactics,
AjK'ixaw became a formidable enemy to the people who had captured
him. He was finally recaptured in 1 7 0 2 .
39
40
Although just after his first capture AjK'ixaw divulged accurate details
that could have been useful had the Guatemalans decided to make contact
with the Itza leaders, his information was selective and incomplete. It
was sufficient only to make the Spaniards aware that Itza political organization was complex, that the nobility possessed a hierarchy of titles, and
that there were many towns with their own leaders. AjK'ixaw's strategy, I
believe, was to convince his captors that, considering the small size of
the potential attack force, taking on the Itzas militarily would be foolhardy. Their only alternative, he may have reasoned, would be to make a
diplomatic-missionary approach, a possibility that he tried to avert by
warning that the entire region was readying for attack and had no intention of receiving missionaries.
41
Although Machuca and his scouts had reached the shore of the lake in
sight of Nojpeten, they were terrified of attack and narrowly escaped an
encounter with "such a multitude of Indians that we consider it a miracle." On April 24, the day following AjK'ixaw's arrival at the encampment, Cano met with his fellow Dominicans to consider their next move.
All of their encounters with the Itzas so far had been hostile, at least eight
Itzas had been killed in the field by Spanish gunfire, and others were dying
at home from their wounds. Cano, whose mind had obviously been made
up beforehand, prepared an advisory memorandum on behalf of the four
missionaries that blisteringly criticized the readiness of Diaz's troops to
open fire against Itzas who were armed only with spears and bows and
arrows.
Cano argued that the sole purpose of the troops was to defend the
missionaries, but he recognized that the Itzas were uninterested in hearing
the gospel at this point and under these conditions. Rather than risk killing more of them in the name of the faith, the entrada should be abandoned and a retreat begun. The friars suspected that President Barrios had
not reached "this tremendous lake," but even if his party was on the other
side it would be impossible for Diaz's men to build boats in order to see if
they were there. Illness, Cano pointed out, was invading the camp, and the
42
141
Road to the Itzas

Verapaz natives who had been recruited for the entrada were abandoning
the project daily. The rains were beginning in earnest, and soon the roads
would be impassable.
Although Diaz was ready to march ahead and was convinced that his
troops, combined with those of Barrios, would have "concluded the reduction of these islanders," he agreed that the president was almost certainly
not in the area. He rationalized that illness had become a serious issue,
noting that two muleteers had already died. His justification for retreat,
however, rested primarily on the inadequacy of military personnel
implying that the missionaries would need a considerably larger backup
force in light of probable Itza hostility. The line between spiritual and
military conquest was a thin one indeed.
43
44
The retreat to Cahabon began almost immediately, and the Itzas were
left to contemplate the significance of their new armed conflict with Spaniards. Diaz was later roundly condemned and chastised by the Guatemalan audiencia for his decision to cancel the entrada, and he was ordered
to turn back to the lake. The Guatemalans, however, were not to attempt to reach Lago Peten Itza for another year. The resulting disaster
forms the subject of chapter 9.
45
The Second Yucatecan
Entrada
When Captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes returned to Campeche in early

May 1695 f
his unsuccessful first entrada, Governor Ursua had not yet
learned of the Guatemalans' battles with Itzas during April or of the
occupation of the Choi Lakandon town, Sakb'ajlan, renamed Nuestra
Seiiora de los Dolores. On May 2, before Garcia's return to Campeche,
Ursua had already authorized the recruitment of reinforcements for his
captain's next entrada. Fifty armed soldiers were to be hired at a salary of
eight pesos monthly, providing their own arms and ammunition. Fifty
Mayas were also to be engaged, half of whom would carry arms. The
other half would serve as muleteers and road workers. On his next journey, Garcia should take with him Captain Manuel Jorge Sesere of Campeche, a "pilot and military engineer." Shortly after Ursiia issued these
orders, Garcia returned to Campeche and on May 7 received a promise
from the town's cabildo of an additional twenty-five Spanish soldiers,
their salaries of eight pesos per month to be paid equally by the six cabildo
members.
a
t e r
46
142
47
One council member, Bernardino de Zubiaur Isasi, was the father of

Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi, who served as a captain on the second entrada at
the tender age of about twenty. The elder Zubiaur, it will be recalled
from chapter 4, was Ursua's friend and contact with the Council of the
Indies, where Zubiaur's brother served. He and the other merchant councilmen of Campeche welcomed the opportunity to help subsidize the camino real, not only because of the potential it offered to increase trade
with Guatemala but also for the profits they would earn by selling military
and food supplies for the forthcoming entradas.
Ursua, moving quickly, issued an order on May 1 1 for Garcia to begin
his second entrada as soon as possible and for one hundred Mayas to be
recruited, twice as many as he had authorized a little over a week earlier. Fifty of these were to be recruited from Sajkab'ch'en at three pesos
monthly and suspension of servicio personal (probably mostly logging)
and encomienda tribute. The other fifty were to be recruited on the same
terms from the towns of Tek'ax and Oxk'utzkab', in the partido of Sierra,
by Juan del Castillo y Arrue, the son of Juan del Castillo y Toledo, whose
own designs to lead a conquest of the Itza region were described in chapter 4 . Both men were well experienced in recruiting Maya road workers
and muleteers and, despite their own long-term conquest interests, were
perfectly willing to take on a job for Ursiia that would net them, presumably, both influence and a reward for their services. The Castillos had
recruited Sierra Mayas for similar purposes during the 1687 entrada to La
Pimienta, an advantage that for Ursiia probably outweighed any adversarial reservations he might have harbored toward them. He observed,
accurately, that two Maya companies had long existed at Tek'ax and
Oxk'utzkab' for the sole purpose of assisting in reductions.
On May 1 2 , Garcia de Paredes and another Campechano, Jose Fernandez de Estenos, offered to assist the new entrada with twenty-five
additional non-Maya soldiers to be paid, fed, and supplied ammunition at
their own cost. By now the total had reached one hundred armed nonMaya soldiers and one hundred Mayas, about half of them armed. According to Fray Andres de Avendano, even more men were later added to
this force; he reported that supplies and wages were provided for 1 1 5
Spaniards and 1 5 0 Maya musketeers. With Maya muleteers and other
workers, the final force, he claimed, totaled more than four hundred people. For poverty-stricken seventeenth-century Yucatan, this was a con- 143
siderable army.
Ursiia lost no time in naming Garcia de Paredes field commander of the
camino real project, granting him the impressive title "lieutenant captain
general and supreme magistrate of the forests" the latter implying that
48
49
50
51
52
53
Road to the Itzas

he had the power to determine the fate of any Mayas encountered along
the way. Fernandez de Estenos was to serve as second-in-command.
Ursua had already instructed Juan Castillo y Arriie, the Mani encomendero, to activate the two Maya companies from Tek'ax and Oxk'utzkab'
and to march them with their muskets, axes, and machetes to B'olonch'en
Kawich, where they would be placed under the orders of Garcia de Paredes. At the Tek'ax plaza, Castillo y Toledo ordered Captain don Pascual
Itza, "cacique governor of this said town . . . to assemble the officers and
soldiers of his company in order to execute that which was ordered by the
said lord governor and captain general." Once these men and the town
cabildo were assembled and the orders had been read to them by the
official "interpreter general of the natives," Nicolas Cardenia, Captain
Itza and his officers dutifully replied according to Castillo's report to
Ursiia that they would comply.
54
55
56
Castillo appointed Bonifacio Us captain of the Tek'ax company, and

twenty-four other men were chosen, presumably by the officers, to serve
on the entrada. These recruits lined up, gave their names to the interpreter,
and received their first monthly payment of three pesos; Us, as their captain, received a two-month advance of six pesos. At Oxk'utzkab' the
same procedures were followed, with don Marcos Pot named the "cacique
capitan," signing his name B'atab', or town head. Diego Uk was named
company captain.
57
58
Troops, support personnel, arms, powder, and supplies were all rapidly
collected at Kawich, where Castillo y Arriie was left in charge as supply
master. On June 4, 1 6 9 5 , the bulk of this army left under the command
Garcia de Paredes. The non-Maya troops were a mix of Spaniards and
castas mestizos and mulattos drawn from the poorer classes of Yucatecan society. The Maya company from Sajkab'ch'en, later documents
show, were the elite musketeers of this small army. They seem to have
enjoyed, even relished, the responsibility of forcibly rounding up the forest
Mayas into reduction towns. As an elite company armed with muskets,
they were not required to toil at opening the road or to carry heavy
loads tasks left to other, nameless Maya recruits.
59
60
144
The Direction of the Camino Real

Ursiia, as we learned earlier, heard of the Guatemalan occupation of
Sakb'ajlan on June 23, when the messenger del Rio arrived in Merida after
the long overland trip from Santiago de Guatemala. Garcia had begun his

second entrada only nineteen days earlier and was by now at Tzuktok',
near the boundary with the Kejaches.
This opportunity the reduction or conquest of the Itzas now had to
be met quickly, for the Guatemalans had already been to the shores of
Lago Peten Itza and would soon be returning on a more serious mission.
Although a road had to be constructed to Guatemala, there would be no
reward in opening it directly to Dolores del Lancandon through virtually
uninhabited territory. A road to Lago Peten Itza could connect with the
southern route from the lake to Cahabon, leaving the Choi Lakandon
territory isolated to the west. Every step of the road construction from
now on confirmed that Ursua, despite his statements to the contrary, had
planned all along for the camino real to head directly to Lago Peten Itza.
The urgency of completing the road became even clearer when he learned
of Barrios's return to Guatemala from Dolores.
From the road's starting point at Kawich the surveyor pointed his compass straight south, following as close as the terrain permitted a line along
longitude 90 5' W. So accurate was this projection that, had it been
followed exactly, the troops would have passed two kilometers west of Laguna Sacpuy and would have had to traverse only about eleven kilometers
to the western end of Lago Peten Itza. This was superb surveying that indicates prior knowledge of the precise location of the main lake. The surveyor reported that after the road had reached Chuntuki, almost within
sight of Itza territory, he had tried to keep it on a straight line, deviating
only on account of rivers, swamps, and other features.
0
61
Ursiia issued new instructions to Garcia on the same day, June 23, on
which del Rio made his report about the Guatemalan entradas. At this
point Garcia was within a few leagues of Chuntuki, the first Kejach settlement. There is no doubt whatsoever that his intention was to head as
directly as possible to the main lake of the Itzas. Ursiia, however, writing
in the customary third person, ostensibly now ordered him to head directly to Dolores, claiming that "the goal with which he executed his
departure was only to search for the lord president of Guatemala and to be
under his orders whenever he encountered his lordship or those of another
superior commander." Garcia was to go from Tzuktok', "clearing and
following his road, endeavoring to bend a little toward the left hand and
the eastern side until he succeeds in reaching within sight of the town of
Lacandons, which I know the said lord president discovered and gave the
name of the Villa of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores."
This was pure dissimulation. Bending "a little toward the left hand and
the eastern side" would have taken Garcia even farther from Dolores,
62
145
Road to the Itzas

which lay far to the southwest, but it described a perfect route to Lago
Peten Itza. Moreover, Ursiia knew that President Barrios had already departed from Sakb'ajlan.
His further instructions were most specific:
Before entering it [Dolores], at a distance of about 5 leagues, or at
that which appears most suitable to him, he will halt with the people and establish his headquarters, proceeding immediately to lay
out a stockaded fort where he finds it most convenient for the best
defense and his fortification, with notice that he is to name it
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios, who is the protectress of this enterprise and through whose assistance I anticipate that its attainment will be achieved. He is not by any means to go to or interfere
in any of the settlements and populations that the lord president of
Guatemala might have discovered, because he must abide by the
terms that were permitted him.
63
Along his path Garcia was to survey the location of every hamlet and town
that he encountered, without taking detours, recording the distances between them and the size of the native population of each. He was then to
go about "reducing them to the pale of Our Holy Mother Church by the
gentle methods that His Majesty has determined, which are those of good
example and the preaching of the religious missionaries who for this purpose he takes in his company." Once at Dolores he was, according to the
official instructions, to contact President Barrios and hand him letters and
papers that Ursiia was sending, including Garcia's instructions themselves. The instructions were intended to demonstrate to Barrios that "the
goal of having carried out this departure was only for the purpose of
aiding that of his lordship."
64
146
At this point, however, Ursua's instructions, as though written almost

as an afterthought, took a new twist: "Because it is fitting that not one
hour should be lost in a matter of such importance, as that which goes
forth with the conversion of souls is the principal motivation of this glorious enterprise, the said captain don Alonso Garcia de Paredes will make
his way, with the information that he would have acquired about the
populations of the Itzaes and Taitzaes, going with the said religious to
catechize and reduce their barbarous Indians with the armed escort that
seems most appropriate to him for his protection, leaving at the fort that
which would be necessary as its garrison." The rest of the instructions
assured the captain that he could place missionaries in whatever towns he
wished and that Ursiia would request more, if they were needed, from

the Franciscan provincial. He himself would supply whatever additional
men, munitions, or supplies Garcia requested. Such requests should be
forwarded through Juan del Castillo y Arrue at B'olonch'en Kawich
although the northern headquarters were ultimately established at nearby
Kawich. Finally, he was to offer his services to the Guatemalan soldiers or
missionaries in case of any uprising among the Lakandons at Dolores.
What can one make of such a set of orders, ostensibly telling Ursua's
field commander to meet up with the Guatemalans at Dolores, to build a
fort there, to reduce native populations along the way, and then and
only then to reduce the Itzas? Ursua continued to include language in
decrees later that year that reiterated the goal of opening the road to establish communication with Guatemala, although he appears never again to
have mentioned that the road should proceed to Dolores. Every action
taken by Garcia in the months ahead was to proceed along a road leading
directly to Lago Peten Itza. He never once wavered from that course.
Ursua's intention in writing these instructions as he did must have been
to satisfy the Council of the Indies that he was carrying out the terms of his
patent by instructing his field commander to route the road to wherever
Barrios's men might be found. These had been his original instructions,
and he was obviously deviating from them. Should any future criticism be
directed at him for not having carried out the Crown's orders or not having cooperated with the Guatemalan enterprise, he would have on record
proof that those had been his orders. Garcia did construct a fort shortly
after receiving these instructions, but it was at Chuntuki, about twentyfive leagues north of the main lake. This fort served as the military base for
the camino real until, in February 1697, preparations for a final assault on
Nojpeten were begun and the military headquarters were moved temporarily to within two leagues of the lake.
65
66
147
chapter
six
FRANCISCANS ON
T H E C A M I N O REAL
IFray Antonio de Silva, the provincial of the

Franciscan order in Yucatan, responded quickly to Ursua's request of
May 1 8 , 1 6 9 5 , that he provide three missionaries to work with Garcia de
Paredes as the road passed south from Kawich. He felt pressure to fulfill
the terms of the 1693 cedula that had ordered cooperation with Ursua,
but, more significantly, he was also eager to expand the long-waning influence of his order into new zones now ripe for evangelization. The Franciscans must have been ecstatic over the potential the project offered and
delighted that the secular clergy, despite its prior involvement in the area,
had not been asked to supply missionaries. Ursua's request to Silva for
Franciscans on the camino real went to the heart of their mission: they
would "go on the said entrada and reduction . . . in order to catechize the
infidel Indians that are in the said forests and to reduce them to the pale of
our holy mother church."
1
Silva wrote to Ursua on the thirtieth that he had sent out announcements to his friars across the peninsula, seeking volunteers. Three men
were ready to depart: Fray Juan de San Buenaventura Chavez (the mission's commissary), Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria, and a lay brother who
had taken his vows, Fray Tomas de Alcoser. They were to be accompanied
by another lay brother, known only as Lucas de San Francisco, who had
not taken his vows. Their expenses, including vestments, ornaments, and
other ritual items, were to be met from general provincial donations.
In addition, Silva appointed another group, again to be supported by
provincial donations. It comprised Fray Antonio Perez de San Roman, the
lay brother Alonso de Vargas, and a third person who, for a while, would
figure large in the drama ahead Fray Andres de Avendano. As "commissary apostolic missionary," Avendano led the group. Whereas the first
group, as required by Ursua, would accompany Garcia while the road was
being opened, Avendano and his two companions would not participate
2
Franciscans on the Camino Real

with the others, "because," in Silva's words, "we desire the salvation of
souls and to serve his majesty along all roads" Instead, "arriving at a
convenient spot they should take leave of the said captain and by themselves enter into some of those said infidel provinces." Silva added no
details to this vague itinerary, but both Ursua and Garcia de Paredes
surely knew of the Franciscans' intentions to visit Nojpeten. That Ursua
was aware of these plans is indicated by his ready acceptance of Silva's
proposal.
5
Avendano's First Entrada

Avendano, Perez de San Roman, and Vargas responded quickly to "the
sound of this sonorous trumpet" and had packed their belongings by the
time Silva notified Ursua of their appointment on May 30. They left
Merida on June 2, whereas the mission directed by San Buenaventura did
not leave for at least another week.
Avendano later wrote a detailed report of the missionaries' experiences
on both this entrada, which failed to reach Nojpeten, and his second trip
in 1696, when he succeeded in meeting with Ajaw Kan Ek' and other Itza
leaders. This report, along with shorter versions in the form of sworn
testimony, contain valuable details, often couched in florid, biblical language. These details, clearly drawn from a daily journal, concern topics
such as local geography, reduction activities along the camino real, cultural information about the Maya inhabitants of the forests, and, not
least, insights into the mind and times of an intelligent and fanatically
dedicated seventeenth-century Franciscan missionary.
6
Avendano's full report is also a political statement in support of Ursua,

who in mid-1695 supported the Franciscans as missionaries of choice on
the camino real project. Avendano completed the report on April 29,
1696, shortly after returning from his second entrada and learning that
Ursua had shifted his support to the secular clergy. His report may be read
as a petition for Ursua to reconsider his withdrawal of commitment to the
Franciscans a petition that attempted to persuade by demonstrating
loyal support for Ursua and personal knowledge of the forest Mayas and
the Itzas. His critical blunder may have been in harshly criticizing the 149
violent reduction methods of Garcia de Paredes and his officers. Avendano, who evaporated as a major figure following his return to Merida
and the completion of his report, erred in assuming that moral and ethical
criticism would influence Ursua's agenda.
Road to the Itzas

TO
KEJACH
TERRITORY
Avendano and his companions departed Merida on June 2, 1695, with a

"very broad mandate" from Ursua presumably to try to reach Nojpeten.
As he traveled south along the road to Campeche he stopped at the Maya
towns along the way not only to rest but also to recruit native religious
assistants. Before leaving Merida he had already enlisted three or four of
the total of ten men who made up this group: Diego Ken, a regidor of the
cabildo of San Cristobal Extramuros, a native barrio of Merida; Lorenzo
Yaj, a servant of one Captain Velasco; and a "boy" named Francisco K'u,
son of Maria Chuk, Avendano's personal servant. He might also have
recruited Diego P'ol in Merida; he was a singer [cantor) from Telchak,
located a considerable distance northeast of the city. At Maxkanu he
recruited Nicolas Maz, another singer, and Diego Mo, a sacristan. Luis Ki,
a sacristan, joined him at Tepakam. At Kalk'ini he enlisted Marcos Kanul,
the town's chapel (or choir) master {maestro de capilla). Skirting Campeche along the road toward the southeast, he recruited his last Maya
assistants, Nicolas May and Manuel Piste, both cantores at B'olonch'en
Kawich.
10
12
Avendano's route had taken him south to the frontier settlement of

Kawich, just past B'olonch'en Kawich, where he found a military headquarters of sorts under the command of Juan del Castillo y Arriie. From
there he and his companions would traverse not a new route but rather the
old road toward Kejach territory, which the troops and workers who had
already gone ahead were clearing and repairing. He found some troops
still waiting there, as well as stores of arms, ammunition, and food supplies. While there he met a trader named Juan Ak'e from Jop'elch'en who
regularly bought and sold products in the southern forests and who served
as a guide for the Spanish troops. "With some finesse and gentle persuasions" the friars extracted some details from him about three native towns
that lay some fifty leagues beyond.
13
14
The other group of Franciscan friars, who followed the same route a
short distance behind Avendaiio's group, left Kawich on June 1 2 . Fray
Joseph de Jesus Maria kept a careful daily record of their progress, which I
have used to clarify omissions and expand on Avendano's descriptions
of their journey. This group, unlike Avendano's, was accompanied by
Spanish troops as well as Maya guides and carriers.
Avendano's group left Kawich on the afternoon of June 24 and traveled,
for the "retribution of our sins," for several days across uninhabited territory. As they passed landmarks and interesting natural features aguadas,
15
cinnamon-smelling trees, chultum (underground cisterns), a hollowed

stone, an old Christian altar, abandoned fruit orchards, swamps, and
savannahs Avendano made careful note of them. Although he was an
undependable judge of distance, he kept a record of the distances between
places in addition to their Maya names.
16
On June 29 they reached a place called Nojku ("Big Temple"), where

they had heard there was an ancient "house of idols." The Franciscans
experienced "a Christian curiosity to see the said place in order to exorcise
the devil on account of his frauds and to glorify and praise him who is
powerful everywhere." Once they climbed the temple they discovered that
Spaniards who had passed that way before had already broken many of
the "idols." They managed nonetheless to find more than fifty additional
ones to break themselves and placed a cross in the temple.
17
Avendano was afraid that his Maya companions would be spiritually

corrupted upon seeing such influences, and he and the other Franciscans
had "continual conversations with them about their familiarity with idolatry and other habitual vices." His greatest fear was that they would
abandon him, which apparently they had already threatened to do. He
was relieved that they continued to follow along, albeit with "resignation," promising that they would not desert him despite the "risks and
dangers" to which they might be submitted.
The second party of Franciscans, arriving at the ruins of Nojku several
days after Avendano had left, found that people had made offerings there
during the days since Avendano had passed by. Jesus Maria wrote that
there were "many buildings in ruins. . . . We found here many different
idols, some with faces [figuras] and others with none, signs of cacao
offerings, two silver reales, bits of cacao, and a small hutia [conga]. We
broke the idols and praised our true God and lord in that place and set up
a cross, which was the third one, and named it Santa Maria de N o h k u . "
As they traveled south, the number of streams and rivers increased, the
water in them became deeper, and flooded areas ak'alches became
wider and longer.
18
19
Now Avendano's party began to see further evidence of local habitation. Around Temchay, "an old deserted town" in the midst of a hilly
region, they saw footprints of "forest Indians." Three leagues farther
along, at a place called Nojpek, they found a sarteneja (a large natural
stone basin) filled with water and a milpa with maize and chiles.
Two leagues south of Temchay they encountered the first sign of Spanish troops, who turned out to be part of a company under the command of
20
21
i$i
Road to the Itzas

Captain Jose Fernandez de Estenos. Their camp was two leagues farther at
an "old deserted place" called Nojt'ub', which Avendano described as "a
pleasant place with orange and lime trees. In it we saw a large stockade
[cercado] that the Indians made in order to defend themselves from the
Spaniards when they went to remove them fifteen years a g o . " Jesus
Maria described this still-standing stockade as "a defensive stone wall
which the Indians used to fortify themselves sixteen years ago [in 1679]
when Captain Alonso Garcia penetrated [this a r e a ] . "
22
23
Nojt'ub' ("Big Deep") was well situated next to a large seasonal aguada
and a sarteneja, with a permanent aguada two kilometers to the east.
Had the vicinity of Temchay been abandoned for fifteen years, the forest
would long since have reclaimed the citrus grove and the stockade. It is
more likely that the local population had only recently fled and that Garcia had left Fernandez and his soldiers behind with instructions to bring
them back.
Garcia had already moved on with his troops and road openers, trying
to find the now-obscured path ahead. The two parties of Franciscans
waited for a few days, the second group leaving on July 8 and Avendano
probably a few days earlier. Their immediate goal was Tzuktok', about
thirteen leagues (fifty-two kilometers) farther south; this town had also
been one of those attacked in 1679 by Garcia de Paredes. At a place called
B'uk'te, three leagues (twelve kilometers) before Tzuktok', Avendano's
group found a cluster of twelve or thirteen houses whose inhabitants "had
just surrendered to the Indian soldiers of Sahcabchen" without offering
resistance. Garcia's troops and Maya workers were all there, being fed
with produce raised by the people of B'uk'te, who were now held captive;
the army had raided maize, beans, and other foodstuffs from their milpas
and orchards. Obviously disturbed by this, Avendano excused the theft of
food by rationalizing that the troops had "no other recourse, after the
hunger that they had endured for the past three d a y s . " Avendano later
learned sordid details about the recent abuse of the inhabitants of B'uk'te
and recounted them in detail.
24
25
26
27
28
152
Ursua received a request for military reinforcements from Garcia de

Paredes and announced on July 27 the formation of three new militia
companies, or seventy-five additional men. Two companies were to consist of Spaniards, commanded by Captains Fernandez de Estenos and
Zubiaur Isasi. The third was a company of pardos and mestizos under
Alferez Jose Laines of Campeche. Far from being discouraged from supporting the use of force, Ursiia was willing to supply whatever manpower
Garcia de Paredes requested.
29

Although Ursiia later may have privately cautioned Garcia against
using excessive violence, evidence of the continued application of military
force later in the year suggests that he gave his Campechano captains a
free hand in pursuing the entrada as they saw fit. In any event, committed
to proving to the Council of the Indies that he had obeyed the requirement
that the entrada be pursued "peacefully and gently," in August 1696 he
engineered official depositions from several of the military officers who
had been at B'uk'te when the abuses that Avendano described took place.
This testimony, not suprisingly, downplayed Avendano's accusations of
violent treatment.
30
Tzuktok' was located on a stream called the Concepcion, a tributary of

Rio Caribe, which in turn is a branch of Rio Candelaria. Avendano and his
group had arrived there by July 10. They left on July 24, and the second
group of Franciscans remained there until August 3. Shortly before Avendaiio's departure the troops advanced to Tzuktok', bringing with them the
B'uk'te captives, whom they used as forced laborers, and what remained
of the pillaged produce. Avendano described the encampment as consisting of more than four hundred persons, including the Maya carriers. Following Avendano's departure, the remaining Franciscans continued baptizing and teaching the captives from B'uk'te and offering mass in the ruins
of the church built there in 1670 by the Franciscan missionary Fray Cristobal Sanchez.
31
Before Avendano left Tzuktok', he and the other friars met with Garcia
de Paredes and Captain Fernandez de Estenos to propose a specific policy
to be used whenever the troops discovered a native town citing in their
support biblical passages, existing Spanish law, and the Crown's recent
"de paz y de paso" clause. The policy was twofold: if any items were taken
from the inhabitants, they must be restored to them; and arms could be
used only if the inhabitants did not submit peacefully and in a friendly
manner. The captains, by now willing to say anything in order to quiet the
meddlesome friars, promised to require that before entering a native town
a proclamation to this effect would be read and that the death penalty
would be applied to anyone who disobeyed it. Surely Avendano was not
naive enough to believe the captains' sincerity in promising the death
penalty under dreadful working conditions that were already creating
poor morale. Nonetheless, to reinforce the friars' concerns, Fray San
Buenaventura delivered a sermon on the issue the very next day.
32
The officers' lack of ability if not will to exert control over their
men soon manifested itself. While these discussions were going on, the
Sajkab'ch'en company, "who," Avendano lamented, "never did anything
is*
Road to the Itzas

well," had left Tzuktok' to serve as a guard unit for Maya laborers who
were clearing the road. Eight leagues south of Tzuktok' they found the
first town of Kejaches, called Chunpich, which had been abandoned
with twenty-five cargas of maize left behind on account of rumors of the
advancing troops. Fearing attack, the Sajkab'ch'en officers sent back a
request to Garcia for reinforcements. Before these arrived, some twentyfive local inhabitants turned up with baskets to retrieve their maize, but
the six posted sentinels, perceiving them in their fear to be "thousands,"
shot at them. The locals retreated unharmed, and the sentinels ran to join
the military reinforcement, which was at that moment approaching the
town.
Even the normally glum Avendano perceived the resulting encounter as
a comedy of errors:
When all were together they rushed into battle which our opponents, like brave men, won finely, wounding three of our men without any of them being wounded. The remainder of our men fled,
and our opponents, laughing, left them and with cries went their
way to those forests by the path on which they all lived. Our men
returned to follow that path about four leagues; in that district they
found two uninhabited towns, though they were all well supplied
by the maize fields and all their produce. These they ate and carried
off as a token of their valor, giving as an excuse of their unfortunate
engagement that their opponents were not men but demons, not endowed with reason, but brutes, since fearless of death they had
flung themselves barbarously on the muskets.
33
Chunpich was, like B'uk'te, a dispersed community of at least three

hamlets. It is clear that the Sajkab'ch'en company had occupied only one
of these and that the larger population had prepared its attack well. Contrary to the perceptions of those who could not grasp the natives' willingness to face gunfire, they had not only defended themselves well but had
also mounted an effective, well-orchestrated assault with bows and arrows. Not one of them was captured.
On about August 3 Garcia de Paredes moved his entire army to Chunpich with the second group of friars, but not before convincing Avendano
and his group to stay behind at Tzuktok' to look after the B'uk'te captives.
Some of these were by now suffering illnesses that they must have contracted from the Yucatecans. Avendano soon slipped away, however, accompanied only by four of the Mayas who had come with him from
Yucatan. He hoped to find the Kejach Mayas who had attacked the Span34
154

iards at Chunpich in order "to bring them to the pale of our holy mother
Church." But search as he might, he encountered no one.
He must have met someone during his explorations, however, because
he received a vague report about an "obscure path" beyond Chunpich that
led to the "nation of the Itzas, for whom and on behalf of whom I have
been preparing for years by having studied their language." He found the
path to Itza territory, followed it for a while, and met four Sajkab'ch'en
musketeers who were returning "exhausted" to rest in the Chunpich
house now occupied by their captain. These men handed him a letter
addressed to him by Captain Fernandez de Estenos, reporting that farther
south the troops had found more abandoned towns with only rotten corn
left behind. At this point Avendano decided to turn back to Chunpich to
contemplate his next step, without further exploring the road to the Itzas.
35
36
AVENDANO'S
RETREAT
Avendano thereupon returned to Tzuktok', where he convinced his companions that they should give up the mission entirely and return to Merida. His list of complaints was growing: Their Maya charges at Tzuktok'
were running away daily. Supplies were short. The rains were increasing in
intensity. The captains paid no attention to the friars. Garcia de Paredes
approached the uncontacted Kejach towns with so little caution that the
inhabitants abandoned their homes, taking their goods with them. As a
result, the captain, frustrated in his "greed" for booty, sent orders to the
Spanish corporal in charge of the small military guard at Tzuktok' that,
according to Avendano, "all of the Indian women and their children who
were at the said town of Tzuctok be provided with food supplies so that an
Indian from the town of Sahcabchen, alcalde ordinario of the said town
and war captain, might take them away to the encomienda of the said
Captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes, without letting me know anything."
37
This action was, as Avendano realized, old-style reduction for the sole
purpose of personal enrichment. Garcia possessed only a small encomienda, and it was now evident that yet another reason for his participation in the camino real project was to continue enlarging his tributepaying population and his labor supply. The latter would have been the
more important, because his much more profitable timber and logwood
operations were clearly shorthanded, especially around Rio Mamantel,
the site of his encomienda.
Avendano claimed that while they were waiting to decide what to do
next at Tzuktok', he and his friar colleagues arrived at a scheme to retrace
their steps to Jop'elch'en, north of Kawich, "and from there take the road
38
155
Road to the Itzas

that I knew along a different route in order to travel without the clatter
of arms to the nation of the pagan Itzas, going through the Indian nation
of Tipu, which is the opposite route to that which the Spaniards were
taking."
Avendano and his Spanish and Maya companions departed Tzuktok',
notifying Garcia of their intentions. When they reached Jop'elch'en they
rested for a few days, waiting for an answer from Provincial Silva to a
request for authorization for Avendano to lead an entrada to Nojpeten
through Tipuj. The provincial quickly replied that they were to return to
Merida without delay by the way they had gone. They did so, arriving in
the capital on September 1 7 .
39
4 0
Garcia, according to Avendano, was so worried that the friars would report to the governor about his behavior that he revoked the order that the
B'uk'te women and children be sent to his own encomienda, which Avendano mistakenly thought was Sajkab'ch'en. Instead, they were to be
returned "to their towns from which they were captured." Garcia blamed
Avendano's failure to do his duty for the loss of their souls and their return
to the forests. None of this correspondence, nor that which would confirm
or deny Avendano's claim that Ursua was angry with both him and his
captains, has yet surfaced. Nor did any of it matter in the long run, because
Avendano was already formulating new plans while Garcia and his men
went on terrorizing the Kejach people on the road beyond Tzuktok'.
The second party of Franciscans remained behind on the camino real
after Avendano returned to Merida. While Avendano was trying to convince Ursiia to grant him the sole responsibility of taking the gospel to the
Itzas, San Buenaventura and his companions followed the troops and road
openers as far south as Chuntuki, less than forty leagues from Lago Peten
Itza. Convinced from reports of Itza beliefs in an imminent millennium
that would lead to their welcoming the Spaniards, these Franciscans, with
the blessing of their provincial, nearly beat Avendano in the race to Nojpeten. In the meantime, however, dramatic events were taking place at
Nojpeten and Tipuj that would radically alter the strategy Ursiia ultimately pursued.
41
42
156
The Hour of the Millennium

Avendano's hostility to the military's practices had soured his relationship
with Garcia de Paredes, who complained to Ursua that the commissary
had abandoned his duties. Convinced that the Franciscans, preferably
43

under his own leadership, must reach Nojpeten before the troops in order
to avert violence, Avendano unsuccessfully petitioned Silva, the provincial, that he be allowed take an alternative route to the Itzas. Although
Silva would have been delighted to upstage the secular clergy by accepting
this proposal and sending Avendano to Nojpeten via Tipuj, we shall see
from events described in chapter 7 that the secular clergy had already
sealed off that route from the Franciscans.
Fray Andres's only choice was to return to Kejach territory on the
camino real, and this time he succeeded in reaching Nojpeten (see chapter
8). Fray Juan de San Buenaventura's group, however, attempted to reach
Nojpeten before Avendano. Millennial thoughts deeply reinforced their
enthusiasm for the undertaking.
The second group of Franciscans, led by San Buenaventura, had left
Chunpich on August 1 0 and followed the now-opened road to the abandoned town of IxB'am. On the eighteenth they followed the road openers,
who had already moved a considerable distance along what was believed
to be the path to the main lake, to the Kejach town of B'atkab'. There a
company of thirty musketeers fired at six Kejaches who ran away. They
later captured fifteen persons: four women and four children and later a
man with six small children. The Franciscans, put in charge of converting
them, decided that the patron of B'atkab' would be "the sweetest name
of Jesus."
Held up by rain, they waited at B'atkab' for twelve days. On the thirtieth they walked another six leagues to Chuntuki, "another abandoned
place with many hamlets." On the way they crossed a river called Uk'um
(meaning simply "river"), where fifty-five adults and children "sallied
forth." These were taken to Chuntuki and "Christianized." Jesus Maria
wrote that the captives wanted to live in B'atkab' but that "we are keeping
them in our company until, with the Lord's blessing, the flooding allows
us to go on to the Itzas." While Avendano was plotting his return to
Nojpeten at Tzuktok', San Buenaventura's friars were already waiting to
traverse the remaining forty or so leagues to the main lake.
The army and road openers, accompanied by Jesus Maria, had already
pushed the road another seventeen leagues toward the south with the
intention of reaching the lake, but they had been forced by the rains to
return to Chuntuki, where they waited for dry weather. At the terminus of 157
the road they had discovered "highlands that are presumed to be those
that divide this province from that of Guatemala." The land and vegetation beyond these high hills appeared to different, "and it is said that the
said hills have as valleys the great savannah of the Chacan Itzas."
44
45
46
47
Road to the Itzas
Captain Manuel Jorge Sesere, the engineer, reported in late November

that the road by that time had reached as far as Chuntuki, which he placed
at a latitude of 1 9 3 2 ' N, almost the precise position of Chuntuki on
modern maps. This, he wrote, was the last town of the Kejaches and that
the "great Itza" lay five days beyond. The president of Guatemala would
now be able "to come in search of this nation by turning east and following the road that I shall now cut. I also state that we have seen the hills of
Guatemala, which are very high and flat on top like a meadow." Along
the route between Tzuktok' and the end of the new road they had passed
by more than twelve abandoned Kejach settlements. Only about fifteen
men, women, and children had been "found," and these were sent back to
Tzuktok'.
0
48
49
Following Avendano's return to Merida, Provincial Silva wrote to San

Buenaventura at Chuntuki with important news. He had replaced Avendaiio's mission with two new Franciscans, Fray Diego de Echevarria and
Fray Diego de Salas. One of them was to work at Tzuktok' and the other
was to go to Chuntuki to instruct the Kejaches there. Upon their arrival
the four Franciscans already at Chuntuki were to follow the path that
supposedly led from Chuntuki to the main lake. Garcia had denied them
permission in September to take this path, but by late October, when they
received Silva's instructions, his objections to the plan had apparently
evaporated. At this point, the friars replied, only the rains were keeping
them from going. Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria was busy learning the language of the Kejach Mayas at Chuntuki in preparation for the mission to
Nojpeten, while swatting the mosquitoes that devoured them daily.
50
San Buenaventura had obviously not packed his bags for this trip with a
visit to the Itzas in mind, for he found himself without appropriate religious paraphernalia. Since the two new missionaries were to come soon,
he wrote to Silva requesting the items he would need. His list was impressive; communion tables, chalices, chrismatories (vessels for holy oils),
surplices, images of saints and the pope, and bells.
Silva's instructions that they were to visit the Itzas as soon as possible
raised great excitement among the missionaries. San Buenaventura replied
to his letter on October 24 in words of millennial, prophetic proportions:
51
There is no doubt that very soon it will be necessary, God willing

being essential, not trifling to believe that the hour of the Lord
has already arrived, that the time [has arrived] when the evangelical
light might shine upon the darkness of these blind pagans, seeing
that this nation of Cehaches, being so warlike (since it has carried
out so many attacks on the Catholic towns of the borders of the

province . . . ) is now so docile and tractable that they themselves
come forth to look for us, and they promise to look for and call to
the rest who wander nomadically in the forests. They also say that
for the past six months the Itzas who came to look for iron tools
among these Cehaches told them not to run away from the Spaniards when they came, because they knew that the time to establish
friendship with them had arrived and that the said Itzas were awaiting the Spaniards' arrival in their lands in order to establish trade
and friendship with them.
52
This passage, filled with allusions to prophecy, is perhaps the first recorded Franciscan pronouncement that the Itzas were agreed among
themselves that "the time had arrived" when they should deal peacefully
with the Spaniards.
Theirs was not, however, a message of submission or, as the Franciscans seem to have concluded, a request for Christian instruction. All that
the Itzas professed was a desire for friendship and trade. These claims
nonetheless ring with a certain plausibility because, as we will see in the
next chapter, at almost the same time, unbeknownst to the friars, Ajaw
Kan Ek' reportedly was issuing even stronger prophetic pronouncements
to an emissary from Tipuj. The new k'atun, in Avendano's vision of history, was about to emerge, and the Franciscans were convinced that its
meaning was the voluntary Christianization of the Itzas as well as the
Kejaches. The convergence of news of Itza millennial thought with their
foreknowledge of Avendano's views must have had a powerful effect on
the friars.
On October 24, sixty-two Kejach men appeared at Chuntuki, apparently voluntarily. They lived fourteen leagues away and said that their
settlement, called Pak'ek'em, comprised more than three hundred people
besides themselves. San Buenaventura sent the lay brother Lucas de San
Francisco with three recently baptized Kejach men to convince the rest of
the group to join the small mission at Chuntuki. When he arrived at their
town, Brother Lucas, "heated with the zeal of God's honor, abominated
their idolatry to them and broke the idols that he found." Despite his rash
behavior, they did not attack him but rather repeated the by now familiar
statement that the Itzas had advised them that the time had come and they
should not run away.
The friars, however, soon abandoned the idea of bringing these people
to Chuntuki. San Buenaventura was worried about the arrival of addi-
Road to the Itzas
tional refugees because "here they only have some milpas with only maize.
They have no beans, or chile, or fowls, because they sustain themselves
only on what they hunt." Instead, the friars decided to instruct these new
Kejach subjects in their own territory. To reach Pak'ek'em took a full day's
walk on a path from B'atkab', six leagues north of Chuntuki. The lay
friars Tomas de Alcoser and Brother Lucas returned to Pak'ek'em in early
November, finding the inhabitants "so pleased and eager about our arrival
that they had already built a special guest house for us. Immediately the
cacique and three other people came to see us, among them he who was
their sacrilegious minister and priest of their idols, whom we have discovered to be very affable and benevolent all reasons for which we offer
praise and blessings to the great God of mercies for his having transformed these bloodthirsty people into benevolent lambs."
53
54
Alcoser and Lucas stayed on at Pak'ek'em to begin constructing a

church. The population of the town made it the largest Kejach mission
settlement about 350 people and the only one not composed of refugees. San Buenaventura was especially proud that there were no soldiers
there. The other Franciscans had managed to do what Avendano had
failed to accomplish: to establish their presence in a town at some distance
from the road, free of military intervention. As we will see, over the next
few months and years the people of Pak'ek'em would pay dearly for their
willingness to receive the missionaries.
While waiting for better weather the friars also planned to build a
church at B'atkab' "for the seventy first ones and to cultivate them like
new plants with the waters of the word so that they may be rooted in the
faith." Although unwilling to speak out in direct criticism of Garcia de
Paredes, they complained to Silva that the mission inhabitants were terrified by the noise of the arms and artillery. This, combined with heavy daily
traffic along the road, sometimes made them wonder whether "the health
of these souls" was being well served. "But the principle," wrote San
Buenaventura, "is what moves us; that is, confidence in divine power."
55
16
The two new friars arrived in mid-November, freeing San Buenaventura and his companions to consider once more preparations for their trip
to Itza territory. Two new churches had been completed, one at B'atkab'
and one at Pak'ek'em, also known as the "town of the Chans." Thirty-five
more Kejaches had come out of the forests and were added to the seventy
others already at B'atkab', where Fray Diego de Echevarria was now
working. Fray Diego de Salas was at Tzuktok'. Once the Pak'ek'em
church was finished, San Buenaventura planned to send Fray Tomas de
Alcoser, presumably along with Brother Lucas, "as ambassador to the

Itzas in order to learn whether they are pleased by our going, and with that
answer [we would] leave for there." If this were accomplished they would
send news of the event to the secular priests in Tipuj, who would in turn
send messengers to Chanchanja. From Chanchanja the road went to
Jop'elch'en, which was connected directly by road to Merida, where Silva
would at last receive the news. This route was at least double the distance
from Merida as that of the new camino real.
56
Rather than assume that these friars did not know their geography, we
can conclude that they had very specific reasons for proposing this roundabout route for sending news of their hoped-for success. Although Silva's
letters to the friars have not been located, their replies to him indicate that
they had received no news of the provincial's ruling that Avendano could
not make a second attempt to reach Nojpeten via the alternative route
through Jop'elch'en, Chanchanja, and Tipuj. These friars were aware of
Avendano's plans before he left Tzuktok' and would have believed that he
would receive their message as he passed along this route if, in fact, he
had not already arrived at Nojpeten. Passing such a message through
Tipuj would have had the added attraction of informing any secular
priests who might be there that Itza territory was now firmly in Franciscan
hands. Their hope was the same as Avendano's: that nearly all of the
southern pagan region, excluding only Tipuj and the areas under Dominican control to the south of the main lake, would be part of a Franciscan
monopoly.
Although the friars at B'atkab' may have received most of the religious
items they had requested for their trip to Nojpeten, they still needed
bells heavy objects that would have required a team of pack animals. In
his letter of November 20 San Buenaventura begged Silva again for bells,
in metaphorical prose: "It already appears to me that in the pious ears of
your very reverend paternity resound the voices, although mute, of the
three aforementioned churches of Tzuctok, Batcab, and Pakekem, which
is that of the Chans, crying for bells in order to bring together their children and the faithful at the attendance of the divine worship and service,
so that in cimbalis bene sonantibus. Although material, the echoes of the
inspired sound would be wafted across these wastelands." There is no
record of the outcome of Alcoser's planned trip as the Franciscans' ad- 161
vance emissary to Nojpeten, or of San Buenaventura's intentions to follow
him there. By mid-December Provincial Silva had yet to hear further news
from the friars stationed at B'atkab', but he assumed that Alcoser had
57
Road to the Itzas
carried out his mission and that the work of conversion at Nojpeten had
already begun.
Avendano himself departed again for Nojpeten on December 1 3 , but
his reports of that trip avoid any mention of San Buenaventura's mission
at B'atkab' or of Alcoser's efforts to reach Nojpeten. There is no reason to
believe that they ever fulfilled these plans as originally described. As I
recount in chapter 9, however, the Itzas captured San Buenaventura and
Alcoser on the shores of Lago Peten Itza on February 2, 1696, during a
heated battle between the Itzas and Spanish troops whom the friars had
accompanied. Taken by their captors to Nojpeten, they were later killed.
That tragic event came only a few days after Avendano had been forced to
escape Nojpeten under cover of darkness, accompanied by Ajaw Kan Ek'
and members of his family.
58
Military Reinforcements
on the Camino Real
Pressures on Ursua for a rapid closure to the Itza question were growing at
the end of 1695. As early as October Ajaw Kan Ek' had reportedly declared his willingness to accept Spanish rule and Christianity, and the
stage was being set for Aj Chan's arrival in Merida. Ursua knew by November that President Barrios would be sending another entrada to the
Itzas at the earliest possible moment, following up on Diaz de Velasco's
embarrassing retreat from the main lake in April. The troops and missionaries on the southern camino real were ready to make their move on
Nojpeten. To all appearances, the entire enterprise was about to reach its
climax.
59
When he departed the camino real for Campeche in November, Garcia

de Paredes had left eighty-six men garrisoned at Tzuktok' and an unspecified number at Chuntuki. His officers later claimed, with some exaggeration, that the friars had been left in charge of between four hundred and
six hundred Kejaches at B'atkab' and Tzuktok'.
In December Ursua approved the recruitment of yet another 1 5 0 nonMaya troops, an additional 100 Maya troops, and an additional contingent of Maya road workers and muleteers, Five more Franciscans
would be appointed to accompany them. Fifty of the new Spanish and
pardo troops, from Merida, were commanded by Captain Mateo Hidalgo, and the other one hundred, most of them recruited in Campeche,
were under Captain Bartolome de la Garma. On December 8, the one
60
61
i6i
62
63
Franciscans on the Camino
Real
hundred Maya troops and the fifty non-Mayas under Hidalgo left Campeche with Garcia de Paredes and Manuel Jorge Sesere, the road engineer,
their ultimate destination the headwaters of Rio San Pedro south of Chuntuki, which Avendano had called Nojuk'um and which the original troops
had reached in October. Garma's troops were not recruited until February
1 6 9 6 and did not leave until sometime in March.
64
Disputes Between the Secular Clergy

and the Franciscans
During December and January the secular clergy and the Franciscans
engaged in a dispute about jurisdiction over the camino real and the Itzas.
This dispute, exacerbated by Bishop Cano's recent death, began with
claims filed on December 4 by the secular clergy. It continued for months,
growing ever more petty and particularistic. Ursua found himself in trouble for having played the two religious groups off each other, promising
each that it had the authority to introduce Christianity to the Itzas the
Franciscans along the camino real and the secular clergy through Tipuj.
The ecclesiastical council the principal authorities of the Yucatecan secular clergy claimed that it alone could authorize any missionary activity.
Its members cited, in particular, legal bases for the prohibition of the religious orders and the secular clergy to be in the same place at the same time.
The only solution, they argued on December 1 6 , was for Ursua to withdraw the Franciscans from any activity on the camino real immediately.
65
66
The ire of the secular clergy was directed in particular at Avendano,

who had departed on his second trip to the southern forests on December
1 3 , just as the clerics in Merida were anticipating the arrival of AjChan,
the emissary and nephew of Ajaw Kan Ek'. The clerics were already certain that AjChan would declare that Ajaw Kan Ek' wished to surrender to
Spanish control, and they were negotiating, in ways not revealed, for
Ajaw Kan Ek' to request parish priests rather than Franciscan friars.
Whether or not Ajaw Kan Ek understood the significance of these disputes over Yucatecan religious jurisdiction, the ecclesiastical council was
incensed that Ursua had allowed Avendano to depart for Nojpeten just as
it was about to defeat Franciscan claims over any future Itza missions.
16*
Silva, the Franciscan provincial, responded to the council's complaint
on December 1 7 , noting that Avendano had been appointed by Ursua
himself. Reciting a long litany of earlier precedent-setting Franciscan ac5
Road to the Itzas
tivities on the southern frontier, including Itza territory, he argued that the
Franciscans should control this area and that in any event it was simply
too late to call Avendano back.
In the following two chapters we will see what transpired on two principal stages, oppositional yet intertwined, where the drama of the personal submission of Ajaw Kan Ek' to Spanish rule unfolded.
67
164
Part
Three
THE PEACE SEEKERS
chapter
seven
THE ITZA
EMISSARIES
^ ^ ^ j C h a n was an important young Itza noble,

the son of IxKante, a deceased sister of Ajaw Kan Ek', who said she came
from Chich'en Itza in northern Yucatan. In 1696 Aj Chan's father, known
only as Chan, was married to another sister of Ajaw Kan Ek'. In late 1696
or early 1697 the elder Chan, who was from Tipuj, died from a snakebite.
AjChan, who was about thirty in 1697, d that he was born on the island
of Nojpeten; his home, however, was at Yalain, the eastern provincial
capital on Laguna Macanche. His marriage to a woman named Kowoj
signified a classic alliance between competing noble families around Lago
Peten Itza.
Aj Chan's social position enabled him to bridge some of the contentious
political factions that plagued these regions on the eve of the conquest. He
was both a close maternal relative of Ajaw Kan Ek' and a representative,
through paternal ties, of the semi-Christian, Itza-colonized town of Tipuj.
His residence at Yalain reinforced Itza control over a region secured years
earlier by his father. Although his marriage several years before must have
accompanied attempts to smooth over old Itza-Kowoj enmities, it had
failed to prevent recent warfare that by 1695 threatened to tear apart the
royal Kan family. By that year Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante had declared war
against the Itza ruler in an alliance with the Kowojs, now claiming control
even over the Yalain region.
AjChan was not eligible to inherit the rulership from his mother's
brother because he was a Chan, not an Ek'. Even so, when Ajaw Kan Ek'
appointed AjChan in 1695
ambassador to take a message of peace
and submission to the Spaniards in Merida, the ruler drove the wedge
between the warring factions even deeper. Aj Chan's diplomatic actions
were clearly intended to maintain Ajaw Kan Ek' as the legitimate Itza
supreme ruler even if that meant colonial submission of the Itzas to the
Spaniards. The ruler's uncle and the Kowojs, on the other hand, opposed
1
sai<
a s
n l s
The Peace Seekers
diplomatic negotiation with the Spanish enemy and must have viewed
both the ruler and his nephew as traitors. Colonial officials, unaware that
AjChan's diplomatic actions had intensified what already amounted to a
state of war in central Peten, understandably failed to grasp that his representations in Merida had no practical meaning.
AjChan offered his uncle's kingdom to the Spaniards. He received baptism in Merida on December 3 1 , 1 6 9 5 , d was given the name Martin
Francisco in honor of his godfather, Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, and his
patron, Francisco de Hariza, the alcalde of Salamanca de Bacalar, who
sponsored his trip to the Yucatecan capital. From then on the Spaniards
called him Martin Chan.
Governor Ursua and his political allies publicized AjChan's visit to
Merida at Christmastime in 1695 as a turning point in Yucatan's history.
AjChan, they claimed, delivered official promises from his uncle, the Itza
king, that at last the Itzas had submitted to the Spanish Crown and accepted Christianity as the one true religion. AjChan, previously unknown
in Spanish circles, became an overnight hero and the subject of widespread admiration, gossip, and speculation. For a time the governor's
principal preoccupation would be the political significance of AjChan's
message of the Itzas' peaceful surrender. Ursua was, at least for the moment, convinced that he was within sight of winning the great prize tens
of thousands of Itza souls and tribute payers who passively awaited the
arrival of occupation forces. As we will see in later chapters, such hopes
for a peaceful settlement would soon be dashed.
a n
AjChan's first encounter with Spanish politics is a complex tale filled

with intrigue, misrepresentation, and subsequent charges by Ursua's enemies that AjChan was a "false ambassador" of the Itza "king." Because AjChan's personal legitimacy and goodwill were unquestioned by
Ursua despite AjChan's later temporary abandonment of his new patronsthe governor touted throughout the empire his attainment of this
Itza noble's sincere loyalty as one of his major political accomplishments.
Ursua and AjChan were to become uneasy friends and allies in an unlikely
drama that ended in tragic events which neither could have predicted.
168
The First Itza Delegation to Merida

On July 7, 1 6 9 5 ,
alcalde of Bacalar-at-Chunjujub', Captain Francisco
Hariza y Arruyo, wrote to Ursua from the village of Saksuus, downstream
from Tipuj on the upper Belize River. He was at last making progress in
t n e
The Itza Emissaries
recontacting backsliding Mayas in this remote area, in particular Mopans

named Musul:
At the moment that I write this the water of holy baptism has been
cast upon more than one hundred persons large and small, and I am
actually having prayers taught to seven Indian leaders each one of
them over seventy years old, from a nation called Muzul, who have
had no knowledge of Christianity in order to cast upon them the
water of holy baptism. I hope in God and the holiest Virgin of the
Rosary that before long your lordship will have to sign the elections
of the Indians of Tah Itza island, because I have sent an Indian ambassador with a letter and other explanations.
5
Hariza had also appointed Tipuj's town council and planned to send its
members to Merida at the beginning of the year for the traditional annual
confirmation of their "elections."
This was exciting news indeed. Hariza claimed that he had solidified
Tipuj's loyalty to the Crown, that the Musuls were being converted, and
that a Tipuj an representative of his own choosing was on the verge of
convincing Ajaw Kan Ek' that he should join the Spaniards.
Hariza's ambassador to Nojpeten was Mateo Wikab', a Tipujan "Indian of reason," who had gone there in April, carrying gifts and a letter
from Hariza. The Bacalar alcalde waited several months for him to return
but was so keen to present the first fruits of his success to Ursiia in Merida
that he departed in August with, in Ursua's words, "seven of the said
Indians from Tipuj to render obedience, requesting confirmation of their
elections and ministers . . . carrying clothing which they wear and trade
with the said Noh Petens." Hariza and his seven "Tipujans" stood before
Ursua in Merida on September 7 with a gift of Itza clothing, and Ursua
confirmed their "elections." The governor wasted no time in requesting
that the dean and ecclesiastical council who were at the time governing
all church matters until a successor to the recently deceased Bishop Cano
could be named appoint "evangelical ministers" whom Ursua would
ultimately send to Tipuj with a military escort of thirty soldiers in early
January of the coming year.
6
The governor's confirmation of the Tipujans' offices was a standard

requirement for Maya town councils throughout Yucatan, but the ceremony normally took place near the beginning of January. In his apparent
haste to make official the Tipujans' long overdue acceptance of colonial
status, Hariza had left Tipuj long before the required confirmation date.
Clearly, he intended to accomplish something else by rushing these "Tipu-
169
The Peace Seekers

jans" before Governor Ursiia. Only much later was his possible motive
revealed. The names of the Tipujan leaders who visited Merida in September were not mentioned in official correspondence. From other sources,
however, we learn that some of them were not Tipujans at all but part of
an advance party of Itzas sent by Ajaw Kan Ek' to explore peace terms
with the Yucatecan Spaniards. The leader of this party was AjChan himself, who must have arrived at Tipuj during August with news from Ajaw
Kan Ek that the Itzas were prepared to begin negotiations of surrender
with the governor of Yucatan. The publicized version of Hariza's visit to
Merida with "Tipujan" councilmen was simply a cover-up for the much
more important advance delegation of Itzas sent by Ajaw Kan Ek'.
5
In sworn testimony a year later, Fray Andres de Avendano stated that

upon his return to Merida on September 1 6 , 1 6 9 5, after his first trip down
the camino real,
he found in this city four Indians from Tipu, jurisdiction of this
province, who had come to request confirmation of their elections
of alcaldes, regidors, and other justicia officers, to whom he spoke
in his cell in the great convent of Senor San Francisco of this city.
And on his second trip, having departed the said Itza for a distance
of about ten leagues, he arrived at a town called Yalain, where they
asked him about the said four Indians. And that having given news
of them and their said names, they told him that they were the ones,
two of whom he recalls were named Ah Chan and the other Ah
Tek; and that the wife of this one, with the news that [Avendano]
had seen them, invited him to eat.
8
In his detailed report of his trip to Nojpeten in January 1696 Avendano

reconfirmed that he had met with AjChan in Merida the year before. At
Yalain, he wrote, "the Yalain leader Chamach Xulu and others told him
that four Tipujans had gone to Merida in September to ask for 'ministers'
of the gospel to administer to them the divine word and the holy sacraments." Avendano identified them precisely to his hosts as AjChan, his
younger brother, said to be named AjChant'an, and two others named
AjTek and AjK'u and told them that he had talked with them and had
fed them in his monastery cell in Merida. They had still not returned to
Yalain.
9
170
10
Who, then, were these other three men from Yalain who accompanied
AjChan on this first trip to Merida? AjChan's younger brother, AjChant'an, also known as Nikte Chan, was baptized Pedro Miguel Chan in
Merida on their return visit the following December; Spaniards later re-
The Itza
Emissaries
ferred to hirn as don Pedro Nikte. AjTek also returned on that trip and was
baptized Juan Francisco Tek. AjK'u apparently did not return with this
group but was replaced by AjChan's sister's husband, who was baptized
Manuel C h a y a x . The remaining three Mayas in Hariza's party were
"genuine" Tipujans who actually received their staffs of office. One of
these was Andres K'eb', the principal alcalde of Tipuj, who himself later
made an official visit to Ajaw Kan Ek' on Hariza's behalf.
This information enables us to reconstruct something of the September
Itza mission to Merida, recognizing that Hariza intentionally omitted any
mention that Itza delegates accompanied the Tipujans. When the four
men from Yalain reached Tipuj, they found Hariza there overseeing baptisms in the upper Belize River towns. Upon learning of their intention to
travel to Merida, Hariza quickly concluded that not only the Tipuj-area
Mayas but also their allies, the Itzas, were on the verge of total submission
to church and Crown. In secrecy he hurried them off to the governor.
11
12
THE TIPUJAN EMISSARY
TO
NOJPETEN
Once in Merida, where they first met with Ursua, the four Itzas waited,
presumably at the governor's urging, in order to see Avendano, who returned a week later from his journey along the camino real. During their
meeting with the friar they invited him to visit Nojpeten via Tipuj and
Yalain, where they told him that new houses would await him and his
Franciscan companions. Alcalde Hariza set off shortly for Bacalar-atChunjujub' with the Itza delegation, the Tipujans, and a letter written by
Ursua to be delivered to Ajaw Kan Ek' himself. Finding no news awaiting
him of the trip by Mateo Wikab' to Nojpeten, he sent another Bacalareiio,
Pablo Gil de Azamar, to escort AjChan and his six Maya companions
back to Tipuj, which they reached on October 28. There Gil found Wikab'
ill and with feet too sore to have made the trip to report to Hariza. Wikab'
recounted the surprising news that when he had arrived at Nojpeten,
the said Indians were preparing three or four thousand Indians to
make war against some Spaniards, who they say consist of more
than one hundred. These entered on horses, and having come into
view of the town found thirty Indians, some in their milpas and others around the island, who when they saw [the Spaniards] went up
to talk with them, without taking precautions in speaking with
them. Then [the Spaniards] made war against them during which
thirty Indians died and one was taken prisoner. The said Uicab says
that he saw one who had been axed and struck in the middle of the
The Peace Seekers

head with the butt of a musket; he returned to his town [with his
wound] full of worms. Because of this the reyezuelo was found to
be very upset.
13
This encounter was the one with the Guatemalans under Captain Juan
Diaz de Velasco that had taken place in April, described in chapter 5. The
Spanish reports, however, failed to mention such substantial Maya casualties and placed the blame for the violence on the Itzas. The prisoner
referred to was clearly AjK'ixaw, who was taken to Santiago de Guatemala to serve as a captive informant against his own people.
At Nojpeten Wikab' defended himself against charges that his visit was
connected with this military encounter. Some Itzas refused to believe his
innocence, but Ajaw Kan Ek' not only accepted gifts sent by Hariza but
also made a stunning offer in poetic language that Ursua was to quote
many times as the first official Itza recognition of Spanish supremacy:
So tell that captain [Hariza] that I shall receive him with pleasure.
And I promise to surrender myself at his feet with eighty thousand
Indians that I have under my command, subdued and subjected,
and that with a thousand affections I shall receive the water of baptism, I and all my vassals. And tell him also that he must not deceive
me in order to kill me; that I promise his governor four thousand
Indians for the city of Merida, because I desire much to see his king.
Tell him [Hariza] also that when he arrives at that town [an unidentified port town on the lake] he should send for me to call [on him],
advising me by whomever, that at his dispatch I shall descend to see
him, to know if it is he who grants me peace, because if he comes directly to my town, I shall make w a r .
14
Wikab' then read the letter that Hariza had sent to Ajaw Kan Ek', in
response to which, according to Gil, the ruler said "that everything was
true and that the time of the prophecies had already arrived, and that he
wished to see our governor, since he had offered him peace. 'Because the
others (he says) wish not to conquer towns but only to kill us. And because
of that we proceed to give them wars. But [he said] that to your governor I
shall render vassalage, because my descent is from that province.'" Although now lost, it is apparent that Hariza's letter to Ajaw Kan Ek' included a request for an audience with the ruler, a proposal for his peaceful
surrender and baptism by a priest who would accompany Hariza, and a
statement concerning the significance of pending k'atun prophecies.
We may therefore conclude that shortly after the arrival of Wikab' at
The Itza
Emissaries
Nojpeten in April, Ajaw Kan Ek' decided to send a delegation to Merida,

appointing AjChan and his Yalain companions as emissaries to meet with
Ursua. When these four arrived at Tipuj in August, they must have explained their purpose to Hariza and informed him of the desire by Ajaw
Kan Ek to explore terms of submission to the Spaniards. Their disguise as
auxiliaries to the Tipujan town council simply provided a means to introduce them to Ursua without causing public notice of their true identity.
After meeting with Wikab' at Tipuj in October, Gil decided to send the
new alcalde of Tipuj, Andres K'eb', as a second emissary to Ajaw Kan
E k ' . K'eb', accompanied by AjChan and his three kinsmen from Yalain,
carried a machete and earrings as gifts for the Itza ruler and possibly
Ursua's letter to the Itza king as well. This was a difficult time for further
negotiations at Nojpeten, because rumors were circulating among the
people around Lago Peten Itza that the Guatemalans would return to kill
them all, prompting even a group of one hundred Kowojs rivals of Ajaw
Kan Ek' to journey to Tipuj to talk with Hariza. Wikab' had reported
that a large number of towns had been abandoned all the way from Tipuj
southward to Mopan and westward to the lake in response to these fears.
Gil never reported the outcome of the October visit to Nojpeten by
Andres K'eb'. Nonetheless, we know that it resulted in the decision by
Ajaw Kan Ek' to send his four representatives again to Merida, where
they would make a formal, public offer of peaceful submission. Gil urged
Hariza to communicate the message from Ajaw Kan Ek' to Ursula quickly,
before the Guatemalans made further moves against the Itzas. He also
offered to leave Tipuj with a group of Nojpeten representatives to Merida
before the end of November, promising that they would confirm the Itza
peace offering. The messenger delivered a copy of Gil's letter to Hariza
three weeks after it was written, on about November 23. Although delivered rapidly for those days, the letter gave Ursiia scarcely any time to plan
for the upcoming events. Gil's letter gave him every hope that AjChan and
his compatriots would return, as planned, in December. The governor was
not to be disappointed.
3
15
16
17
AUTHENTICITY
IN TEIE V O I C E O F A J A W
KAN
EK'
Did Pablo Gil's report of the visit of Mateo Wikab' to Ajaw Kan Ek'
provide an accurate description of his speech to the Tipujan emissary? Or
was Gil's quotation of the Itza ruler's words an artificial construction
designed to further the interests of his patron, Francisco de Hariza? Consideration of this question is crucial, because the reporting of this message
confirmed Spanish convictions that a peaceful solution to the Itza problem
173
The Peace Seekers
was imminent and that AjChan indeed represented the intention of Ajaw
Kan Ek' to submit to the Crown.
A completely satisfactory answer to the question will always elude
us. Closer examination of the rhetoric attributed to Ajaw Kan Ek' suggests, however, that the quotation probably approximated his own words
closely. Wikab' would have reported to Gil in Maya, of course, but Gil's
quotations differ strikingly from the style of his own prose correspondence, indicating his attempt to communicate not only the content of the
message but its rhetorical style as well. The use of large multiples of
twenty (eighty thousand subjects and four thousand to be offered to Merida) reflects the vigesimal method of Maya counting.
The identification by Ajaw Kan Ek' of "others" who "wish not to
conquer towns but only to kill us" referred to the Guatemalan Spaniards whom the Itzas had encountered in April. To them he recognized no
obligation or kinship, because they represented a foreign province. Conquesthis perception of the Guatemalans' goal was unacceptable to
Ajaw Kan Ek', but he was willing to entertain a diplomatic solution to the
governance of Nojpeten and the surrounding population. The legitimacy
of his obligation to the governor of Yucatan is framed not only on the
basis of his Yucatecan descent but also in prophetic terms: "The time of
the prophecies had already arrived."
Wikab' was at Nojpeten between April and at the latest late October. The assertion that "the time of the prophecies had already arrived"
could indicate that in the view of Ajaw Kan Ek' the turning of K'atun 8
Ajaw had occurred before Wikab' departed, probably in July or August.
Other evidence suggests that others thought K'atun 8 Ajaw had arrived
well before the emissary's visit to Nojpeten. As we learned in chapter 6,
the Franciscans working in the Kejach area wrote in millennial language
to their provincial on October 24, 1 6 9 5 , of Kejach reports from the Itzas
over the previous six months that the time for friendship and trade with
the Spaniards had arrived. If in fact the Itzas were referring to the turning
of K'atun 8 Ajaw, this report would place the event sometime before late
April, at about the time of the battles with the Guatemalan Spaniards.
174
If the Itzas were using the Mayapan calendar, the turning of the k'atun
would not have occurred until mid-1697. Considering the growing intensity of local warfare and the threats of invasion, however, all parties must
have been eager to resort to millennial exhortations. Whatever the precise date of the turning of K'atun 8 Ajaw, prophetic discourse was being
widely disseminated throughout most of 1695. The message from Itza
The Itza Emissaries
territory was clear: the time was at hand the process already under
way for peaceful dealings with the Spaniards of Yucatan, but not with
those of Guatemala.
The Second Itza Delegation to Merida

On December 1 3 , 1 6 9 5 , Avendano set off from Merida without military
escort through Kejach territory, along the new camino real, on yet another
journey to Nojpeten. He carried with him letters of patent from Governor
Ursua, an official letter from Ursua to Ajaw Kan Ek', gifts for the Itza
ruler, and zeal to claim Franciscan jurisdiction over the Itza missions. His
experiences at Nojpeten, which he reached shortly after AjChan's heroic
arrival in Merida on December 26, will be the subject of the next chapter.
Even before Avendano left Merida, Pablo Gil was escorting the Itza
representatives once again toward the Yucatecan capital. AjChan and his
Itza companions had not tarried long at Nojpeten during November; they
had already returned to the old site of Salamanca de Bacalar, on the long
road to Chunjujub', on December 7. There the hardy Gil wrote to Hariza,
who was awaiting their arrival in Chunjujub', that "there are here four
Indians from the island of Noh Peten. One of them is the nephew of the
monarch, who brought his uncle's crown in order to turn it over to your
mercy and to the lord governor, [as well as] the other gifts that he brings.
Your mercy should determine whether they should proceed there so that
your mercy may speak with him and take them to Merida. I am ready,
thanks to God, to walk a thousand leagues." In addition to AjChan and
three other Itzas, Gil had with him several Mopans ("Muzuls") from the
Tipuj area and the two Tipujan alcaldes (one of whom was certainly
Andres K'eb'), who were to serve as interpreters for the Itzas. In addition
to the gifts brought by AjChan, Gil forwarded to Hariza the Itza clothing
received by Mateo Wikab' on his earlier visit to Nojpeten.
18
The Itza ambassadors, along with Ajaw Kan Ek' and his advisers back
at Nojpeten, were being required to evaluate conflicting signals. Who,
they had to have asked themselves, were really the legitimate purveyors of
Spanish authority? Avendano and his humble Franciscan companions?
The secular clergy? The ruthless officers who were building the new camino real? Or Francisco de Hariza and Pablo Gil from Bacalar? Could
they trust any of their Spanish contacts, all of whom claimed to represent
the governor of Yucatan? Were AjChan and his companions safe in the
175
The Peace Seekers
hands of the Bacalarerios, who had long been enemies of the Itzas? Would
they be well treated in Merida, and would Spanish promises of peace be
honored?
Not one of these questions had a simple, unequivocal answer, but once
begun, AjChan's departure for Merida was irreversible. On December 1 2
Ursua received in Merida the welcome news of the pending arrival of the
Itza party. He immediately wrote a brief, ecstatic letter to the viceroy
of New Spain: "I have just received a letter from Captain Francisco de
Hariza, alcalde ordinario of the villa of Bacalar, with a note from Pablo Gil
concerning his arrival from Tipu with four Indians from the great island of
the Itzas, and among them a nephew of the petty king of that opulent nation, who comes in the name of his uncle to give obedience, in sign of which
he carries his crown. Very singular news and of great pleasure for me as
well as this entire city, reflecting that the hour has arrived that His Majesty
our lord is served to bring so many souls to the pale of the holy church."
19
This last sentence may reflect the millennarian thinking and rhetoric of
Avendano, who left Merida the very next day, December 1 3 , on his final
trip to Nojpeten. He carried with him a letter in the Yucatec language
written by Ursiia to Ajaw Kan Ek' only five days earlier. In it Ursiia gave
the Franciscans major credit for their long-standing efforts to bring the
Itzas to Christianity Avendano and Ursua fully agreed that prophetic and
millennarian forces were working in favor of the Franciscan spiritual conquest of the Itzas. Avendano would attempt although unsuccessfully
to capitalize on these principles in his meetings with Ajaw Kan Ek' and
other Maya leaders a month later. Ursua's loyalty to Avendano and the
Franciscans, however, was insincere.
176
The secular clergy, in this battle for Itza souls, were themselves to
complain in due course about Ursua's duplicity. Even while he awaited the
Itza delegation in Merida he was planning to appoint ten or eleven secular
priests to accompany AjChan back to Tipuj and then, he hoped, on to
Nojpeten. This, at least, was his public stance. In fact, he had already
approved the Franciscan Avendano's visit to Nojpeten, issuing his letter
for the friar to carry to Ajaw Kan Ek' on December 8 and sending instructions two days later to Alonso Garcia de Paredes, his field commander on
the camino real, to allow Avendano to proceed without military guard to
Nojpeten.
Avendano later vigorously denied having had any knowledge of
AjChan's pending arrival in Merida before he left for Nojpeten; he also
claimed that Ajaw Kan Ek' mentioned nothing to him about the emissary's
second trip to Merida. I believe Avendano indeed knew of AjChan's immi20
The Itza
Emissaries
nent arrival, and his purpose in rushing off to Nojpeten at the moment
when news of the delegation reached Ursua was to undercut the secular
clergy's claims to future Itza missions. The friar knew that the secular
clergy would baptize AjChan and his companions in a public ceremony in
the Merida cathedral, an act that would seal secular claims to future Itza
conversions. Unless he could reach Ajaw Kan Ek' quickly himself and
accept on behalf of Governor Ursiia the ruler's offer of submission to
Crown and church, Franciscan hopes of reaping the rewards of future Itza
conversions would be lost.
Merida was a small town, and information spread quickly. The secular
clergy had already filed a complaint to Ursua for his support of the Franciscan missions on the camino real, and on December 16, only three days
after Avendano's departure for Nojpeten, the authorities of the secular
clergy issued a formal protest to the Franciscan provincial, Fray Juan
Antonio de Silva, demanding that Avendano and the other Franciscans on
the camino real be recalled immediately. Claiming that these appointments should have been approved by them, they were especially incensed
by news that Avendano and his companions were headed directly for
Nojpeten. The seculars, after all, had already named missionaries for
the Itzas. Silva, however, refused to consider recalling Avendano or the
other missionaries, claiming that to do so would be to fail in his commitment to conversions already begun.
Over the next few weeks each party raced against time in order to
secure its plans and interests. Hariza hurried with AjChan and his delegation to Merida so that their formal statement of capitulation could be
recorded before Ursua had to turn over his acting governorship to the
returning Roque de Soberanis y Centeno. The secular clergy hastened
their preparation for AjChan's baptism in order to be able to claim their
right to oversee further Itza conversions. Avendano rushed to meet Ajaw
Kan Ek' at Nojpeten before the seculars could leave Merida for Tipuj with
AjChan. By December zo Ursiia was prepared for the official reception of
the Itza delegation. It was to be a grand affair, involving as much of the
Spanish elite of Merida as possible. Ursiia hoped that these public rituals
would symbolize for the Mayas of Yucatan the end of the free forest
frontier and the beginning of full colonial control over the last independent Maya kingdom.
The governor appointed the chief governmental secretary to prepare an
official record of the Itza delegation's arrival, the attendant ceremonies,
and the emissary's statement. This was to be an event fit for a king, and the
record, of course, was intended for Carlos II himself. Meanwhile, the
21
22
23
24
25
177
The Peace Seekers
ecclesiastical council of the cathedral was preparing for the religious ceremonies that would follow the official diplomatic reception. The council,
too, had appointed a secretary the notary public of the ecclesiastical
tribunal to prepare a parallel record of events.
DIPLOMATIC
RITUALS
Christmas Day, 1 6 9 5 , fell

Sunday. While Francisco de Hariza waited
outside Merida with AjChan and the rest of the Itza delegation, the secular
clergy celebrated Christmas masses in the city's magnificent cathedral and
offered prayers for the following day's events. The timing of the delegation's arrival could not have been more effectively arranged. On Monday
morning at about ten o'clock Governor Ursiia was notified of the approach of four Itzas, who were nearing the entrance to the city. Ursiia left
his offices immediately with the escribano mayor (the principal government clerk), Captain Francisco de Avila, and other officials to meet the
arriving group. By the time the greeting party stepped out of their carriages and dismounted their horses at the Franciscan Convent of La Mejorada on the outskirts of town, the visitors were already waiting.
There, in the convent church's patio, Captain Avila reported,
o
preceding the courtesies, his lordship introduced [the Itza ambassador] into the carriage with him, and with all the said retinue and
multitude of people who had crowded around to see the arrival of
the said ambassador he took him to the holy cathedral church of
this said city, from where, his lordship having made a speech, he
came to the palace and royal dwellings, where I joined [them]. And
in the presence of his lordship, the venerable dean and Cabildo Vacant See, many clergy, priests of the Company of Jesus, the city
council, and other personnel already mentioned, the said ambassador took in his hands a crown that he carried, made of feathers of
different colors in the style of a tiara, and he handed it over to his
lordship, the said ambassador saying to him (according to the interpretation of Bachiller don Juan Pacheco . . . ) these words:
26
27
Lord: Representing the person of my uncle the great Ah Canek,

king and absolute lord of the Itzas, in his name and on his behalf, I
come to prostrate myself at your feet and offer before them his
royal crown, so that in the name of your great king, whose person
you represent, you would receive and admit us into his royal service
and under his protection, favor, and patronage; and that you would
grant us fathers-priests who would baptize us, administer, and
The Itza Emissaries
teach the law of the true God. This is for what I have come and
what my king requests and desires with the common sentiment of
all his vassals.
28
Ursiia then responded to the effect that he received the ambassador's

message with gratitude and agreed to the request in the name of the Crown.
Following these official exchanges "there entered and prostrated themselves in the presence of the said lord governor and captain general two
Indians who came in the company of the said ambassador, from another
nation who are called Muzuls, who through the said father-interpreter said
to his lordship that they also came in the same submission, for themselves
and in name of all the other Indians of their nation, to render obedience to
him or as he who represents the person of His Majesty." Ursiia presented
a similar response to the presentation by the Musuls, following which "his
lordship embraced them and regaled everyone with demonstrations of
happiness."
29
The entire diplomatic ritual described thus far was carefully planned,
precisely staged, and apparently well rehearsed. The visitors' entrance
into the city was timed to the hour. AjChan's short speech was written
for him; the choice of every word and phrase was that of a Spaniard
knowledgeable in such matters. AjChan said to Ursiia exactly what Ursiia
wanted him to say, using the phrasing that was legally necessary for the
representative of a nation submitting itself to Spanish sovereignty. Ursua
had presumably forwarded the text of AjChan's speech directly to Hariza,
who rehearsed it with the ambassador as they were traveling from Chunjujub' to Merida. The speech also reflected the handiwork of the secular
clergy, who wished to make certain that the phrase "and that you would
grant us fathers-priests who would baptize us, administer, and teach the
law of the true G o d " would be included. These "fathers-priests" {padres
sacerdotes) were, of course, the secular clergy.
RELIGIOUS
RITUALS
After AjChan was taken to the cathedral, mass was celebrated, following
which Ursua delivered a sermon, the message of which has not survived.
The principals returned to the governor's residence, where additional
greeting ceremonies were staged in honor of AjChan and his three Itza
companions. The ecclesiastical notary recorded these ceremonies in eyewitness fashion:
I see . . . the venerable lord dean and Council Vacant See assisting in
the said reception with paternal love and rejoicing, accompanied by
The Peace Seekers
the entire clergy and the pealing of the bells in the principal hall of
the houses of the residence of the said lord governor, where also
were [in attendance] the order of the Company of Jesus and that of
Lord San Juan de Dios.
I saw that the said ambassador having entered, that they recognize [him by] his costume and the crown of different colors that he
carried, and his three companions or assistants with the retinue referred to, and a numerous crowd of people; that the said ambassador had been moving through in midst of everyone with actions
of polite courtesy and reverent obeisance toward the lords of the
venerable cabildo. It appears that with special divine inspiration,
upon coming up next to the lord dean, he kneeled down at his feet.
His mercy took him in his arms with demonstration of charitable
zeal and loving affection, engaging in a lengthy conversation with
him in his own language.
And having seated him between the two heads [of the] ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, [the dean] ordered that the secretary
of government be called to clear out the concourse of people, leaving the doors closed for about half an hour. When the bell had rung
for the midday prayer, they opened the doors and the said gentlemen emerged, leaving the ambassador lodged in the said house.
30
During all of these ceremonies, which were staged by the secular clergy,
the Franciscans were conspicuously absent except for the brief reception
at the Franciscan Convent of La Mejorada. Neither the Jesuits nor the
order of San Juan, who were invited to attend, were of much importance in
Merida, and their presence posed no threat to the credit that the ecclesiastical cabildo hoped to earn from its reception of the Itza emissary. The invitation list, however, was clearly intended to symbolize the secular clergy's
defeat of the Franciscan effort to engineer the conversion of the Itzas.
AJCHAN'S
DECLARATION
On Wednesday, December 29, Ursua ordered AjChan to make a formal

declaration in his presence before the government secretary and through
the interpreter general, Nicolas Cardenia. Ursua, as on other, similar occasions, delivered the questions himself. A satisfactory declaration would
pave the way for AjChan's baptism, which would take place the following
Friday. The questions were carefully worded. AjChan's answers indicate
that he was being manipulated by the governor, who sought clear and
unambiguous legal justification for his designs on the Itzas.
31
The Itza Emissaries
Asked, "[W]ho sent him to this province and for what purpose?"
AjChan repeated the major points of his speech delivered on Monday,
stating that
he came there under orders of the great Ah Canek, his uncle, king of
the provinces of the Itzas, to make a covenant and establish peace
between the Spaniards and [the Itzas], and likewise that they might
be in communication with one another, ceasing all war, and also to
solicit commerce and trade for the things that they needed; and that
he should say to the lord governor that he [Ajaw Kan Ek'] sent him
his crown and prostrated it at his feet, requesting of him that they
drink of the same water and inhabit the same house, because the
designated ending of the prophecies of his ancestors had been completed, as a result of which he and the four kings who obeyed him at
once rendered the owed vassalage to the King our lord in order that
with that they might secure his favor and patronage, and also that
they might obtain fathers-priests to be remitted to them who would
baptize them and teach the law of the true God.
It is doubtful that AjChan spoke in precisely these words; more likely
he replied affirmatively, with minor additional details, to several subsidiary questions. This conclusion is inescapable when the wording of the
reply is compared with a crucial section of Ursua's letter of December 8 to
Ajaw Kan Ek', which at this moment was being carried by Avendano to
Nojpeten: "And now also in the name of our great king don Carlos II, I
ordered that you be given notice of all these things that I have said. And
you, Ah Canek, have responded that if it is for peace and not war, you will
surrender with all the Itzas to the obedience and service of our true king
don Carlos, because the time has arrived in which your plate and your
calabash might be one with the Spaniards, and in which you might be
Christians."
In addition to confirming the offer made by Aj aw Kan Ek', as communicated by Mateo Wikab', the answer as stated as well as Ursua's letter
carefully noted that the offer of obedience was made with the understanding that war might cease and peace might reign between Spaniards and
Itzas. AjChan's answer contained the additional understanding that peace
would lead to the opening of trade between Yucatan and the Itza kingdom, ist
This condition that of peaceful conversion and the fostering of trade
was a primary requirement of the Spanish king's initial 1693 cedula to
Ursua, and the governor was eager to confirm that the Itzas understood
and agreed to these terms. No less determined to avoid conflict had been
The Peace Seekers
Avendano himself, who repeatedly insisted that military action not be used
against any of the forest Mayas. The metaphor of one plate, one calabash,
and one house joining the Itzas and the Spaniards was an example of
Franciscan thought, not the rationale of a worldly governor.
On the matter of the request by Ajaw Kan Ek' for missionaries, however, Ursiia orchestrated AjChan's testimony in order to justify his current
plan to send secular clergy rather than Franciscans to Nojpeten. AjChan
here requested "fathers-priests" secular clergy whereas in Ursua's letter to Ajaw Kan Ek', carried by Avendano, the governor emphasized that
he had sent Ajaw Kan Ek' "fathers- preachers" (padres predicadores)
that is, Franciscans. The secular clergy had won Ursua's support, and the
letter carried by Avendano was already out of date.
Ursiia went on to ask AjChan "what motives his king had for sending
him on the embassy; if it was from fear that they [would] take the lands in
which they dwell by force of arms, or if it has been voluntary and from the
heart?" To this question AjChan referred to his previous answer, adding
nothing more. The purpose of the additional question, obviously, was
simply to reinforce Ursiia's peaceful intent. Probing further in order to
confirm the legitimacy of AjChan's embassy, Ursua asked him whether
"for the embassy that he came to make in the name of his king, [the king]
was unifying the wishes of the caciques and principal lords of his provinces." AjChan replied "that he knows, as one who was present, that
before he came on the embassy his said king Ah Canek communicated
with the reyezuelos called Citkan [Kit Kan], Ahamatan [Ajaw Matan],
Ahkin [AjK'in], Ahcitcan [AjKit Kan], and Ahatsi [Ajaw Tzin], who is one
of the principal Indians; and these with all the rest of the Indians, and in
public, and all joined together agreed to it of their own will; and that one
of the said reyezuelos already had his departure prepared with all his
clothing solely to request the water of baptism." As we learned in chapter 3 , the four reyezuelos indicated by AjChan were the rulers of the four
quarters of Nojpeten and of all of Itza territory. AjChan's claim that all
four of them agreed in council to his role as emissary is implausible, but it
was a necessity both for him and for Ursiia in order to legitimate his
ambassadorial mission.
32
182
In reply to Ursua's next question, concerning the number of provinces

in the "kingdom," AjChan said that there were ten, "and each one of many
towns; and that the largest of the [provinces] is the large island of the Itza,
which is on an island in a large lake; and on [the lake's] shores many towns
rich with people; that he is [not] able to comprehend the number of Indians that [the lake] has." Ursiia was clearly hoping to confirm the earlier
The Itza Emissaries
report from Mateo Wikab' that Ajaw Kan Ek' ruled eighty thousand
souls, a number of potential converts that staggered the Spanish imagination. AjChan, uninterested in citing population figures, offered little more
than the idea of a numerous population, but in doing so he provided
evidence of a complex territorial structure. Because of Ursua's own lack of
knowledge, this was one subject for which he found it difficult to manipulate or construct answers. Nor did AjChan's vague response to a follow-up
question about neighboring "nations" of Indians provide further insights:
"And he said that he had no information about additional nations other
than those of the Mopans and Tipu, the Muzuls, and other forest Indians;
that he does not know their numbers."
Ursua next asked whether AjChan had "knowledge of the true God and
of the holy Catholic faith." AjChan's reply again raised the issue of prophecy: "And he said that they have known of it for a long time in that region,
and that by means of the writing of their prophets they knew that the time
had arrived for requesting the said holy faith and Catholic religion, and
that only his king and the priests understand the said prophecies."
We see once more the strong influence of Avendano, both in the construction of Ursua's question and in AjChan's reply. AjChan emphasized
nonetheless that only their prophets the "king and his priests" could
understand these prophecies. Although Avendano would have argued that
these men were inspired by God to seek Christianity, there is nothing in
the testimony that buttresses such an interpretation. The source of knowledge about the meaning of the next stage of history is situated squarely in
Itza sacred knowledge.
Turning to secular matters, Ursua next asked "who gave them the
knowledge of these provinces of Yucatan, and whether they have [this
knowledge] from others of the dominion of the great king and lord of
Spain." This knowledge, AjChan replied, was given to them "by the Indians of Tipu, and because his king reads it in his analtes [hieroglyphic
books] they have knowledge of these provinces of Yucatan; and they do
not have it from any others."
While granting that the Yucatecan Tipujans were a source of practical
knowledge about colonial Yucatan, AjChan emphasized that prophetic
insight belonged only to the Itza rulership. He then responded with a
simple " n o " to a follow-up question asking "whether they have or have 183
had trade and contract with any Spaniards or other nation." Ursua's purpose in asking these questions may have been to establish the legitimacy of
Yucatan's claim over the conversion of the Itzas and their inclusion in the
political and economic order of that province. The first of the questions
33
The Peace Seekers
was intended to establish the historical kinship of the Itzas with Yucatan
and thus to rule out Guatemala's interests in Itza territory. AjChan's answer resolved any doubt about the historical basis for such jurisdiction:
the Tipujans and the hieroglyphic books alone were the sources of Itza
knowledge of Yucatan. And just as the hieroglyphic books were a source
of divine knowledge, so too were they the authentic source of knowledge
about the Itzas' historical ties to Yucatan.
AjChan could not have believed, of course, that only the Tipujans and
the hieroglyphic books provided the Itzas with knowledge of Spanish
Yucatan and the Spanish king. Trade items, including metal tools and
silver and gold jewelry, had long been available to the Itzas. Itza history
had been deeply affected by Yucatecan affairs since at least the early seventeenth century.
Finally, AjChan was asked "what fruits those provinces produce," to
which he replied that "there is much cochineal, vanillas, honey, annato,
cotton, and other vegetables; many wild and Castilian fowls; and that they
have many canoes in which they come and go in order for the towns of the
large island to communicate with those of the shores of the mainland."
This last question elicited evidence for the economic value of the Itza
undertaking, adding a footnote of no small importance to AjChan's assertion of the divine inevitability and historical precedent for Itza conversion
and for their incorporation into the province of Yucatan.
Thus ended AjChan's testimony. The resulting document would satisfy
the king and the Council of the Indies in every detail. Ursua had carefully
structured the testimony in order to legitimate AjChan as the true emissary of Ajaw Kan Ek', to provide theological and historical justification
for the Itzas' conversion, to establish historical justification for their political incorporation into Yucatan, and, finally, to tantalize his superiors
with hints of potential sources of colonial wealth. This document, among
others, would be cited many times as a rationale for later military actions,
because the Itzas did not subsequently behave as AjChan promised they
would. AjChan's testimony became a primary textual source for the political and moral necessity of the violent conquest of the Itzas.
BAPTISMAL
184
RITUALS
Over the next several days AjChan and his companions remained in the
governor's residence, where they received religious instruction in preparation for their baptism and first communion. Joining them as pupils were
two unconverted Kejach Mayas who had been sent separately to Merida.
These two were chosen as the first recipients of baptism on Friday, Decern-
The Itza Emissaries
ber 30. Their ceremony was the prelude to the climactic Saturday baptisms
of the Itzas. What became of the Musuls who traveled with AjChan is
not recorded.
The ecclesiastical notary recorded that on Friday, at the ringing of the
first bell, Governor Ursua and a retinue of important personages arrived
with two men from the "province of the Cehaches, newly pacified, from
the area where the road has begun to be opened from this province to that
of Guatemala." One of these, named K ' u , was said to be the cacique and
principal leader of the "pacified" Kejaches; he arrived with his staff of
office in his hands. His companion was named K'ixaw. The greeting
party at the door of the cathedral included the dean, the archdeacon, and
the entire secular clergy. They were ready to stage an impressive ritual,
dressed in their surplices and accompanied by organ, oboe, and other
instruments played by an ensemble of both men and women.
The priests took the guests to the baptismal chapel, where the archdeacon, Nicolas de Salazar, first baptized Cacique K'u, naming him Joseph.
Governor Ursua served as his godfather. K'ixaw was then baptized, receiving the name Bartolome. His godfather was Captain Joseph Fernandez de Estenos, the Campechano who served as second-in-command of
the troops who were opening the camino real; Fernandez must have escorted these two men to Merida.
Following the baptism the musicians played while the entire party
moved to the altar of the Virgin next to the choir, where an additional
ensemble of four black slaves belonging to Ursua provided recorder music, joined by a group playing bugles and trumpets, accompanied by the
beating of turtle shells and drums (tunkuls), "instruments which the Indians use." From there they moved to the presbytery, where the archdeacon presided over a mass in which the two newly baptized Kejach Mayas
received their first communion. Following the ceremony they were returned to the governor's residence.
Their baptismal certifications described Joseph K'u as the cacique of
the Kejach reduction town called Chan Pak'ek'em and Bartolome K'ixaw
as an inhabitant of the same town. The actual census of Pak'ek'em,
recorded six months later, listed both men, but neither held a position of
authority there. Captain Fernandez may simply have grabbed two "willing" individuals to serve as symbolic representatives of the Kejach people. 185
Who in Merida was to know or care about a minor distortion of political
reality?
The next morning an identical ceremony, with the same personnel and
musical accompaniment, was carried out for the baptisms of AjChan and
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
The Peace Seekers
his three Itza companions. The ecclesiastical notary now described

AjChan in impressive terms as "the ambassador of the great Ah Canek,
monarch of the empire of the island of the Itzas in the forests." AjChan
was baptized Martin Francisco in honor of his godfather, Martin de Ursua. His brother, sponsored by Pedro de Garrastegui Oleada, the Count of
Miraflores and treasurer of the Santa Cruzada, received the name Pedro
Miguel Chan. His sister's husband was baptized Manuel Joseph Chayax
in honor of his godfather, Sergeant Major Manuel Bolio, Ursua's brotherin-law. Finally, AjTek, sponsored by Captain Juan Bernardo de Madrid,
received the name Juan Francisco Tek. Garrastegui and Madrid were both
major operators in the peninsula's repartimiento business, and Bolio,
from a wealthy Merida family of cattle ranchers, had served as Ursua's
residencia bondsman earlier that year.
41
42
With the completion of the nominal Christian conversion of three important Itza personages, no further impediments could delay the conquest
of this "infidel" nation. A fundamental principle in Spanish policies of
conversion and conquest was that Crown demands for peaceful conversion could be overlooked once a people's leadership had come to recognize
the true God. Ajaw Kan Ek', having now accepted Christianity through
his sister's son, was no longer the ruler of an independent foreign nation.
AjChan's baptism represented the moment at which the Itzas ceased to
fall under the protection of Crown policies barring them from military
conquest.
So began the final press for a military conclusion, even while the unknowing Avendano made his way to deliver Governor Ursua's now pointless letter to Ajaw Kan Ek'. The secular clergy had appropriated all future
Itza conversions, and Franciscan claims to them were null and void.
186
chapter
eight
AVENDANO AND
AJAW KAN EK'
ray Andres de Avendano's well-publicized journey to Lago Peten Itza and his encounters there in January 1696 with
Ajaw Kan Ek' and other Maya leaders comprise a crucial episode in this
history. His lengthy, meticulous report of the trip stands as the single most
important documentary source on the Itzas. Yet because it is characterized by both religious and political bias, it must be interpreted with great
caution. Avendano chose every word in order to address the issues that
concerned him personally; his writing is thus both self-conscious and authoritative in tone.
Sometime in early December the Franciscan provincial, Fray Antonio
de Silva, had summoned Avendano and announced that he could return
with his own and the governor's blessing to the camino real, forging ahead
to Nojpeten to meet Ajaw Kan Ek'. This was Avendaiio's "great opportunity," and he was pleased to be able to make the trip without military
escort. When he departed Merida on December 1 3 , 1 6 9 5 , he had probably just learned of AjChan's imminent diplomatic mission. I believe he and
Silva realized that he had to leave for Nojpeten as soon as possible in order
to upstage AjChan's role as emissary. If Avendano were to receive a personal statement of submission from Ajaw Kan Ek' himself, the Franciscan
battle for control over future Itza missions might be won.
That, however, is not how events ultimately transpired. Although the
Franciscan strategy was politically astute, Silva had waited too long to
send Avendano back for a second try at reaching the Itzas. By the time
Avendano arrived at Nojpeten on about January 1 4 , the Itzas had already
delivered their public message in Merida and had been baptized by the
secular clergy, with no Franciscans in attendance. Avendano's intercessions with the Itza leaders were no longer needed or wanted in Merida.
Although he had little time to prepare for the journey, he did insist upon
receiving a decree from Ursua requiring Captain Garcia de Paredes to
1
The Peace Seekers
cooperate with his mission and provide whatever Avendano asked for, including laborers, food, and horses. He also requested a second decree,
again for Garcia's benefit, which consisted almost entirely of a lengthy, detailed royal cedula issued in 1 5 2 6 by Carlos V demanding that Indians be
well treated in conquest situations. Both documents were signed by Ursiia
on December 1 0 , 1 6 9 5 , and are reproduced in Avendano's account.
2
Ursua sent a suit of Spanish clothing for Ajaw Kan Ek', complete with a
hat and staff of office. The intention was to dress the Itza ruler up as a
typical Yucatan Maya alcalde, much as nineteenth-century native North
American leaders were presented with European-style clothing as a means
of co-optation. Ajaw Kan Ek' eventually accepted and wore this costume,
although the people of Chak'an Itza attempted to keep it from Avendano
in order to prevent him from presenting it to the ruler. Other gifts for Ajaw
Kan Ek' included a machete and sheath, a knife with a belt, and three
yards of embroidered taffeta. In addition, Avendano carried numerous
smaller gifts, such as necklaces and knives, intended as general handouts.
He also carried some items of fine Itza clothing that AjChan had brought
on his trip to Merida. These pieces had apparently arrived at Bacalar
on December 7 with AjChan, his companions, and their Spanish escort,
Pablo Gil de Azamar. Silva later wrote that AjChan had brought along
"tokens of the same clothing that Canek wore" and that these had been
forwarded to Ursiia prior to AjChan's arrival in Merida. Ursiia in turn
handed them over to Avendano, who was to take them with him to prove
to Ajaw Kan Ek' that he was a genuine ambassador of the governor.
3
Avendano carried with him two documents addressed to Ajaw Kan Ek'.
One was a letter, now lost, from Silva. The other letter would be of major
importance for his upcoming meeting with the Itza leaders. Signed by
Ursua on December 8, before AjChan and his companions had reached
Merida, it was composed in Yucatec Maya and addressed to Ajaw Kan
Ek'. Although Avendano did not mention it in connection with Ursua's
other two "instruments," as he called them, further along in his account he
reported that he had tried, with little success, to read it to the assembled
Itza leaders. The letter was intended to convince Ajaw Kan Ek' to confirm
his message of submission sent via Mateo Wikab' and later forwarded to
Ursiia. By delivering it to Nojpeten, Avendano was therefore placed in a
position of diplomatic sensitivity, and it was essential that he receive an
official reply from Ajaw Kan Ek' that he could hand to Ursiia upon his
return to Merida. Letters to native leaders were generally intended to be
read aloud by the messenger on the assumption that the recipient was
5
188
Avendano and Ajaw Kan Ek'
illiterate. Both the content and style of this letter mark it as the written
work of Avendano.
Avendano completed the written account of both his first, uncompleted
mission along the camino real and this, his second mission, after he returned to Merida on April 29, 1696. On May 3 he was called upon to
testify under oath about the second mission at his order's Convent of La
Mejorada in Merida. On May 6 and 7 his two companions, Fray Jose de
Jesus Maria and Fray Diego de Echevarria, added their oral depositions to
the record.
6
To Itza Territory
When Avendano left Merida on December 1 3 as "missionary commissary," he took with him one other priest: Fray Antonio Perez de San
Roman, who had accompanied him on his last trip. He also took at least
eight of the ten cantores who had also gone on that trip. Only four of these
went with him to Nojpeten, and he left four with Fray Antonio at Chuntuki. Near Tzuktok' he stumbled upon Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria, who
was on his way back to Merida, sick and exhausted from months of
excruciating work. Fray Jose, who had been preparing so assiduously for
a trip to Nojpeten that never materialized, volunteered to accompany
Avendano despite his ill health.
7
Joined also by Fray Diego de Echevarria and Brother Lucas, the party
of Franciscans continued along the camino real to B'atkab', where on
January 5 they found most of the army along with Garcia de Paredes,
Zubiaur Isasi, and the engineer, Sesere. There Avendano must have presented Ursua's decrees to Garcia, who allowed them pass on toward the
hamlet of Chuntuki without delay. Chuntuki was nothing more than
about eight clustered houses and some dwellings scattered among the
surrounding milpas. At some point, perhaps at B'atkab', they picked up
three Kejach guides who accompanied them on the rest of their journey.
Traveling along the road for a little more than one and a half leagues
south from Chuntuki, they found the narrow path heading toward the
southeast that was believed to lead to Itza territory. Excited by their discovery, they began to run through the forest, "fearing no shipwreck" and 189
calling out the prayer "m exitu Israel de Egiptu, in order to imitate the
victory of the Israelites, who succeeded in making their way across the
waves of the Red Sea." Following slash marks on the tree trunks, they
8
The Peace Seekers
crossed the river called Nojuk'um (near the headwaters of Rio San Pedro)
and reached a small lake, or aguada, called Yawilain.
The path past Yawilain wound around low hills and aguadas before
reaching a long barranco, or ravine, of difficult passage that extended for
another winding one and a half leagues. This barranco, called Noj-jem,
was also known as "the hell of the Itzas," and in order to speed their passage they chose as its patron San Antonio of Padua. Here they were clearly
beginning to cross the northern section of the karst hills southeast of La
Palotada "a great multitude of very steep ups and downs, entirely limestone hills and very high mountains." At the highest ridge of this massive
karst formation they could see "a great expanse of low forest, such that it
seemed like another hemisphere, because even from above the trees we
could not make out the other side or the altitude that corresponded to
where we were, which we presumed without doubt we would find in the
other new land and near the Itza nation where we were going." They had
reached the same place on the path reported in October by exploratory
scouts who had believed they were looking out on Itza territory.
10
11
12
13
14
After a precipitous descent from the karst hills they reached in about
one and half leagues another aguada called Tanxulukmul, where they
discovered some abandoned temple pyramids that astonished them by
their size and height. They found houses there that they believed to have
been made by the Itzas, and of a type that they had seen frequently along
the path. Although Avendano was eager to destroy an "idol" reputed to be
worshipped there, they were unable to find a way up the steep principal
pyramid where they believed it to be. Tanxulukmul was also the name of a
place "in the heart of the forest" where, according to the Book of Chilam
B'alam of Chumayel, the Itzas of Yucatan had sought refuge in a prior
K'atun 4 Ajaw and where in a K'atun 8 Ajaw they may have established
the "cycle seat" of a new round of thirteen k'atuns. The ruin Avendano
found, still a site of rituals, was probably the same Tanxulukmul.
15
wo
Standing water from the heavy rains made walking difficult beyond
Tanxulukmul. They followed a "river" for some distance before coming
upon their first sign of local life, a Chak'an Itza town on the south side.
The river had to have been Rio Acte, a headwater stream of Rio San
Pedro. Avendano identified it as the Saklemakal, also the name of a town
in this area and another on the eastern end of Lago Peten I t z a . 1 suspect
that the Chak'an Itza town was at or near the archaeological site of Kantetul. The date of their arrival was January 1 3 , 1 6 9 5 , the day of the
Franciscan vesper celebration of the Holy Name of Jesus. They had arrived at the moment of vespers.
16
17
At Chak'an Itza and the Port of Nich

The three priests, four Maya cantores, and three Kejach guides hot and
filthy from seven days of hard walking forded the stream and strolled
directly toward the center of town. They were a strange and shocking
sight, the Franciscans with their brown robes and the singers wearing their
cloaks. A woman and two children who were going to the river for water
when they came up the path were so frightened that they ran back to town
screaming for help. Several men rushed up carrying bows and arrows.
These Chak'an men must have been startled when, according to Avendano, the priests responded by "embracing them joyfully" and handing them "some things from Castile" necklaces and "trinkets" for the
women and knives for the men.
18
These peace offerings turned out to be popular items that they were
forced to give out in large quantities. Avendano took an immediate disliking to the people of Chak'an, whom he considered not simply inquisitive
but indecently covetous. Demanding to see what else the loaded-down
Maya singers carried in their backpacks, they succeeded in convincing
Avendano to open them. Out came the suit of clothes for Ajaw Kan Ek',
other gifts for Itza leaders, and items for religious rituals. Avendano was
appalled that they wanted to touch and even carry off everything they had.
The visitors later learned that the woman with the two children was
married to the "brother" of a "cacique" named AjKan, who Avendano
understood was a "close relative" of Ajaw Kan Ek'. This cacique, who
with other leaders greeted the visitors with undrawn bows and arrows,
was probably the provincial ruler of the north, Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante.
That evening and into the night the Itzas hosted a spectacle that must
have left the visitors trembling: "[W]ith such confusion of howls in their
songs that even considering that they were savages of those rustic forests
and those extravagant joys their custom, our hearts suffered some anxiety
and grief, even more so when we took sight of those engraved, striped, and
painted faces, done in the life and likeness of the devil." The objects of
this entertainment must have been terrified, for the Itzas had a reputation
among Yucatecans, whether deserved or not, as practitioners of human
sacrifice and cannibalism. The singing and dancing that night could have
been, for all they knew, a prelude to their own demise.
Early the next morning the visitors were besieged with requests to see
their possessions again, but this time the Chak'an Itzas promptly reached
for the goods and supplies and carried most of them off. The priests were
left with only their ritual items, the suit of European clothing, and a few
19
191
The Peace Seekers
trinkets. Avendano bemoaned the fact that the cantores now had almost
nothing to carry on their backs.
It is impossible to reconstruct the "reality" of such a scene. We can
imagine that the Chak'an Itzas did in fact help themselves to the goods
and that they did so, as Avendano put it with rare sarcasm, "with great
demonstrations of love." That is, they were friendly and verbally grateful
as they took what they could. Their rationale for behaving in this way,
however, might have been quite different from what Avendano perceived.
These people, living along the northern route to Yucatan, were experienced traders who had negotiated for beads and knives before, and they
knew that possessing them would give them a commercial advantage in
the region. Of equal interest to them, perhaps, was ensuring that Ajaw
Kan Ek' and his allies not receive the more valuable gifts intended for
them. As the days progressed it became apparent that the Chak'an Itza
leaders and their Kowoj allies were doing all that they could to sabotage a
growing relationship between Avendano and the Nojpeten ruler.
The next morning the Franciscan party departed for the lakeshore,
joined by a crowd dubiously described as "all of the Indian men from
around Chak'an Itza with their wives and children, shouting joyfully in
order to excite the others to join u s . " All of this area was Chak'an Itza
territory, the Itza northern province said to be at war with the principal
Itza ruler. With this group of curiosity seekers they walked for four or five
leagues across hilly, heavily forested terrain and some low, wet areas before coming out "at the wharf of the lake where one enters the said Peten
Itza, on the shore of which is found a small town called Nich, which
comprises about ten houses."
At Nich, or Nixtun, they had reached the very spot where about a year
later Ursiia and his men would assemble the galeota that would carry the
attack troops across the lake to Nojpeten. This was the principal port at
the western end of the lake, also known from other sources as Ch'ich'.
Because traders who plied their wares to and from the north came and
went through this port, it was a place of major strategic importance. At
this time the principal leader at Nich was the secondary ruler of Chak'an
Itza, the trader and war captain B'atab' Tut. Nich, as well as Chak'an Itza,
may be seen clearly on the map that Avendano later drew to accompany
20
21
192
his 1696 Relacion (map 9).

Avendano recalled being surprised by seeing an old man at Nich older
than any men he had yet seen among the Kejaches and would ever see
again among the Itzas. Such a seemingly insignificant observation inserted
at this point gave him the opportunity to cast aspersions upon the Itzas
f?
O <U
There are 150 leagu*
}S9M
Map 9. English translation of sketch map of Lago Peten Itza and surrounding
regions drawn by Fray Andres de Avendano y Loyola, 1 6 9 6 .
The Peace Seekers
whom he was about to describe: [T]hey have the custom of decapitating

them after they pass fifty years so that they will not learn how to be witches
and kill them except for the priests of their idols, whom they hold in
great respect. This one must, without doubt, have been o n e . " One can
imagine his having heard such things from his Kejach guides, who would
have delighted in frightening the friars with tales of Itza cruelty.
a
22
At
Nojpeten
The visitors spent only two hours at Nich, where they awaited a reply to a
message sent to Ajaw Kan Ek' announcing their arrival. From their arrival at noon until about two o'clock in the afternoon they were fed and entertained with musical instruments. Then the royal greeting party arrived:
23
At least eighty canoes came, filled with Indian envoys dressed for
war, with huge quivers of arrows (although all of them were
thrown into the canoes [when they disembarked]), all of them escorting and accompanying the king, who with about five hundred
Indians, stepped out to receive us. They put us on board with great
impetuosity, paying no attention to the music of the chirimias [reed
wind instruments] with which we greeted him, or the [message of]
peace which, as its ambassador in the name of the King our lord
(whom God may protect), I was taking to him. With most discourteous actions [going on] we were unable to execute it, because before they gave us a chance they suddenly began to embark, taking
us across the lake.
24
194
Expecting an official greeting, Avendano had prepared a speech of his

own, but Ajaw Kan Ek' remained in his canoe, paying no attention to the
visitors. Instead, ignoring a fanfare of trumpet music and Avendano's
attempts to read his message, the Itzas led them directly on board and
headed for Nojpeten. As they paddled off, the travelers lost sight of their
remaining baggage, which remained on shore with their Chak'an hosts.
Avendano did manage to present Ajaw Kan Ek' the machete and sheath
and to give some "trinkets from Spain" to a nephew of the ruler's who
stood by his uncle's side. Unsatisfied with Avendano's insignificant gift,
the nephew twice asked him to give him the crucifix that he wore around
his neck. When the friar refused, he grabbed the ruler's hand, pulled the
new machete out of its sheath, and cut the string from which the crucifix
hung, taking the object for himself. In reply to Avendano's reprimand for
25
such an impolite act, the nephew, he wrote, responded, "[S]ince you have
not wanted to give it to me, what do I have to do?" Ajaw Kan Ek', he
recalled, rather than chastise his nephew, simply laughed, "and he began
to chatter with me things very inappropriate to that first meeting with
more vanity and pride than a Lucifer."
Avendano was put into the canoe with Ajaw Kan Ek'. As they plied the
three leagues' distance across the lake to Nojpeten, he recalled, "a temptation occurred to the king, as if it had been inspired by the devil, and
natural to his inhuman and cruel heart, to strike fear in me so that my own
[heart] might suffer some affliction or upset." Ajaw Kan Ek' could have
done little to increase the already terrified Avendano's heartbeat, and what
he chose to do seems to have been little more than teasing or perhaps even
a genuine expression of concern. He placed his hand over Avendano's
chest to feel his heart, asking the friar if he felt anxious. Avendano, by his
own account, then launched into a minor sermon:
26
27
I, who early had been very pleased to see that my wishes and the labor of my footsteps were being realized, replied to him, "Why must
my heart be disquieted? On the contrary it is very contented, seeing
that I am the fortunate one [who] awaits the fulfillment of your
own prophecies by which you must become Christians, which benefit will come to you by means of some bearded ones from the east
who, according to those signs of their prophets, were we ourselves,
by coming many leagues from the direction of the east, plowing the
seas, for no gain besides, borne by the love of their souls, bringing
them at the cost of much labor that favor which the true God prepared for them."
28
This, like so many of Avendano's sermonizing monologues to the Itzas,

brought up the trope of prophecy that was so central to his rationale for
negotiating at this time with Ajaw Kan Ek'.
In a canoe with Itza escorts dressed and armed for war, with Ajaw Kan
Ek' pressing his hand on Avendano's chest, and faced with conversing in
the Itza language, which he knew only imperfectly, even a man as motivated and capable as Avendano could hardly have constructed so elegant a
speech. Throughout the history of colonial Yucatan, Franciscan missionary writers frequently inserted accounts, supposedly direct quotations, of 195
long, on-the-spot sermons delivered under the most horrifying circumstances usually situations in which they perceived themselves the objects
of life-threatening or devil-inspired actions by bloodthirsty "savages."
Their message that God is conquering the devil's influences through
The Peace Seekers
inspired words is almost always the same. Readers of the time must
have understood that a deeper truth lay somewhere beneath the fiction of
recorded verbatim language. Unimpressed with such details, the clerk
who recorded Avendano's testimony on May z, 1696, omitted all of the
quoted statements he presented in his formal account, apparently regarding them as no more than window dressing.
Avendano's statements permit few responses from his listeners; there is
little conversation. Native people rarely speak in his report. For example,
he wrote that when he finished the statement just quoted, he copied Ajaw
Kan Ek' by putting his own hand on the Itza king's chest and asking him
he if he were not upset. Ajaw Kan Ek' answered not with a speech of his
own but with one word: " N o . " The friar then launched into another
sermonette. The purpose of these speeches was to legitimate the author
as the sole authority who could describe the events that took place and
explain their theological and worldly significance.
At this point in his narrative Avendano claimed that Ajaw Kan Ek',
again inspired by the devil, now tried to tempt the friar. Still paddling
across the lake in the canoes, Ajaw Kan Ek' asked him if he were hungry.
He was not, having only recently been fed at Nich. He was also convinced,
recalling prior executions of friars who had visited Nojpeten, that this
offer of food was part of a ritual that would end with his sacrifice and
death the next day. Nonetheless, "so that his wickedness should not find
any cowardice in me," he answered that he would eat some food if they
had any. Ajaw Kan Ek' ordered all of the canoes to stop and had his
attendants give Avendano some "chilaquiles or vegetable tamales." Avendano ate the food "anxiously" but asked if there was more, "to which he
replied, 'Then it has pleased you.' 'Perfectly,' I told him. 'And I would eat
more if there were any,' I said to him with some wit, at which they all
laughed very earnestly. And they gave me another one, which I ate with
the same relish, which I know they all admired in view of my coolness."
29
30
31
196
Because all of his later experiences with Ajaw Kan Ek' indicated the
latter's good will toward him, Avendano, writing in retrospect, had no
empirical evidence that his life had been in danger at that moment. The
offer of food was clearly an act of hospitality, not a ritual prelude to
human sacrifice. Avendano nonetheless remained throughout his short
visit to Nojpeten ready to interpret the slightest clue as evidence of that
fearsome custom.
Once they reached the landing place on the island of Nojpeten, Avendano performed a ritual in which he blessed the waters and exorcised the
land in order to drive away Satan, who, in his view, had possessed the

inhabitants from time immemorial. This done, he immediately caught
sight of the stone representation of Yaxcheel Kab' and AjKokaj Mut that
looked out toward the west from directly in front of the house of Ajaw
Kan Ek' (see chapter 3). Avendano claimed, inexplicably, that he recognized this pair of supernatural beings from having already "read about it
in their old papers and seen it in their anahtees" hieroglyphic books in
which "they have foretold their future events."
32
Elsewhere on the island there were other religious monuments or

"idols" in view, including K'in Chil Kob'a and Itzimna K'awil. Avendano
later wrote that there were no "idols" inside any of the temples but that all
were publicly displayed outdoors an observation at conflict with claims
made by the priests and officers who occupied the island on March 1 3 ,
1697, who said that the temples were overflowing with such works of the
devil. Aware of the fate of the Franciscans Fuensalida and Orbita, who
had been chased out of town after Orbita destroyed what he took to be a
religious representation of Cortes's horse in 1 6 1 8 , Avendano restrained
himself from damaging any of the images.
33
34
Observing that there were "nine very large houses [that is, temples]
constructed in the form of the churches of this province," he noted that
these were all new. He saw signs of a devastating fire and was able to
identify two buildings that had been rebuilt on the same spot. Indeed, as
we will see later, AjKowoj had recently attacked Nojpeten, burning at
least part of it to the ground a fact of which Avendano may have been
aware. In his description of these buildings and their interior benches he
was particularly struck by a "stone table" inside an anteroom in the house
of Ajaw Kan Ek', described in chapter 3, which he was convinced was "the
table of the sacrifice." He claimed to fear that he and his companions were
to be put to death on it.
35
Eventually the friars concluded that their lives were not in imminent
danger and that, for the moment at least, the room was "the hospice for
everyone." They were, of course, in a meeting house, not a temple of
sacrifice. They had been led into the room by Ajaw Kan Ek' and possibly
other leaders for the formal reception that had not been granted them at
Nich but had simply been postponed until it could be carried out in the
proper setting.
197
A GREETING
RITUAL
TRANSFORMED
The reception began with the presentation of a lukewarm maize beverage

for the visitors to drink. Avendano overlooked the speech-making that
must have gone on following the ritual drinking of the beverage, proceed36
The Peace Seekers

ing in his account to his request of Ajaw Kan Ek' that they all go outside
where he could see to read the letters from Silva and Ursiia. Ajaw Kan Ek'
led them to what Avendano took to be a temple, situated about three
blocks from the house of Ajaw Kan Ek' on or near the summit of the island.
A noisy crowd of curious men, women, and children followed the newcomers, rushing ahead to look down on them as they climbed the hill.
37
Although Avendano would have preferred to remain outdoors, the interior of the temple was larger than the meeting room where they had
been. He regretted that he and his companions did not examine more
closely a suspended box or case in this room in which they thought they
saw a large leg or thigh bone that looked like that of a horse. Their
assumption that it was a relic of the animal that Cortes had left behind
may or may not have been correct, but bones of this sort were found in one
of the temple buildings on the day the island was captured by Spanish
troops.
Once they were all inside the temple Avendano brought out his letters,
called upon the noisy crowd to sit down and be quiet, and "made all of the
priests, who are the teachers of the law, come before my presence, as well
as all the caciques, captains, and principales of all of the divisions of that
island or peten, and making them sit in their order next to the king,
picking them out from the general populace where they were, I began to
read the message that the governor had sent in writing in the name of the
King our lord."
To the contrary, it is more likely that Ajaw Kan Ek' or some other
person of importance oversaw the seating of the officials and told Avendano when he could begin to speak. In any event, the audience paid little
attention as he began to read the governor's letter. Asked why, they informed him that they did not understand him. Avendano perceived the
problem to be that the letter "was (although in their idiom) more corrupted than the old style in which they speak, which I had studied purposely." It is possible, of course, that the content of the letter was so
foreign to his listeners, especially in its historical references, that little of it
made sense to them. The letter itself was modeled partly on the Requerimiento, a legally imposed declaration that was read aloud to populations
about to be conquered; it was first brought to the Americas in 1 5 1 4 . This
much later version, greatly embellished by more recent historical events
and personal observations, retained the earlier declarations' warning that
failure to accept Spanish domination peacefully might be met with appropriate force.
38
39
198
40
Only a Spanish version of the governor's letter has been found. Even

though we do not know how far Avendano progressed in his reading,
seeing the letter in its entirety gives us some idea of the impression it might
have created among its listeners:
Don Martin de Ursua, deputy of don Carlos second of this name,
king of Castile and of all these islands and lands that lie to its west,
tamer of the barbarian people his governor and captain general in
this province of Mayapan, now called Yucatan.
To noble Ah Canek, lord of the Itzas.
I make known to you how our only true God, without beginning
and end, created the heaven and the earth and created a man and a
woman from whom you issue, we issue, and all the men of the
world issue, and all who from now on may be born will issue, because many and without number are those who were born and issued from this man and from this woman from the time the world
was created until now. It was necessary that these be divided among
different islands and lands, because they could not be maintained or
sustained together.
Likewise our true God gave charge to one called San Pedro so
that he might govern these men, so that he might be lord of all,
wherever they might be, and so that every kind of people might
obey him, He also handed over to him the entire world so that he
might govern. And since He ordered that he might establish his seat
in the great city of Rome, as the place most fit from where he would
be able to govern all the world, He also told him that he could be in
and establish his seat in whatever part that he might wish [in order]
to govern the Christians, Moors, Jews, and other infidels. They
named him Pope, which means lord of the world, because he is the
lord governor of all men. Those who were living when they gave
him the said charge received him as lord and king, and thus have all
his successors been received until San Pedro Inocente, twelfth of
this name, who today governs us. And thus will the rest be received
until the end of the world.
One, then, of these pontiffs that I mentioned, donated these islands and lands that are to the west of Castile, with all that they contain, to the great king named don Fernando and to his wife dona
Isabel and to all their successors. By virtue of his donation our great
king of Castile is thus king and lord of all these islands and lands,
and he is your king and lord of all the people who inhabit them.
For which reason, after all that I have said was made known they
The Peace Seekers
received our great king and lord, and they serve and obey him with
all goodwill as their true king and true lord. And likewise they
obeyed the priests of the true God whom they had sent them in order
to preach to them and to teach them the things of the holy faith. And
all with goodwill were Christians. And for that our king ordered
that no harm be done to them, and he loved them as he loves the rest
of his vassals. And thus you are obligated to do the same.
And this is not the first notice that is given to you. Do not ignore
it. It has been known for a long time, because when Montezuma,
the ancient monarch who governed all these provinces, surrendered, he submitted to the obedience and service of the king of Castile. And likewise your great-grandfathers or ancestors surrendered
when Hernando Cortes passed by that island of yours, and he left
you a horse as a sign that he had to return to be with you. And he
did not return because he had to return punctually to Mexico.
And not only this. In addition, when don Antonio de Figueroa
was governor a little more than eighty years ago, the Canek who
governed that island sent his ambassadors to this city of Merida
saying that the said Canek and all the Itzas had surrendered to the
obedience and service of our great king. They were received with
much rejoicing, and in the name of His Majesty they named them as
justices and regidores. They returned to their town, and after some
days had passed two priests named Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida
and Fray Juan de Orbita were sent to your island. And although it is
true that they were well received by the Canek, after they said why
they had gone they made them return, saying to them that the time
to be Christians had not yet arrived.
200
And now likewise in the name of our great king don Carlos II, I
ordered that you be given notice of all these things that I have said.
And you, the Canek, have responded that if it is for peace and not
war, you will surrender with all the Itzas to the obedience and service of our true king don Carlos, because the time has arrived in
which your plate and your calabash might be one with the Spaniards, and in which you might be Christians. Your answer pleased
me much. And the true God, creator of all things, knows. It is not
my desire to harm you; rather my desire is to love you. Nor do I request anything else of you other than that you might know our true
God and our true king and lord, and that you render him obedience. And as a sign that this is my intention and that I do not wish
to make war against you in place of the peace that you request of
Avendano and Ajaiv Kan Ek'
me, in the name of our king and lord don Carlos II, I send you those
fathers-preachers of Saint Francis in order that they might preach to
you and teach Christianity and the mysteries of our holy faith, and
remove you from your sufferings in the darknesses of the devil, who
forfeits your souls and takes you to hell to suffer eternal torments.
These will teach you the true road to heaven. And we fulfill that
which our true God orders us so that our souls might be saved. For
that reason love them very much as messengers of God and as your
spiritual fathers-preachers.
This is my will and that of our King don Carlos. If you do so,
you will do well, and you will do that which you ought to do. And I
shall receive you in his name with all my goodwill, and I shall liberate you from your enemies, and I shall not allow any harm to come
to you. And you, Ah Canek, shall answer this my letter so that I
might know that you surrender completely to the obedience and
service of our great king don Carlos with all the Itzas and how you
receive the messengers of God, your spiritual fathers-preachers.
Finally, I require that you understand well all these things that I
have said to you, and all that I wrote to you by the route of Tipu, in
reply to that which you sent me: you [are to] state that you obey our
mother the church, and the pope in her name, and our great king in
his office as lord and king of all these islands and lands in virtue of
the said donation. And otherwise I certify to you that with the aid
of God with all my power I shall do all that our great king orders
me, which I do not express in this my letter, as it is not necessary
now. And if you issue any harmful protest, it will be through your
fault, not that of our great king or my own.
And now I forward you a very fine machete with its sheath, its
knife, and its broad belt, and three yards of embroidered taffeta, so
that you might wear them in my name.
It was written in this city of Tihoo, which is Merida, on the
eighth day of the month of December in [the year] of the birth of
Christ our savior four twenties that are counted for five four hundreds with fifteen more.
41
42
It is not difficult to imagine why Avendano's audience reacted with

restless boredom and complaints that they could not understand what he
was saying. Avendano's command of the Itza language was imperfect, and
the contents and style of the letter were European, not Maya. From a
Maya perspective the letter would have been rude, ignoring the proper
The Feace
Seekers
conventions of a friendly and indirect introduction to its content and

conveying a relentlessly authoritarian tone.
That Avendano may have played a major part in writing portions of the
letter is implied by the priority it gives to the religious element in the
submission demanded of Ajaw Kan Ek', its heavy use of religious discourse and allusion, and its emphasis on earlier reports of Itza prophecies
by the Franciscan missionaries Fuensalida and Orbita. Only one reference in the letter is made to Ursua's earlier message to Ajaw Kan Ek'
about submission: "because the time has arrived in which your plate and
your calabash might be one with the Spaniards, and in which you might
be Christians." Avendano later repeated this statement to some visiting
Kowoj leaders, saying that "the time had already arrived in which (according to what their prophets had announced to them) we would eat
together from one plate and drink from one calabash, making ourselves
one, the Spaniards with them."
43
Avendano, realizing that the governor's letter was not being well received, put it down and began to extemporize. Speaking, he claimed, in
their "ancient dialect," he not only tried to explain the message but also,
"with some fervor," expanded his remarks into a "spiritual discourse"
about the benefits of Spanish friendship and law and of religious conversion. Into this homily he inserted "some words about their prophecies,
which were appropriate to the occasion." Such comments about prophecy
would be central to most of his future remarks to his Itza hosts. Avendano,
again boasting of his command over the language, wrote that his listeners
received his discourse "with pleasure, because they understood it completely." Their reply, however, was simply "kato wale," meaning "later";
they would have to think the matter over.
44
45
ITZA HOSPITALITY
202
AND
CHRISTIAN
RITUAL
By now it was almost night on the visitors' first day at Nojpeten. They
were led, along with the crowd of onlookers, to a building about a block
and a half from the house of Ajaw Kan Ek' where they were to stay and
sleep. Individual households supplied them a steady stream of food, including a type of wide bean called ib\ black beans, squash, peccary, freshwater shrimp and other fish, and tortillas. Rules of hostly commensality
were apparently quite specific: Their hosts Ajaw Kan Ek' and others
watched them eat, and when they could eat no more they handed back the
excess. The hosts then consumed their meal, with Ajaw Kan Ek' always
the first to eat. In Avendano's mind the one plate-one calabash prophecy
was doubtless coming true.
46

During the night, curious groups of people watched the friars constantly through the doorway as they tried to sleep, even following them as
they went outdoors to relieve themselves. Their observers only laughed,
wrote Avendano, when they tried to shoo them away, and even chastisements by Ajaw Kan Ek did no good. Before they went to sleep the friars
said their customary mass, but they were impeded by those who kept
crowding around them. When they sat down, people sat next to them,
touching them from head to toe, "not excepting (if we gave them the
chance) the most hidden recesses of a man." In order to say mass they
seated this audience on the perimeter benches, performing the ceremony
in the middle of the room. Whether mocking them or simply amused, the
onlookers mimicked their every word and gesture.
Not all of the Itza observers, however, were children and commoners.
Ajaw Kan Ek' himself stayed with them almost constantly, day and night,
"assisting us at our side." With him were two or three priests related to
him, and over the course of the evening "all of the other priests" passed
through their public guest room. At one point on the second night Avendaiio learned that the priests were holding a meeting at a nearby "temple"
where "they held their dances, idolatries, and songs on the nights we were
there." He found them "all seated in a conference, along with others who
were not priests, singing and dancing at their sides. Upon seeing me the
priests rose, and he who could do so most quickly gave me the stool on
which he was sitting for me to sit upon." Shortly thereafter, however,
Avendano stated that there were only two Maya priests at this meeting
with Ajaw Kan Ek' a crucial piece of information, for it indicated that
the meeting did not represent a large cross section of the governing council.
Ajaw Kan Ek', having left the other friars to join this meeting, took the
lead in responding to the anxious Avendano's request for an immediate
reply to his "message." The answer would come later, he replied yet again.
But taking Avendano aside, he reportedly asked him what the friar actually wanted to hear from them. After Avendano repeated the essence of his
earlier discourse, emphasizing once more that the Itzas' own prophets had
foreseen their imminent conversion and submission to Spanish rule, Ajaw
Kan Ek' and the other two priests stated that they were willing to convert
to Christianity but wanted to know how these baptisms that Avendano
proposed were to be performed. Citing an appropriate verse from Ezekiel,
Avendano enthusiastically explained what baptism was all about. The
Itza leaders' final reply suggested that they would have to wait until the
next day to decide.
After the meeting, Ajaw Kan Ek' and the two priests spent the night
5
47
48
49
50
20s
The Feace
Seekers
with Avendaiio and his companions. They were clearly determined to

assay their guests closely, observing their every motion. Throughout his
account, Avendano fails to mention whether the four friars also shared
their quarters with the four Yucatec singers and the Kejach guides, although we may assume that they did. These companions remain silent
bystanders throughout his account of the visit.
Before dawn on the second morning of their visit, the customary maize
beverage was delivered in calabash bowls to the guest quarters. Avendano
reported that he started in again with a sermon, but this time Ajaw Kan
Ek' and the others interrupted, revealing their belief that the ritual of
baptism involved "some shedding of blood or circumcision or the cutting
of some part of their body." Their assumption, apparently, had been that
baptism was a form of penis incision, which they presumably practiced.
Ajaw Kan Ek', assured to the contrary, allowed Avendano, assisted by one
of his Maya cantores, to sprinkle baptismal water on several of his own
children. Other children, who had been held in waiting nearby, were also
allowed to undergo the ritual. Ajaw Kan Ek' then called upon others, "in
particular those of his family and parcialidad, to bring their small children
to receive their name (as this is what they call baptism), and he said to the
priests who were present there, who were about three or four, 'It is a good
thing for you bring all our children to receive the name and be washed.' "
5 1
Over the next two days Avendano performed nearly three hundred
baptisms of children, with barely time to leave the "temple" where he
carried out the rituals. Whether these children were of both sexes or only
boys cannot be determined, because the term hijos, used to describe the
children, remains ambiguous. Because of the initial Itza equation of baptism with penis mutilation, however, the possibility that they were only
male children cannot be dismissed. The four Maya cantores served as
godfathers for the baptisms, since they were the only available baptized
adults other than the Franciscans.
While the baptisms were going on, Ajaw Kan Ek' remained cordial to
Avendano, and he and "three other priests related to him" announced that
they would "accept the Spaniards and their laws willingly" and that they
were only awaiting word from two "caciques with their captains" (that is,
two pairs of rulers from two quarters) before giving him a final, positive
answer. Whereupon Avendano, sensing that he would soon be departing,
began to instruct the children "in the mysteries of our holy faith" a
remarkable feat for such a short stay.
The visitors had arrived at Nojpeten on January 14 in the late afternoon. They waited for three and a half days before receiving an answer to
52
204
53
their message, which would put the date of the events that are about to be
described on their fourth and fifth full days, January 18 and 1 9 . The
nineteenth was to be their last day, for that night they were spirited across
the eastern leg of the lake by Ajaw Kan Ek' and members of his family.
54
DISPUTES
OVER
PROPHECY
In mid-afternoon of that last day an enemy of Ajaw Kan Ek', AjKowoj,

arrived from the northern shore of the lake with his full retinue. This
visitor was the leader who, in alliance with the ruler's uncle, Ajaw B'atab'
K'in Kante, had only recently overseen the destruction by fire of much of
Nojpeten. Avendano, mistakenly thinking that these men were coming
from the other nearby islands, went out to greet them as though he were
the resident head of state:
I found myself thus occupied [in baptizing and catechizing children]
when on the said day some of the governors, captains, and heads of
the other four petens, began to come, navigating across the lake,
with their war officers and their standards, such as lances and stone
knives a little less than a quarter [of a vara] long. Instead of ribbons the said lances are decorated with feathers of many colors,
very showy and all hanging down. I went out to receive them as a
matter of courtesy, but the Indians of that peten went out only out
of curiosity to see them arrive, painted and feathered, in war dress,
their faces painted black. I embraced them and spoke to them in
gentle words, and if I had anything to eat left over from what they
had given me there, I shared it with them as recent arrivals, having
them sit next to me and the king, who was always at my side.
55
56
Convinced that his efforts had put the visitors at ease, Avendano launched
into his by now well-practiced speech about accepting Spaniards as friends
and embracing their law. As a sign that they immediately accepted his "proposal," he noted that "they lowered their heads, [saying that] they would
be pleased with the trade in axes and machetes that they would receive."
Trade for metal tools had for some time been a motivation for increasing
contact with the Spaniards, but this was hardly a sign of agreement.
Two leaders from the visiting party stood out from the rest. One was
an old man with a double-bladed machete as his standard. The other was
a younger man who carried a stone knife. They were "painted for war;
their faces were as hideous as the evil purpose that they had in their
hearts." The older man was AjKowoj; the younger one was probably his
son. After Avendano had recited his one plate-one calabash speech to
205
The Peace Seekers
them, AjKowoj replied sarcastically and "with a feigned laugh that this
much gladdened him, to leave those forests in which he found himself and
come with me to the province in order to retrieve some land titles that his
ancestors had held and to live there in happiness with his elder brothers,
the Spaniards, promising at the same time to accompany me with all his
people before the presence of the governor as a sign of his true surrender." Not fooled by such a clever reply, Avendano smelled a rat.
57
Avendano gave Ursua a strikingly different version of his first encounter with these visitors prior to his return to Merida: "At the end of three
days they baptized many children, five petens or islands having been delivered up to the crown of our King and lord, the captains of each one having
come to render obedience, as a sign of which they gave the [Itza] king two
crowns of their o w n . " Ursua reported this version of Avendano's oral
report on March 1 0 in a letter to King Carlos II, whereas Avendano's final
written report was signed on April 29. His claim that other leaders paid
such homage to Ajaw Kan Ek' is highly dubious.
The visitors retired at about four o'clock to the house of "some confidant of theirs" and returned at about seven in the evening "to hear me discourse." After he finished his speech, Avendano approached AjKowoj and
his son, who stood at the back of the audience, embracing them, yet again
and informing them that he wanted to chat with them about "the old
method of counting, equally days, months, and years, as well as ages, and
to know what age was the present one (for them one age has only twenty
years), and what prophecy the aforesaid year and age contained." As a
clarification, Avendano provided his readers with a brief description of
Maya hieroglyphic folding books, which he had obviously seen somewhere. He wrote in a now-famous passage that such books contained
information about calendrical prophecy and ritual as well as explanations
of how Maya Yucatan was governed by a system of thirteen political
divisions structured by the intersection of time and space. Avendano was
obviously well prepared to face knowledgeable local authorities.
58
59
60
61
206
Avendano regarded Ajaw Kan Ek', who had been close to him for more
than three days, as "the principal priest and their teacher" and soon discovered that the other "priests and teachers" who surrounded him were
equally well versed in the k'atun calendar. AjKowoj at first claimed not to
understand Avendano's computation, but the friar seemed to make some
progress after Ajaw Kan Ek' and the other "priests and teachers" stepped
in to listen to him try to convince them "how it was already the attained
time (according to their prophets) at which they would become Christians." That Avendano nearly won part of his argument is suggested by his
statement that the final message the Itzas wished to send to the governor
was that "thenceforth, at the [end of the] four months that were lacking
for the said time to be completed, all the adults would receive baptisms."
Avendano had not, however, obtained agreement to his relentlessly
repeated plea that they accept the Spaniards as their friends and embrace
Spanish law. There was to be no eating from one plate and drinking from
one calabash. Not only had he failed to gain agreement that adult leaders
would be baptized before he left the religious aspect of his mission but
he also failed to make headway on the diplomatic front. During the next
twenty-four hours the extent of his failure would become increasingly
apparent.
Following the announcement of the four-month delay, wrote Avendano, the elder AjKowoj, despite his having agreed to the date, angrily
denounced the agreement, saying, "What does it matter that the time
when we would be Christians is found to be completed, if the sharp point
of my stone lance has not been worn out?" To this eloquent question
Avendano replied that God was on his side alone, that he was willing to
die, and that it was prophetically determined that AjKowoj and his people
would become Christians. AjKowoj and his allies thereupon retired, leaving the friar, Ajaw Kan Ek', and the other priests to discuss the agreement
further.
The next morning his last one at Nojpeten Avendano asked questions of his Itza hosts about agriculture, geography, and political organization. At this point his report takes an interesting detour from a preoccupation with prophecy and surrender to report on such innocuous
subjects as cultivated food crops (maize, two kinds of beans, chilies, plantains, a chayote-like vegetable called cb'un, a little cultivated cacao and
vanilla, some cultivated wild cabbage, and onions) and "commercial"
crops (much cotton and two dyes, indigo and cochineal). He commented
on the high quality of their multicolored cloth, which they bartered to
Kejaches and the people of Tipuj in exchange for axes and machetes. The
cloth was durable and feltlike, but the colors soon faded, because they did
not, he supposed, know how to set the dyes. Following some discussion
about rivers and the lake's risings and fallings, which the Itzas denied
occurred, he elicited the list of twenty-two districts, or parcialidades, discussed in chapter 3 .
62
63
64
THE KING'S
NEW
CLOTHES
Despite his initial fears, by this last morning Avendano had come to appreciate the hospitality of Ajaw Kan Ek' and to trust in his goodwill. He now
The Peace Seekers

claimed to respect his host, who ultimately saved his life, as a man of noble
qualities but one whose personal pride was so resented by others that he
failed as a ruler: "The king knows well that he is such by blood, because
it is certain that he and his family possess a rare character and goodness. Being so good he boasts so much that all treat him with some disrespect, so that he is not the master who commands what he possesses.
But to us he gave much attention and kindness, along with his family
and ward [parcialidad], revealing to us the most hidden secrets about
what was going on among the Indians and telling me . . . the good intention they had to become Christians and to admit the Spaniards and their
law."
65
On the other hand, he regarded AjKowoj as a wicked and dangerous

man, possessed by Satan. By this time he seemed to have constructed a
simple, uncompromised opposition between Ajaw Kan Ek' as a force of
good and AjKowoj as the agent of evil. N o doubt Ajaw Kan Ek' had contributed to this personification of his enemy, maintaining that AjKowoj
had planned to kill the visitors as they passed through Chak'an territory.
Avendano claimed that the warm hospitality extended to him by the ruler
and his "friends" reflected his own deep preparations for this meeting. He
had surprised them by being the first outsider they had met who already
knew "the language of their ancestors and their own," a feat that he
credited to his having studied "their own papers" before leaving on his
trip. So impressed were they, he claimed, that they called him "Chomach
Ajaw, which means among them 'Great Lord, worthy of reverence,' and
Citcaan, which means 'Father of Heaven.' " Such self-congratulatory
prose was in part couched in an admonition to others that they should be
as sensitive to the Itzas as he was.
6 6
208
As events unfolded on this last day at Nojpeten, Avendano became even

more convinced that Ajaw Kan Ek' had become his mortal savior from
certain death at the hands of AjKowoj. The first event was a "commotion"
that broke out among a group of people, including a number of leaders.
They vented their anger directly at Ajaw Kan Ek', saying "many disrespectful things" meaning, apparently, that they cursed him. Avendano
reconstructed their complaints in a powerful passage: "What good did it
do them to favor the friendship of the Spaniards and their law? If it was in
order to have axes and machetes for their cultivations, they had never
lacked anything with which to make milpa. Was it to clothe themselves
with the goods and clothing of Castile, when, having very good things,
they lacked none of that? If it was so that the Spaniards would defend
them, when would the Itzalana nation be cowardly or be humiliated to

anyone, as they had so many armed people to defend themselves and to
destroy as many as ventured against them? It was a very bad action to
receive them."
Ajaw Kan Ek', by now foolishly dressed in the colonial costume and
carrying the colonial baton of office, tried to defend himself, point by
point, from these challenges. He purportedly took Avendano's side on
every point that the two had discussed and chastised the crowd for its call
to arms. Ajaw Kan Ek' failed to satisfy his hecklers, who grew more
excited. Some who had not spoken before called out "with very wrathful
words and bold insolence." Clearly Ajaw Kan Ek' had lost every bit of
ruling legitimacy he might have had before Avendano's arrival. He had
personally "sold out" to the Spaniards.
67
Realizing that matters were out of hand, Avendano, the foreigner, came
to the defense of the now-humiliated Ajaw Kan Ek'. He stood up next to
the ruler and delivered a passionate speech that repeated nearly everything
he had said on previous occasions, including the "one plate-one calabash" reference. At least one new element, the "Montezuma analogy,"
found its way into the speech: "And besides, heed how your great Montezuma, as soon as they gave him the news about how my king was such a
great lord and how his empire was so extensive, presented him not only
with his crown but also his person and his kingdom, going as he did
personally to give it to him." An expansion of a line from the Avendahoauthored letter from the governor, this slanted synopsis of the conquest of
the Aztecs must have bewildered the audience, who made no claim to
descent from sixteenth-century central Mexico.
68
Avendano, if we are to believe that he actually said these things, made a

serious tactical error at the end of his oration. Even though the agreement
that he had reached made no mention of friendship with the Spaniards or
political incorporation into their kingdom, the closing words of his oration contradicted these terms, indicating that Ajaw Kan Ek' had offered a
complete capitulation:
[T]he governor, who sends me, endeavors to take nothing from us
[sic] nor from your king's lordship and rule, but instead he wishes
that it [sic] remain with him, as is evident from that clothing I have
placed upon him and by that baton I have placed in his hand, which
among the Spaniards is a sign of lordship and rule. That which the
governor wishes in the name of my king and lord is that you should
also recognize him as your king, since we are all brothers and we
are the priests of the true God, whose law we came to teach you (as
The Peace
Seekers
your ancient prophets have prophesied). All this being so, why do
you raise this disturbance? Go, Itzalanos. Be ashamed. The agreement that you and your king have made with me is very good.
69
As the crowd heard Avendano say that Ajaw Kan Ek' had agreed to
embrace the Spanish king in exchange for a suit of clothes and a staff of
office, they must have looked upon their supposed "ruler" with disdain
and disbelief. The symbolism of the clothing and baton was surely not lost
on other leaders and the general population; some of them who had traveled to Yucatan knew perfectly well that their principal leader was now
dressed in the formal clothing reserved for native leaders who had submitted to a colonial regime and that his baton was a sign of his tacit acceptance of Spanish law.
Ajaw Kan Ek' had apparently reached a separate, private agreement
with Avendano that he would be appointed "governor" of the entire Lago
Peten Itza region despite the refusal of other leaders to grant more than the
initiation of adult baptisms four months hence. Avendano had publicly
exposed Ajaw Kan Ek' as a traitor to his own allies and people.
Avendano subsequently stated that at the council meeting "they voluntarily received the Spaniards' official message and, this being so, they
asked me to return to see them at the end of the four months as stated
above, by way of the town of Tipu, to which place the king, with all his
people, promised to appear to receive m e . " This version of the initial
agreement again mentioned nothing about friendship or political accommodations. Although Tipuj apparently was still as much an Itza colony as
a Spanish one, it seems unlikely that a royal delegation including Ajaw
Kan Ek' would have gone there to meet Avendano.
70
71
AVENDANO
ON THE
ITZAS
Avendaiio's descriptions of these events contain brief digressions that continue to admonish his military readers that they should not use violence
against the Itzas, that troops might well fail if they did try to use force, and
that he and his fellow Franciscans could bring these people to a knowledge
of God with no interference. Before describing his departure from Nojpeten he also inserted more geographical information and some critical
ethnographic interpretations.
Avendano was impressed by the Itzas' physical appearance, considering them well featured, light skinned like mestizos, and relatively tall. The
men's body decorations, however, canceled their natural attractiveness.
Some tattooed their faces in black, sometimes in stripes, to make them
72
73
Avendano and Ajaw Kan Ek*

appear fierce, and others tattooed or painted their faces with designs of
animals, which Avendano took to be personal "auguries." In contrast, the
women apparently stretched their earlobes so that they were unable in
contrast to the men, who wore silver and gold eardrops to wear ear
decorations.
These judgmental descriptions of gender differences in dress served
only as an introduction to a commentary on what he perceived about Itza
male sexuality that is, on "sodomy," which was considered both a serious sin and a heinous crime by Spaniards. The men, he wrote, paid much
attention to their personal appearance, not only tattooing or painting
their faces but also rolling up their hair with tasseled cloth bands, made by
themselves and woven in brightly colored designs. He considered their
dress including beautiful, brightly colored shirts or jackets into which
stripes and other designs were woven to be a sign of excessive vanity and
effeminacy. He saw these traits in other male behaviors, too, including
carrying small stools on which to sit, warming themselves at night as they
sat with multicolored striped sheets, and drinking only lukewarm maize
posole or saka but seldom the more manly "clear or cold water." In contrast, the women dressed plainly, wore nothing above their skirts, and put
less time than the men into rolling up their hair. The men, he noted in
passing, generally paid little attention to them.
All of this led him to the conclusion that, as "many judge," it was all a
sign of the "sodomitic vice [vicio nefando] that prevails among them." He
let this weakly supported accusation speak for itself, turning immediately
to matters concerning his departure. He may have intended this digression
on sexuality as further evidence that the Itzas were in dire need of conversion and moral reform, a theme that appears many times in his commentary. As we shall see in chapter 1 1 , however, both Spanish military officers
and secular priests used such accusations as justification for armed, not
spiritual, conquest.
Departure from
Nojpeten
The Itza leaders, well aware that Spanish troops were already advancing toward the lake, asked Avendano to leave them "some sure signs or 211
known token of friendship" that the Spaniards would honor and that,
when displayed, would keep them from attacking. He chose to leave an
open letter that he had already prepared three days earlier for the occasion
of his departure:
The Peace Seekers

I.M.I.
f
Saint Paul the Apostle pray for us
Lords Captains of whichever of the two poles, north or south.
My dear Lords:
Our Lord deigned to reveal his divine grace to us in order to succeed in obtaining that which for many ages was unattainable. (But
nothing is impossible to the divine power, to whom glory may be given.)
Because with [his grace] he has given opportunity to bend the neck of
this invincible Itzalana nation, humbled at the first impulse of the evangelical ministers and sons of my seraphic father San Francisco, by
promptly offering their children to the purest of washing, that of baptism, having baptized up to this time many of them with the sure hope
of shortly baptizing them all, although their fathers and mothers, while
docile and peaceable with us, still delay in giving up their idolatry. For
this reason especially it is necessary [to demonstrate] moderation with
great patience, so as to bear many such vexatious actions, as they are
due to the darkness in which they have lived. In light of which I entreat
your Graces to comport yourselves with much prudence (if by chance
you should come to this nation of the Itzas, whose patron saint is San
Pablo) so as not to quickly lose what has been so much desired and,
thanks be to God, has been obtained. They remain instructed so that
when your Graces appear they will receive you in peace and give you
what supplies, etc. may be needed in exchange for axes, machetes, and
other goods from Castile, which they much desire, but I do not know
whether you will be well paid.
This is as much as occurs to me now. After rejoicing in the good
health of your Graces, to whose service I submit my own full [health],
praying to our Lord asking our Lord to keep you many years, which I
wish, in this town of Great San Pablo of the Peten Itza on the sixteenth
of January of the year 1 6 9 6 . 1 kiss the hand of your Graces. Your most
humble servant and chaplain, Pray Andres de Avendano, Apostolic Missionary Commissary.
74
Avendano wrote that he handed the letter to Ajaw Kan Ek' "in the
presence of many principales and the greater part of the common people."
He accompanied its ceremonial presentation with yet another oration,
212
claiming that the letter would ensure that any arriving Spaniards, whether
from Yucatan or Guatemala, would restrain from attacking them. Instead, because in the letter he assured future readers that an agreement of
peace and friendship had been achieved, the people of Nojpeten would be
able to go before visiting Spaniards in peace. All they had to do was show
the visitors the letter, the Spanish clothes worn by Ajaw Kan Ek', and
some crucifixes, rosaries, and other European items that he had presented
them. Each such recorded speech, whether or not it was delivered, further
reinforced for Spanish Yucatecan eyes Avendano's case for having reached
a successful agreement.
Captain Zubiaur Isasi later revealed that Avendano's open letter had
been brought to the encampment south of Chuntuki by two Kejaches
whom Garcia de Paredes had sent to Nojpeten to inquire about the friars.
Because they arrived just after Avendano left Nojpeten, he did not receive
Garcia's message, which undoubtedly would have informed him of the
outcome of AjChan's visit to Merida and of Garcia's new instructions
to march to Nojpeten in order to receive the formal surrender of Ajaw
Kan Ek'. By the time the messengers arrived, Avendano had already been
forced to leave Nojpeten.
75
THREATS
AND
POLITICS
Avendano's open letter was accompanied by a certification of its truth and

authenticity, written on April 2 8 , 1 6 9 6 , by Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria, the
apostolic notary who accompanied him. Confirming that the letter was
delivered directly to Ajaw Kan Ek', Santa Maria added one piece of important new information: "[A]t the same time the king [Ajaw Kan Ek'] having
said that if they would decapitate his enemy, the cacique Couoh, with all
of his followers (who in all would be between sixty and seventy), he would
hand over the petens that are in his charge."
It is difficult to dismiss such a statement, which confirms that whatever
political accommodation Avendano had achieved, he had done so in a
separate meeting with Ajaw Kan Ek' and possibly some of his friends and
allies. The Kowojs, it appears, had steadfastly refused to participate. They
probably had ample reason to believe that Ajaw Kan Ek' had already sold
out his crumbling kingdom to the Spaniards and had called on them to
side with him in a war against the Kowoj leaders and, presumably, Ajaw
B'atab' K'in Kante, the Chak'an territorial ruler.
Avendano had become fully aware of this conflict during his visit and
manipulated it to his benefit by reaching an independent agreement with
Ajaw Kan Ek'. Despite the crowd's jeering of Ajaw Kan Ek' on the mission's last day at Nojpeten, the friar continued to pretend that the Itza
ruler still spoke on behalf of all his people. Avendano, like Ajaw Kan Ek',
blamed the entire event upon the Kowojs and their allies, the Chak'an
Itzas. The latter were angry with him, he rationalized, because he had
shamed them into giving back the Spanish suit and baton in which "I
76
213
The Peace Seekers
myself dressed King Canek. ' Furthermore, Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante had
complained that by pouring baptismal water on his daughter, who had
been presented to Avendano by his nephew, Ajaw Kan Ek', the friar
had harmed her. These, however, were small matters. What Avendano did
not admit was of far greater significance: that the Kowojs and the Chak'an
Itza leaders were disgusted and angered by the private agreement he had
reached with Ajaw Kan E k ' .
5
77
Avendano, forewarned by Ajaw Kan Ek' of the intentions of Ajaw

B'atab' K'in Kante (AjKan in his text) and AjKowoj to have him killed if
he retraced his steps through Chak'an Itza, became suspicious when these
two leaders visited him in the house of Ajaw Kan Ek' on the last afternoon
with a large calabash of maize beverage. He drank politely and listened to
their offer to take back with them two ("who were the fattest") of his four
carriers so that they could prepare food for him to his taste as they passed
by "their house" on his way home. Avendano refused the offer but feigned
agreement to leave with them the next morning, certain all the while that
as soon as they arrived in their town they would "prepare, without doubt,
the pib [cooking pit] or fire where the two fat Indians, whom they asked
me for, were to be roasted, and the stakes on which we were to be spitted,
as we found out later." This dramatic but fanciful accusation was Avendano's introduction to his marvelously constructed description of the
friars' dramatic departure.
3
78
Ajaw Kan Ek', according to the account, confirmed for Avendano that
the Chak'an Itza ruler and AjKowoj not only intended to kill the visitors
but also to follow the Kejach guides back to their home villages and kill
them as well. The only choice, he advised, was to leave that very night so
that the Franciscan party would be long gone by the time his enemies
arrived in the morning. The ruler's wife, IxChan Pana, and her daughters
supposedly offered them details of their intended fate, just as they were
embarking in the canoes, saying, " 'They say that they are not going to kill
you in any other way than by cutting you into little pieces,' and they made
gestures with one hand over the other to show they were going to make
hash and eat u s . "
In oral testimony Avendano presented a different version of this exchange, implying that IxChan Pana might have had a personal interest in
the friars' murder and might have been in collusion with her husband's
enemies. She tried, he said, to stop her husband from taking them off
secretly in the direction of Tipuj by stating that the friars should not be
afraid of foul play if they returned by the way they came whereas Avendano, and apparently Ajaw Kan Ek' as well, was convinced that AjKowoj
79
214

planned to have them killed if they passed through Chak'an territory.
Challenging his wife, Ajaw Kan Ek' put his hand on his machete, threatening to use it on anyone who questioned him and reminding her "that he
alone was king and lord of all those lands and all his vassals/'
80
Because women's voices are all but absent in the record, Avendaiio's
attribution of these remarks to IxChan Pana and her daughter deserves
our special attention. In his written report he mentioned only the remark
about the intended fate of the friars and attributed it to both mother and
daughters as a collective warning that the friars should escape as quickly
as possible. His spoken testimony, however, distinguished between IxChan Pana, who supposedly opposed her husband and wished to see them
dead, and one of her daughters, about eighteen, who by her warning
helped them to escape. This embellishment perhaps reflects an attitude we
might infer on Avendano's part that older women, especially the wives of
native "royalty," were deceitful and untrustworthy. It seems likely that
lineage rivalry among the nobility was at work in IxChan Pana's opposition to her husband.
DEPARTURE
BY
NIGHT
The departure took place at about nine o'clock at night following a session of "not a little grief and tears from the family of the king and his
friends." Avendano, the two other Franciscan friars, and his four cantores
traveled in a single canoe, accompanied by Ajaw Kan Ek', his son-in-law,
and his son ten passengers in all. The transportation must have been one
of the large Itza canoes capable of carrying a substantial load. The canoe
was probably not navigated, as Avendano claimed, by only the three
Maya nobles, who would probably not have served in this capacity. Because that work must have been done by several paddlers, the canoe must
have held as many as fourteen or sixteen persons,
The canoe, by Avendano's estimate, arrived at the eastern end of the
lake between three and four o'clock in the morning. Avendano recorded
the parting words of Ajaw Kan Ek', delivered while "holding me lovingly
embraced." They repeated an earlier motif: "See that you do not forget to
tell your governor that I love him much and wish to be his friend and that
of the Spaniards, and not to fail to decapitate my said rivals, the Chacan
Itzas, for I am sure I shall deliver to him the petens which I rule. And do 215
not fail to come to see us, as you say, and let it be by this Tipu road, so that
I with all my people may come out to receive y o u . "
By the time he wrote his report, three months after these events, it was
already too late; the opportunity had been squandered. If only Garcia de
81
82
The Peace Seekers
Paredes had killed the ruler's enemies when they visited his camp in search
of Avendano, "the entire nation of the Itzas would have been conquered
and delivered to the King our lord, and at that moment they would have
all been Christians without the said victory costing a shot of powder."
The Bacalareiio Francisco de Hariza later reported on an interview
with a Tipujan who, following the February conflicts between Itzas and
Spaniards detailed in the next chapter, had taken a gift from Hariza to
Ajaw Kan Ek'. According to Ursua's interpretation, Ajaw Kan Ek' told the
Tipujan "how his vassals had risen up and that they wished to allow
neither fathers nor Spaniards in their lands, although he, for his part, did
wish so. He [the Tipujan] also declares that on the third day after the
fathers arrived they decided to kill them. The king, knowing this, arranged
with an Indian of his satisfaction to effect their escape, as he did so in the
direction of said Tipu." This statement confirms the thrust of Avendano's contention that Ajaw Kan Ek' was loyal to the Spanish cause and
had assisted in their escape. It also confirms that Ajaw Kan Ek' lacked
support among even close members of the royal family. His effort to save
the Franciscans' lives must have spelled the end of whatever political
effectiveness he had enjoyed. From that point on, anti-Spanish factions
appear to have dominated every sphere of Itza political life.
83
84
Once they had landed, probably near Saklemakal, Ajaw Kan Ek' sent
his son and son-in-law as guides with Avendano and returned immediately
to Nojpeten. The group walked overland to Yalain, a town of "very few
houses clustered together, but of many well-populated milperias [food
cultivations] at a radius of one or two leagues." There he found, in addition to a number of Tipujans, a population dominated by people who he
supposed were from Nojpeten but went to Yalain to make their milpas.
The visitors were taken to meet Chamach Xulu, "a priest who looks to
be over fifty-four years old who rules this town . . . a close companion and
confidant of the King Canek." He fed them and took them to a newly
constructed thatch house that still lacked a finished floor, explaining that
the house was "for us, the fathers they had requested."
The people of Yalain, Avendano wrote, asked about AjChan and his
companions. They had not seen them, they said, since they had left for
Merida in August on their first trip to that city. Avendano claimed to be
puzzled by this information, because he recalled that they had departed
Merida at least twenty days before he left on his own journey on December 1 3 . In fact they had left much earlier, arriving at Tipuj on October 28 in plenty of time for them to make a full report of their trip to the
85
216
Nojpeten leadership and, as Avendano almost certainly knew, were approaching Merida for the second time when he left in December.
The friars were treated well at Yalain for most of their stay. When
Chamach Xulu, as Ajaw Kan Ek' had asked him to do, promised to give
them a guide to take them to Tipuj, the ruler's son and son-in-law departed
for Nojpeten. The guide was to be a Tipujan who had gone to Nojpeten
while Avendano was still there, but he failed to arrive at Yalain before they
were forced to leave. Instead, disturbing news arrived at Yalain, carried by
several people from Nojpeten, that "the peten had become excited due to
the arrival from the location where we are [i.e., the lower camino real] of
Indians from here, from the province [of Yucatan], and to having heard
musket shots and rumors of Spaniards. I do not know if this was true, but
what we experienced from then on from the Indians of this town where we
were was that from then on they completely cooled off from that love
which up to then they had shown us, treating us with a thousand contempts, doing nothing about giving us the guide we had requested."
86
The Yucatecan party seen by the Itzas may have been the messengers
and their escorts sent by Garcia de Paredes to check on Avendano and
deliver the news of AjChan's visit to Merida and of Garcia's plans to
march to the lake. Despite the uproar reported at Nojpeten, they must
have been received politely and given Avendano's letter to take back to the
Spanish encampment.
Avendano realized that he and his companions were in serious trouble
during a meeting in which the participants not only became inebriated
from b'alche (a ritual fermented beverage) but also "idolatrized" carried
out non-Christian rituals. Avendano was convinced that they would all
be killed. Nonetheless or so he claimed he stepped into the meeting,
took from them "the instruments of their fiesta," and reprimanded them
for the "little constancy of their hearts." Always claiming to be successful
in bringing the disloyal around to his side, on this occasion, he said, his
words made them realize that "we knew the wickedness of their doings."
They stopped their celebration, gathered peacefully around the visitors,
and stayed with them for the rest of the night. At dawn, "remorseful,
perhaps, of their sin," their behavior was as it had been before, and they
gave the visitors a guide. Avendano had again demonstrated his ability to
turn the hearts of idolaters.
87
88
The actual intentions of the people of Yalain, however, seem to have

been to rid themselves of the friars as soon as possible. That morning, after
the visitors were led to an orchard about half a league away, a priest called
217
The Peace Seekers
Chamach Punab' "Old M a n " Punab' (but probably Pana), possibly a

relative of IxChan Pana, the wife of Ajaw Kan Ek' invited them to eat
and "ordered that all of the Indian men and women in the vicinity be
called to see us," The order, as it turned out, was for the women of the
town to prepare food in their homes for the visitors. Once fed, they left on
their journey with a crowd of people following along. Almost immediately, however, the people turned back to Yalain, leaving them with one
man who accompanied them for only about two blocks further before
showing them an "obscure path" that he said would take them in twelve
days, walking from dawn until dusk, to Tipuj. They would have to cross a
large river, he said, "but he did not tell us how or where." At that point the
guide abandoned them. The possibility cannot be discounted that IxChan
Pana had secretly encouraged her relatives at Yalain to abandon Avendano and his companions this way, in the hope that they would die in the
forests, Their only food for the journey, claimed Avendano, was twenty
tortillas left over from their most recent meal a lack of planning that
strains credulity.
89
90
LOST IN T H E
FOREST
Avendano detailed the harrowing events that followed. After five days,
subsisting only on the twenty tortillas, he and his companions reached the
river. Thinking that they were nearing Tipuj, they followed the river for
five more days. This was Rio Mopan, the western tributary of the Belize
River. They probably followed it into present-day Belize, reaching a point
near its confluence with the Macal River, which joins the Mopan to form
the Belize River just above the present-day town of San Ignacio del Cayo.
At this point, unknown to them, they were only a few kilometers from
Tipuj, which lay upstream along the Macal River.
Realizing that they were now lost, they turned to the northwest, hoping
to reach the then-deserted town of Chanchanja. They abandoned this plan
after three days, supposing that they had missed Chanchanja (which was
actually far to their north), and struck out on a new trajectory toward the
west, using a needle and a magnet as their compass. Their hope was that
they would ultimately meet the camino real, although they estimated the
distance at sixty to seventy leagues. They walked for days and days across
the vast Peten forests, savannahs, and wetlands, surviving on a sparse diet
of palm nuts, sapotes, leaves, and occasionally honey. Eventually the other
two priests and one of the Maya carriers, who traveled more quickly than
the older Avendaiio, struck out on their own to try to find the road.
The remaining party entered hilly country in which they encountered
91
218
92

an ancient ruin that might, from the description, have been Tik'al. Still
many days from the road, they eventually found a well-traveled, marked
path that they followed in a vaguely western direction. Too weak to go on,
Avendano instructed his remaining companions to leave him behind beneath a tree. There he prayed and prepared for death, but the very next
day rescue came in the form of ten Mayas from the Yucatan Sierra town of
Mani workers on the camino real. The spot where he had been left was
only an hour and a half from Chuntuki, to which they carried him in a
hammock. His rescue came on February 1 9 , precisely a month since his
departure from Nojpeten.
93
Avendano on AjChan
Avendano claimed that he did not learn of AjChan's December visit to
Merida until after he had returned to Yucatan. I believe, to the contrary,
that he knew about AjChan's imminent arrival before he left Merida. At
the very latest, he would have learned about the event shortly after his
rescue near Chuntuki. Such misrepresentation aside, we must consider
another claim Avendano made that AjChan was a false emissary. That
is, Ajaw Kan Ek' had not sent AjChan to Merida, had given him no
instructions to offer his submission, and had no prior knowledge of his
activities there.
Avendano had met with AjChan in Merida in September. He also was
fully aware of the message sent to Merida the previous November via
Francisco de Hariza purporting that Ajaw Kan Ek' was ready to receive
Ursua and deliver the Itzas over to Spanish control. When Avendano read
or summarized Ursua's letter to Ajaw Kan Ek' and other leaders at Nojpeten, he made it clear that Ursua had written in response to an offer of
submission by Ajaw Kan Ek' himself. The audience's response, however,
he reported as one of surprise and distress: "[Ljooking around at each
other, the king doing so first of all all of them acted surprised to hear
about such a message; rather, with some commotion of their spirits they
showed that their hearts were disturbed."
He claimed to be convinced that Ajaw Kan Ek' had not sent the first
verbal message that had been attributed to him and that the ruler had 219
known nothing about AjChan's supposed diplomatic mission in Merida.
He cited the "fact" that Ajaw Kan Ek' despite his having shared personal "secrets" with Avendano and having treated him with "such familiarity and love" made no mention of having sent his nephew to Merida.
94
The Feace Seekers
He could not have forgotten to do so, Avendano reasoned, considering the

frequency with which they discussed the issues of Christian conversion
and friendship with the Spaniards. Finally, and less convincingly, he argued that had Ajaw Kan Ek' sent AjChan to Merida, the ruler would have
kept Avendano there as a hostage until he learned the outcome of his
nephew's reception. 1 think it likely that Avendano constructed these rationalizations for the sole purpose of discrediting the outcome of AjChan's
mission, in particular the secular clergy's newly assigned role as the future
missionaries of the Itzas.
95
The evidence in support of the personal involvement of Ajaw Kan Ek'

in his nephew's mission is too strong to dismiss. Many bureaucrats, military men, and churchmen (Franciscans and seculars alike) in Yucatan later
challenged AjChan's legitimacy as an ambassador, their principal objective being to discredit Governor Ursua for having naively accepted the
message. Nonetheless, their evidence against AjChan was only circumstantial, and in the last analysis the objections of Avendano and others
seem to have been little more than sour grapes.
96
The hostility with which the political enemies of Ajaw Kan Ek' treated
Avendano suggests that these men were fully aware of the ruler's prior
overtures to the colonial government and to the Franciscans. Their opposition to Ajaw Kan Ek' had led to a recent attack on the capital by the
Kowojs, probably between September and November 1695 (see chapter
1 3 ) . Avendano's visit, however, resulted in disclosure to a public audience
just how deeply Ajaw Kan Ek' had committed himself to peace at any
price with the Spaniards. The reaction, as we have seen, was one of outrage and dismay. The impact of Avendano's disclosures, which further
isolated Ajaw Kan Ek' from his internal enemies, was to increase rather
than mollify Itza hostility against the Spaniards. As we are about to see,
expressions of this hostility surfaced only a short time after Avendano
survived the ordeal of his journey out of Itza territory.
210
Part
Four
PRELUDE TO
CONQUEST
chapter
nine
ITZA-SPANISH
WARFARE
.Following AjChan's diplomatic encounter in

Merida at the end of 169 5 and Avendano's foreshortened visit to Nojpeten
in mid-January 1696, a series of violent encounters between Itzas and
Spaniards caused colonial officials in Yucatan to reconsider their initial
assumptions about the authenticity of peace declarations by Ajaw Kan
Ek'. This violence was to result in Ursua's decision to move militarily
against Nojpeten. Interim Governor Ursua was about to be displaced by
the returning Governor Soberanis, who would take office in late June,
and he had to move swiftly in order to complete his goal of incorporating
the Itzas into the Spanish empire. He knew that Soberanis would make
every possible effort to impede his plans and even to expel him from the
province of Yucatan.
During 1696 and early 1697, evidence mounted that all was not well at
Nojpeten. Avendano, as we saw in the previous chapter, had himself experienced the bitter split between Ajaw Kan Ek' and the rulers of the north,
who had declared war against the Itza ruler in alliance with the Kowojs.
During the months following the March 1697 storming of Nojpeten,
Spanish authorities at the new presidio built upon the ruins of the Itza
capital finally began to reconstruct the extent of the political division. This
reconstruction, although never synthesized by the conquerors, reinforces
the interpretation that Ajaw Kan Ek' had been acting in his own interests
by sending his nephew to Merida. He was trying to stave off internal
challenges to his authority by inviting Spanish support for his own cause.
This chapter recounts the Spanish experience with the Itzas during the
critical weeks and months following Avendaiio's hasty retreat from Nojpeten. The Spaniards' optimism that Ajaw Kan Ek' would lead his people
to accept peaceful submission was premature and ill informed. Despite the
good news brought by AjChan to Merida at the end of 1 6 9 5 , efforts to
cash in on promises of imminent Itza surrender proved disastrous. Ad1
Prelude to Conquest
vance parties from Yucatan and Guatemala met violent and aggressive
opposition. Ursua was forced to recalculate how he would bring the recalcitrant Itzas to their knees.
Ursua Redefines His Strategy

As soon as AjChan and his kinsmen received baptism on December 3 1 ,
1 6 9 5 , Governor Ursiia proceeded to redefine yet again the project that
had consumed him so completely for the past year. He now issued new
orders to his field commander, Alonso Garcia de Paredes, who had by then
reached Rio San Pedro beyond Tzuktok', eighty leagues past Kawich.
These new instructions sealed Ursua's interpretation of AjChan's official
mission to Merida and his acceptance of baptism; they were to form the
basis for Ursua's defense of virtually every event and policy decision in
which he participated over the next few years. Although the text of his
actual orders has not been found, Ursua's decree for their drafting does
exist. He ordered that in light of the size and importance of the "lands of
the great Itza" and AjChan's recent act of submission on behalf of Ajaw
Kan Ek', a dispatch be prepared instructing Garcia to
2
set out immediately from the place where he is now and go and
travel to the said lands of the great Itza and Muzuls. And . . . he declares that [Garcia de Paredes] is to make known to the said great
king Ah Canek and to the particulars who obey him, that they are
under his obedience. . . . He is to take bodily and spiritual possession of the said lands of the great Itza and Muzuls and the vassalage
of its inhabitants for our Catholic king and natural lord with the
positive actions that he might appropriately take, so that His Majesty might hold the said lands in an orderly and peaceful state, and
with the vassalage of its inhabitants.
3
224
In case Garcia failed in this mission, Ursua conceived another plan for
demanding the physical surrender of the Itza nation. On New Year's Day,
1696, the day after AjChan had been baptized and Ursua had drafted his
new orders to Garcia, the governor named the Bacalar alcalde, Francisco
de Hariza, as military head of a company of thirty soldiers to escort the
Itza delegation and a group of secular priests back to Tipuj. AjChan was
presumably to travel via Tipuj to Itza territory in the company of the
priests and soldiers to see his uncle, Ajaw Kan Ek', at Nojpeten. There
Ajaw Kan Ek^ would hear that he and his people were now Spanish sub-
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
jects. Hariza was to recruit the soldiers himself, and Ursua would pay their
eight-peso monthly salary and all associated costs, most of which included
food supplies and muleteers. On the eve of Hariza's appointment, Ursiia
also asked the secular clergy to supply the missionaries for this journey.
4
Fray Andres de Avendano was already nearing Nojpeten himself, and

the governor's messenger was running with the new orders to Captain
Garcia at Chuntuki. Ursiia was playing all of his cards, giving little heed to
the possibility that any of the three parties Garcia and his troops, the
secular clergy and troops at Tipuj, and the Franciscans under Avendano
might fail. As we will see, they all failed more miserably than Ursua could
have predicted.
This was risky politics in the highly charged atmosphere of Merida.
Ursiia soon discovered that he had reignited the smoldering relations between the Franciscans and the secular clergy. His order for a division of
ecclesiastical labor Franciscans along the camino real and seculars to
Tipuj appeared at first to be a good solution. The Franciscan provincial,
Fray Juan Antonio de Silva, was delighted that Ursua asked his order to
continue supplying the camino real with missionaries, responding that he
was prepared to reinforce the seven Franciscans on the road with another
six. The secular dean and ecclesiastical cabildo, noting emphatically that
Tipuj was in their own jurisdiction and that the first Itza delegation had
come to Merida through that town the previous September, promptly
supplied Ursiia with the list of priests who would accompany Hariza back
to Tipuj.
6
The deeper ecclesiastical dispute over the potential Itza missions, however, had already exploded by the beginning of January. Ursua's decision to send Avendano and his Franciscan companions to Nojpeten had
prompted the secular authorities to demand on December 1 5 that Provincial Silva cancel this expedition immediately. Silva, not about to be intimidated, replied at length that his order was beholden to no higher local
ecclesiastical authority, citing an obscure 1689 royal decree that gave the
regular clergy the right to appoint missionaries without the approval of
bishops or archbishops.
Silva and the secular clergy exchanged contentious letters during the
second week of January. Each side used historical precedents and arcane
legal arguments to justify its claim to jurisdictional authority. Each side
claimed it alone had the right to the prospective Itza missions, and the
seculars continued to insist that any Franciscan appointments required
their approval. Ursua, caught in the middle of an embarrassing and volatile situation, tried to patch over the problem by issuing yet more unrealis8
22$
Prelude to Conquest
tic instructions to Garcia de Paredes. Upon taking possession of the territory of the Itzas, Garcia was to divide it equally between the secular and
regular clergy. After all, Ursua reasoned, AjChan had reported that this
territory comprised ten provinces with a capital town and a huge population surrounding the lake; there was enough for everyone. Besides, the
1693 cedulas had ordered Ursiia to divide any reductions and missions
between the seculars and the regulars.
10
Armed Conflict at Lago Peten Itza

In mid-January Garcia de Paredes received his new orders from Ursiia at
the headwaters of Rio San Pedro (the Nojuk'um), about five leagues south
of Chuntuki. Garcia had only about ninety armed troops and some Maya
carriers and road workers at his camp. They had been temporarily stymied from progressing further until they could finish building a piragua, a
longboat with oars, in which troops, horses, and armaments could cross
the river. His men were running away in increasing numbers, fearing for
their lives as they approached the main Itza lake.
Garcia had been encamped at B'atkab' when Avendano passed through
there on January 6, but he had apparently moved his headquarters to the
terminus of the road when, a few days after Avendano's January 19 departure from Nojpeten, a contingent of Maya leaders from the lake appeared,
seeking to talk with him. From the stories that he heard after his rescue
near Chuntuki, Avendano concluded that these were none other than the
principal enemies of Ajaw Kan Ek', the Kowojs and their Itza patron, the
ruler of the north. They came with sixty armed men, and all were decorated with face paint and in full war regalia.
The visitors claimed that Avendano had sent them to pick up the vestments and other items that he had left packed in a chest at Chuntuki and
to take with them the friar who had been left in charge of them. This
priest, Fray Antonio de San Roman, was waiting in Chuntuki for some
word from Avendano, along with four Maya singers who had been left
behind. Avendano, who believed that these were the men whom AjKowoj
had sent to kill him, was enraged to learn that Garcia had welcomed them
with open arms, plying them with wine and aguardiente. Even worse, they
bore no message or personal messenger from Avendano, a sure sign, he
concluded, of their evil intentions. Shortly after the visitors arrived at
Chuntuki they departed, without explanation, leaving behind the chest of
vestments. The Kowoj and Chak'an Itza visitors had clearly been sizing
11
12
226
13
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
up the progress of the camino real and the extent of the Spanish military
threat. They must have had a lengthy conversation with Garcia de Paredes, who apparently learned from them that Avendano had written an
important "paper" at Nojpeten which the Spaniards should see.
Avendano's Kejach guides had left Nojpeten shortly after Avendano
fled there by night with Ajaw Kan Ek'. They arrived at the encampment
about the same time as the Chak'an Itza and Kowoj visitors, giving Garcia
their own version of the outcome of Avendano's mission. Before their
appearance, however, the captain had sent two Kejach messengers to the
lake to inquire after the friars. Reaching the lakeshore just after Avendano
left, they learned of the missionaries' precipitous departure. These couriers, especially if they were accompanied by Garcia's troops, could have
been the source of the uproar reported at Yalain while Avendano was
there waiting for a guide to take him to Tipuj. The Itzas gave the messengers Avendaiio's open letter, written on January 1 6 , and as soon as they
returned to the encampment, Fray Juan de San Buenaventura read it aloud
to the troops. So impressed was Fray Juan by Avendano's message of
success that he and his companion were now more eager than ever to
begin their own mission to Nojpeten.
Garcia de Paredes considered this news along with his new orders and
decided perhaps out of cowardice, a strong sense of survival, or even
illness to send one of his chief officers to deliver the indelicate demand
for submission to Ajaw Kan E k ' . He retreated back to Chuntuki while
awaiting word of the outcome. His chief officer, the Campechano Captain
Pedro de Zubiaur, took with him sixty musket-armed soldiers, including
some Sajkab'ch'en Mayas, forty Maya carriers, and two Franciscans
San Buenaventura and a lay brother, probably Tomas de Alcoser. At
Chuntuki, Garcia first learned of the ensuing disaster from a Sajkab'ch'en
musketeer and six other Mayas who, on February 3 , ran breathlessly into
his camp with the horrifying news that two days earlier they had escaped a
battle in which the rest of Zubiaur's party had been killed. Zubiaur himself dragged into camp the following day with the welcome news that the
fleeing Mayas had greatly exaggerated the casualties. The actual news,
nonetheless, was grim. Reconstructed from several sources, what happened was something like this:
On February 2, two armed Itza men, who said they were merely hunt- 227
ers coming in peace, had approached the troops and missionaries along
the road, striking up a conversation with them. Some days earlier, they
said, the Itzas had had a confrontation with some people from Guatemala
during which ten Spaniards and three Itzas had been killed. The "hunt14
15
16
17
18
19
Prelude to Conquest
ers," who were clearly spies, told the Spaniards that they were now about
eight leagues from the first Itza settlement, to which the party then proceeded. Either these men or other messengers brought Avendano's "open
letter" to Zubiaur along their route, which reassured them that the friar
was safe and well.
20
Once at the lakeshore they found at the port of Ch'ich' five or six
canoes. The town had been abandoned by B'atab' Tut, who had been forewarned of the size of the approaching army and the extent of its heavy artillery. A large number of canoes as many as three hundred by Zubiaur's
estimate soon approached the troops, carrying as many as two thousand men. San Buenaventura talked with some of the first to arrive, who
assured him that they came in peace, that they were friends of the Spaniards, and that they would protect them from harm. He in turn told them
that he was there to deliver an "message of peace to their king." While
these Itzas mixed among the visitors without incident, more canoes now
filled with armed men pulled up to the shore. Their passengers alighted
and began to load the troops' supplies into the canoes, informing them
that they intended to take one man in each canoe to Nojpeten to see their
ruler. The visitors were terrified. Nonetheless, San Buenaventura asked to
be put into a canoe with his lay brother companion and two of the soldiers. As many as a dozen more men were then forced bodily into the canoes, including one don Agustin de Sosa and the cacique of Sajkab'ch'en.
The Itzas grabbed two carriers from Tek'ax and beat them to death with
cudgels; their bodies were loaded onto another canoe. They beheaded
Sosa on the spot.
As the troops opened fire, the canoes quickly departed, paddling toward Nojpeten. As they left the shore Fray Juan called out to Zubiaur,
asking him to wait for them and saying, according to one account, "that
he [Fray Juan] would send lashed canoes [for the horses] so that they could
travel to the Peten." The witness went on to say that "having gone in
the said canoe about the distance of a pistol shot, the said two religious
wished to return, and they saw that the said Indians did not wish it. And
[when] the said declarant called to the said religious that they should come
back to shore, [Fray Juan] responded that the Indians did not wish it, that
they did not know what they would do with them." Zubiaur later intimated that San Buenaventura had been foolish in taking Avendano's open
letter as a green light for accepting the Itzas' invitation to get into the
canoes. He commented that the friar had paid no attention to its early
date January 16 or to "the context in which it had been written."
Zubiaur evidently remained cool even as he saw the friars, the captured
21
228
22
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
men, and the dead bodies of the Tek'ax carriers and the Spaniard being
paddled toward Nojpeten. He ordered his remaining men to regroup on
an open savannah a short distance from the shore the area behind and
immediately to the west of the beach at Ch'ich'. A large number of Itzas
two thousand of them, Zubiaur recalled when he arrived back at camp
followed them there and attempted to disarm them and force them, too,
into the canoes. During the commotion the Itzas captured another soldier,
Francisco de Campos, who tried to escape by firing his musket. Campos
was beheaded by his captors on the spot with a machete. Seeing what
was happening, the friars and the captives, now being paddled across the
lake, called out for help. By now those on shore could do nothing, for they
were under attack by Itza bowmen disembarking from canoes that had
been hidden in the mangroves along the beach. The archers appeared to
Zubiaur to number ten thousand. At some point during the confusion
Zubiaur sounded the first order to fire; thirty or forty Itzas were killed in
the ensuing mayhem.
23
Realizing the desperate situation of his outnumbered troops, Zubiaur

sounded the retreat, leaving the kidnapped victims to their fate. He returned with his party to the base camp two days away without waiting to
learn what happened to them. The seven Mayas who had first broken the
news to Garcia had escaped during the onset of the battle. As they ran
away they heard the drum and bugle sound, but not a single gunshot. All
of their companions, they assumed, were being massacred.
The road openers now worked overtime to reach the lake. Less than a
month after this encounter another party arrived at the lakeshore armed
with artillery pieces in addition to muskets. Their reported purpose was to
pilfer maize from the milpas adjacent to the lake, but the racket they made
as they cleared the last stretch of road in order to move the heavy weapons
alerted the population well in advance. Not surprisingly, as they neared
the lakeshore they saw "a great many canoes of Indians." The panicky
troops, seeing that the Itzas "gave no signs of peace," fired their artillery
pieces and some muskets. None of those in the canoes was reported killed,
but four were captured. The rest retreated for some distance and raised a
white flag. Some of them shortly returned and approached the Spaniards,
who presented them with knives and machetes. The Spaniards asked
about San Buenaventura and the others who had been taken. Pretending
at first that they knew nothing, the Itzas "finally answered that they had
been thrown out in the direction o f . . . T i p u . "
24
Ursua's immediate response was to recruit one hundred new Spanish

and pardo troops to be led by Bartolome de la Garma. He had authorized
229
Prelude
to
Conquest
these troops in December, but now he realized that Garcia needed reinforcements at once. Only about thirty of these men, who left Campeche in
March, reached their destination; the other seventy mutinied near Tzuktok', returning to their homes in Campeche. The instigator of the mutiny
was later said to have been one of the officers, Alferez Juan de Baizabal.
He and the other "principal contrivers" were punished by means left
unspecified under Ursua's orders. The mutiny was the result of fear
generated by well-publicized, increasingly inflated reports of the ferocity
and numbers of the Itzas whom they would ultimately have to face.
Ursua wrote later that the two Franciscans and their dozen Spanish and
Maya companions taken to Nojpeten had all been killed. AjChan, in
later testimony, also confirmed the murder of the Franciscans. Although
these assertions hardly constituted proof, the friars never appeared again,
and their bones were reportedly discovered following the conquest. These
two men the only ones in Garcia de Paredes's party who actually delivered a message of peace seem to have been the first Franciscans martyred at Nojpeten since Delgado's violent death there in 1 6 2 3 , seventythree years earlier.
25
26
27
28
29
AjChan Deserts the Spaniards

As these events unfolded, AjChan and his Itza companions set off once
again for Tipuj in mid-January 1696, following their staged reception and
baptisms in Merida. Their initial "escort" consisted of only twelve Spanish
soldiers commanded by the Bacalar alcalde, Francisco de Hariza, and
ten secular priests under the leadership of Bachiller Gaspar de Giiemes.
With muleteers and supplies requisitioned from various Yucatecan towns
and villages, they retraced the footsteps of the original "embassy," traveling via Chamuxub', Chunjujub', and the old location of Salamanca de Bacalar and arriving at Tipuj sometime later that month. Now Hariza and
the priests learned of Avendano's forced departure from Nojpeten but
they stuck by their intention to accompany AjChan to present Ajaw Kan
Ek' with Ursua's demand for peaceful submission. (The secular priests, despite their prior complaints about the Franciscans' missions to Nojpeten,
gave scarcely a moment's thought to visiting Ajaw Kan Ek' themselves.) At
some point, perhaps before he arrived at Tipuj, Hariza sent a Bacalareno,
Pedro de Mantilla, to deliver Ursua's letter and some gifts to Ajaw Kan Ek'
at Nojpeten.
30
31
32
\io
33
These plans ground to a halt when, a few days after their arrival,
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
AjChan (and, we may suppose, the kinsmen who had come with him) ran
away from Tipuj. Hariza and the priests decided that it was now too
dangerous to make the journey to Nojpeten on their own, and Giiemes
concluded that the priests should limit their missionizing activities to the
Tipuj area. In less than two months Giiemes and seven of his companions
returned to Yucatan, claiming illness and leaving only two behind.
34
AjChan was not seen again until March 1 0 , 1 6 9 7 , when he appeared at

Ursua's camp on the western end of Lago Peten Itza, only three days
before the Spaniards stormed Nojpeten. There Ursua questioned him
about the circumstances of his sudden departure from Tipuj. His "testimony," the circumstances of which are discussed in chapter 1 1 , was paraphrased and possibly corrupted by Ursua, but some of his statements
contain compelling and highly plausible details about the situation in
which he had found himself at Tipuj. Ursua's reconstruction of his testimony (which I quote showing Ursua's voice in italics) reported that two
weeks after AjChan arrived there, the cacique of Tipuj, named Sima, said
to him, "What are you doing here? Why don't you go, [because] they will
cut off your head?"
Asked what cause or motive the cacique Sima had to say that they
would cut off his head and to tell him that he should run away or
go, he said that:
The cacique Sima told him that on the peten they had caused injury and death to the Spaniards, and that [he] answered him that he
had not been there and that he was not guilty.
Asked how it was that, not being guilty, and having received
such news, he fled, he said that:
The same cacique frightened him and was the cause of his running away.
35
Sima knew full well that as soon as Hariza learned of the Itzas' murders
and kidnappings at Ch'ich' on February 2,, he would accuse AjChan of
having falsified or misrepresented himself in Merida. AjChan did the only
thing he could do under the circumstances escape from Tipuj as quickly
as possible. He went on to report that after leaving Tipuj he went home to
Yalain, where he learned that other leaders had joined in armed opposition
to Ajaw Kan Ek'. At that point he went into temporary hiding, continuing
to fear, with good reason, that enemies of Ajaw Kan Ek' would kill him.
Although AjChan's desertion stimulated a flurry of speculation and
accusations in Yucatecan circles that he was a false ambassador, all available evidence suggests that this was not the case. AjChan was a man
231
Prelude to Conquest
caught between historical events over which he had, temporarily at least,

lost control. We shall meet him again in subsequent chapters when, after a
brief resurfacing of his interest in the Spanish cause, he finally deserted the
conquerors in earnest, becoming a leader of independent resistance forces
in southern Belize.
Guatemalans Return to Lago Peten Itza

The only secure result of the ambitious Guatemalan entradas of early
1695 had been the "reduction" of Sakb'ajlan, which President Jacinto de
Barrios Leal and his Dominican friars renamed Nuestra Seriora de los
Dolores del Lacandon. There, before he departed, Barrios built a fortification, armed it with a squadron of thirty troops, and left the Dominican
Fray Diego de Rivas and his assistants in charge of converting the Choi
Lakandons. During the months that followed, the Dominicans managed
to baptize several hundred persons and to make contact with other, neighboring Choi Lakandons.
Barrios himself tried to come to terms with Juan Diaz de Velasco's
much-criticized retreat from his first armed encounters with the Itzas in
April. The Guatemalans, apparently unaware of Ursua's personal contacts with Ajaw Kan Ek', began during the second half of 1695
P
second entrada to Lago Peten Itza. Armed with support from the viceroy
of New Spain and a new royal decree congratulating him for his contributions to the Yucatan-Guatemala road project, Barrios wrote to Ursua on
October 26, 1 6 9 5 ,
intended to recruit an additional 250 men
to take up the unfinished tasks of the previous entradas. One hundred of
these would travel via Huehuetenango in order to continue reductions
around Dolores del Lacandon. The rest would pursue a route through
Verapaz and Mopan territory with the goal of proceeding toward Lago
Peten Itza and reducing "the numerous nations that are on the said lake."
The departure of the new forces was scheduled for early January 1696.
Barrios who, unlike Ursiia, always sought interprovincial cooperation encouraged the Yucatecan governor to set out at the same time and
asked Ursiia to send him three or four persons who could serve as interpreters in Mopan and Itza territory.
36
t 0
t n a t n e
in
i a n
37
Ursiia, however, wanted the Itzas for himself. The slow mails between
the two provinces prevented either party from knowing exactly what the
other was doing, but both Ursiia and the Guatemalans were aware of each
other's general strategy and moved hastily to accomplish the ultimate task
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
of Itza "pacification." The ailing and exhausted President Barrios died on

November 1 2 . Oidor Joseph de Escals, who had governed Guatemala during Barrios's first expedition, assumed acting control of the government.
The Guatemalan audiencia named Oidor Bartolome de Amesqueta to lead
the Verapaz entrada and Jacobo de Alzayaga, a regidor of Santiago de
Guatemala, to serve as military chief of the troops destined for Dolores.
Amesqueta, a level-headed, experienced, and intelligent civil servant, was
to join Captain Diaz de Velasco at Mopan, where the core of the troops
that had retreated from Lago Peten Itza had been camped for nearly a
year.
38
39
Despite the hope for dry weather, Amesqueta and his troops and carriers suffered torrential rains on their thirteen-day journey from Cahabon
through Choi territory to the town of Mopan, where they arrived on
February 2 5 , 1696, only three weeks after the Yucatecan debacle on the
shores of Lago Peten Itza. No news had yet reached them of these events.
Short of supplies owing to difficulties in recruiting Verapaz native carriers
for the dangerous mission, Amesqueta found himself able to proceed only
slowly. Twenty-five of his soldiers fell ill at their base camp at Mopan. He
realized that it would be some time before he could lead his troops on to
the lake.
Perhaps trying to recover his reputation after his embarrassing retreat
the previous April, Captain Diaz thereupon volunteered, along with the
Dominican Fray Cristobal de Prada, to take twenty-five troops ahead to
the lake while Amesqueta waited for the supply train. Uncertain of the
wisdom of this option, Amesqueta sought advice in a general meeting.
Finally he agreed that Diaz, Fray Cristobal, and another Dominican, Fray
Jacinto de Vargas, should proceed to Lago Peten Itza. Their party departed Mopan on Ash Wednesday, March 7. On March 1 2 , having left
some ailing soldiers with supplies at the Savannah of San Pedro Martir,
they reached an advance road-clearing party of soldiers and native workers at Rio Chakal. From there the combined remaining healthy forces,
which included forty-nine soldiers and about thirty-four carriers and
archers from Saiama, Verapaz, struck out for the Itza lake. The military
men on this entrada were to serve merely as "escorts" for the Dominicans.
In addition to the missionaries, soldiers, and Verapaz Mayas, Diaz took
with him the Itza noble AjK'ixaw, who had been captured the previous
April and held prisoner in Santiago de Guatemala during the intervening
months. AjK'ixaw would be useful as an interpreter and advance scout as
they neared the lake. In addition, he was trusted to go on ahead to the lake
as an "ambassador" once they had passed six leagues beyond Chakal to a
40
233
Prelude
to
Conquest
place called IxB'ol, near the lakeshore. He had been well instructed by the
Dominicans "in all that he should say to his companions in order to pacify
them and to bring them to our holy Catholic faith." Also in their company was a Choi interpreter who spoke Mopan and could therefore communicate with the Itzas. Fray Cristobal spoke Choi as a result of years of
missionary work and understood a little Mopan as well.
41
In receipt of additional supplies back at Mopan, Amesqueta decided to

follow after Diaz's party in the company of Fray Agustin Cano and eight
or ten soldiers. He left on March 1 0 , hoping to hear news on the way of
AjK'ixaw's advance contact at Nojpeten, but when he arrived at Chakal a
week later no message had been received. On the twentieth he set off to
find Diaz's party himself, in company with thirty-six men. He took only
four days' supplies, for he was certain that he would find Diaz and his men
only six leagues along the road, waiting for AjK'ixaw's report. During two
days' travel, however, they covered more than eight leagues before finally
meeting up with some of the Saiama carriers, whom Diaz had left behind.
The heat was intense, and they slept the second night at the first Itza milpa
with no water other than what they carried.
On the third day of slow travel, passing signs of the missing party, they
finally reached Lago Peten Itza, "discovering in a short time three settlements, one on a large, very steep island, shaped almost like a sugar loaf,
completely covered with houses, and on the highest point a very large
one." Next to this large building were one or two smaller ones and a
"promontory like a tower." They saw a continuous settlement of houses
on the shore opposite the island and, in front of their stopping place, a
settlement of ten to twelve houses on a small island, behind which they
could see hills on the mainland. From where they first stood on the shore
of Ensenada San Pedro opposite present-day Islote Grande the main
island was about two leagues away, and the distance to the opposite shore
was about half a league. Further west they could see the broad opening
into the main lake, about half a league from the island.
42
43
44
45
234
Searching along the south shore of the lake, they again found signs that
Diaz and his companions had been there before them. They walked out on
the points of land that jutted into the lake, separating the inlets that scored
the shoreline; through the tall grass they spied about thirty small canoes,
ten of which followed them as they attempted to walk the shoreline toward the bay opposite the island. As one of these drew near, Amesqueta
called out to its occupants, "Quijan, Quijan, Padres, Capitan, Castilaguimic," the first terms K'ixaw's name and the last term his best approximation of the Itza word for Spaniards. The Itzas shouted something in reply,
46
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
which he could not understand, and then took off toward the main island,
calling before them as they paddled hurriedly on their way. Amesqueta,
presuming that they were going to notify Diaz and the others of his arrival,
led his men along the shore through thick vegetation and further signs of
the lost Spaniards: the tracks of mules and various discarded items such as
a leather bottle, mats and backcloths for the mules, saddlecloths, and bags
of maize. They stopped at another point of land, where they saw numerous canoes coming their way across the lake and other Itzas approaching them by land; these, however, came no closer than the opposite shore.
47
From here Amesqueta wrote to Diaz de Velasco informing him of his

arrival and promising reinforcements. Most of all he wanted to know
what had happened to them, what they had experienced, and whether
they had seen the "ahau or cacique who they affirm knows how to read
and write the Castilian language, because Kixan [AjK'ixaw] had said that
on the island there was a redheaded man, resembling Sergeant Rodolfo
Perez, who was a Castelaguinic or Castilian who had come from other
lands, who had come to the island, who had been married on it. He had
two sons and a book that he read, resembling the books of hours or days
that the Fathers carry. I hoped that this person was a Spaniard or a foreigner and that the cacique and he would read the letter." N o other reports
of the redheaded Spaniard or his breviary have been discovered or that
anyone at Nojpeten could speak and read Spanish.
48
One of the soldiers tossed the note with a piece of candy to the nearby
onlookers, one of whom who ran off with signs indicating that he would
deliver the message. Several Itzas then approached the Spaniards. One of
these had facial features like those of AjK'ixaw and, like him, was tattooed on his face, chest, and thighs. This man, probably a person of high
status, presented Amesqueta with two very large tortillas and three very
small pieces of tortilla. In return, Amesqueta gave him some beef jerky,
hardtack, and a knife. Struck by this man's friendliness, Amesqueta described their encounter in uncharacteristic detail: "He appeared to be very
affectionate to me, embracing me and kissing me on the neck and repeating many times, 'utspusical,' which, as the Lacandones taught us, is the
same as 'good heart.' With signs he asked for a machete, but I did not
want to give it to him. He indicated that he wanted to see a wide sword
that Felipe Diaz had, and upon seeing it halfway unsheathed exhibited
anger. He did the same when I pointed out some [musket] balls. He indicated that he was familiar with the musket. He did not wonder at the
horses, the mules, the bugles, or the chests."
49
50
51
Some of the soldiers presented other Itzas with small gifts, which were
235
Prelude to Conquest
reciprocated by a man who passed out posole from a calabash container.

The Itzas, pointing to the island and saying, "Ajaw, Ajaw," insisted that
they wanted the Spaniards to go with them in canoes, most of which
would carry only three or four persons. Placing their hands on their
chests, they again communicated that "their heart was g o o d . " With
further signs they tempted the visitors with promises of food even turkeysonce they arrived on the island. The canoes, however, were at
some distance from the inlet where they were standing, and the Itzas
showed them a path they would have to take to the spot where they would
embark.
52
53
54
This group soon left, apparently to recruit help. Four of them soon
approached from the distance, insisting upon their arrival that they clear
the path to the port ahead, using the Spaniards' machetes, so that they
could take them in their canoes to the island. Refusing to loan them the
machetes in fear that they would run off with them, the Spaniards repeated the words that described their lost companions, adding this time
for good measure the term "Cristianos." Some of the Itzas pointed to the
island, while others seemed not to understand the questions. When the
officer Ramon Diaz asked one of the Itzas where the captain and priests
were, the Itza became enraged and refused to respond.
Amesqueta directed his questions to the man who had earlier fed
and embraced him, who in response said, "Kuman, kuman." At the time
Amesqueta did not understand these words, but Fray Agustin Cano later
told him that AjK'ixaw had said the previous year that any Spaniards who
went to the island would be killed in the kuman. Cano did not know the
meaning of the word, but after consulting with other priests who knew
Maya languages, he concluded that it meant "palisade of small stakes."
Amesqueta and Cano did not know that many years earlier, in 1 6 2 3 ,
Bernardino Ek' and his Yucatee Maya companions were imprisoned in a
similar stockade at Nojpeten in preparation for their murder.
55
Officer Tomas de Acevedo recalled later that one of this group appeared different from the others, "because he had curls and a sleeveless
cotton shirt without designs like those of the others, and his ears were not
pierced like those of the others; he was only in rags. One of the apparently destitute man's companions was a Mopan who had accompanied
Diaz de Velasco's party as a "soldier" the year before. Acevedo seemed to
think that both men were Mopans and that they were trying to communicate to the Spaniards that the Itzas were up to no good.
56
236
By this time the Itzas had brought their canoes to the beach where the
visitors stood, but Amesqueta, suspicious of their intentions, ordered his
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
men not to enter them. Writing later about the situation, he recalled a
passage in Remesal's history of Guatemala describing what the Lakandons had done, "bringing only their small canoes, hiding the large ones
when they intended to kill the Spaniards who were embarked in them."
He also remembered learning from Cano that AjK'ixaw had told him the
Itzas had canoes capable of transporting forty men but none of these
were in view now. He even recalled reading somewhere that the Jicaques
had killed some Franciscans who got into their canoes. His vision of the
fate of Diaz's hapless party began to come into focus.
57
AjK'ixaw, he surmised in his later assessment, had turned traitor, notifying the Itzas that now was the chance to capture the visiting Guatemalans. All the Spaniards must have embarked in the Itzas' small canoes,
thinking they were being taken to the island. Perhaps in the middle of the
lake the Itzas had overturned the canoes, forcing the thrashing victims
into their large canoes and killing any who tried to escape. In another
scenario, Amesqueta imagined they were all taken safely to the island but
were there attacked and killed while ascending a steep street from the
shore. Or they might have been forced into the stockade, unable to escape,
with armed Itzas all around them. Even at the time it had occurred to him
and some of the others that this island might not be "the peten" but a place
called Petenja, and that the main island was some distance beyond. In his
wildest hopes he imagined that the lost party had battled the Itzas and
retreated along the lakeshore to Tipuj, which he supposed was not far
away. In any event, he was all but certain that his lost men were neither
free nor alive on the island, "because being well received on the island and
not to come to see us or to travel to us appeared totally impossible." His
men, he wrote, had played their bugles and drums continuously, but there
was no indication that their companions heard them.
Amesqueta had written his letter at eleven o'clock in the morning and
sent another at one o'clock. He waited until six in the evening but received
no reply. While he waited he came to realize that he and his men were
incapable of taking any action. Without canoes or rafts and nothing
with which to make them they could not venture on their own to the
island. They had no interpreters, and their food supplies would soon run
out. The Itzas could set fire to the area where they were encamped. There
was no choice but to leave without confirming the fate of Juan Diaz de
Velasco, the Dominicans Fray Cristobal de Prada and Fray Jacinto de
Vargas, and the others, even though "to return without knowing about
those for whom I searched caused me no little anguish."
He left the lakeshore as nightfall approached, moving his party to a
58
59
in
Prelude
to
Conquest
small hill about half a league away. They waited there until about two
o'clock in the morning, aware that they were being closely watched but
still hoping for a reply to Amesqueta's letter. At two in the morning, taking
advantage of the cool night air, they began their retreat with the light of
the moon and five torches. On the afternoon of Sunday, March 2,5, they
arrived back at Chakal. Over the next six days Amesqueta prepared a
long, detailed report to Jose de Escals concerning the disturbing events of
the past two weeks. Convinced that he neither could nor should attempt
an armed attack against the Itzas in order to rescue the lost party, he
emphasized that he "came not with the authority to wage war, to invade,
or to undertake [anything] against the Indians but only to serve as an
escort, with my men, for the religious. And if those, or my men, or the
Christian Indians, or whoever, had actually been invaded by the pagans, I
would certainly have used the arms entrusted in me in order to stop them
and free [those who were attacked], if I could, from the difficulty and
actual danger in which they found themselves."
60
He was still reasonably convinced, however, that Diaz and the others
had already been killed, and that any rescue mission would result only in
disastrous warfare. Citing the ninth law of the Recopilacion de las Indias,
he rationalized his position legally by citing the requirement that any
formal, open war against native populations must be preceded by notification to the Council of the Indies. He also cited the same impediments
against the success of such an attack that had caused him to retreat from
the lake in the first place: the difficulty, even futility, of trying to construct
canoes and rafts to cross to the island; the lack of interpreters; the insufficient number of his troops; the lack of sufficient firearms; the danger of
counterattacks by the Itzas on the island; and the problems caused by the
carriers from Verapaz who ran away every time they approached Itza
territory. The situation that he described appeared hopeless; in his view
any imminent invasion of Nojpeten would be foolhardy and impractical.
238
Fray Agustin Cano, who remained with Amesqueta at Chakal now

christened San Joaquin de Chakal agreed that there was no point in
returning to the Itzas' lake. Equally convinced that "we have strong indications that they killed all of them with some great treachery and perfidy
as is their custom and as those of this Ah Itza nation have done on other
occasions," he commented dryly that "these Indians are not of a disposition to hear the word of the holy gospel." Besides, their only Itza interpreters were presumed dead, and the soldiers at Chakal were sick and incapable of mounting another entrada. The only immediate course of action,
Cano concluded, was to retreat to their base camp at San Pedro Martir.
61
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
At Chakal the troops were nervous, convinced that they were surrounded by unseen Itza spies. Soldiers in charge of a supply train traveling
from San Pedro Martir to Chakal heard voices and whistles at four o'clock
in the morning on April 6. Although believing these to be "Indians," they
could see no one in the dark forest, On the nights of the sixth and
seventh the sentinels at Chakal heard people in the forest around their
camp. They became increasingly anxious and, worried about an Itza ambush, sat awake all the night of the seventh with loaded muskets in their
hands. Toward daybreak the sounds in the bush intensified, and in the
distance they heard them "play instruments like trumpets." The sentinels
began to shoot their muskets in order to frighten off the potential attackers. Soon the soldiers were arranged in military formation, and the
musicians started beating their drums and playing their bugles. No attack
was forthcoming, but Amesqueta realized that the dense jungles around
Chakal "serving them like a wall" provided a military advantage for
the guerrilla techniques of the enemy archers who, unlike the awkward,
heavily clothed Spaniards, slithered through the forest "like snakes," nude
except for their loincloths. The muskets were all but useless except for
long-distance shooting, in contrast to the efficient arrows of the Itzas.
Amesqueta was particularly worried about reports that his supply
camp at San Pedro Martir, with its palm-thatched storehouses, might be
attacked and burned. He did not trust the Mopans at San Pedro, or those
who lived in the surrounding hamlets, because they "are like subjects or
dependents of the Petenes and Ah Itzas, all of whom can (if God allows it)
rob us of the relief of our provisions with great ease or inundate us with
their multitude (and this is what they say)." To make matters worse, heavy
rains were turning San Pedro Martir into a swamp. His mules at Chakal
were dying from rattlesnake bites, and most of his soldiers were sick.
As if these trials were not enough to justify abandoning Chakal, Amesqueta cited still more reasons for giving up any effort to stay there and try
to mount a serious rescue mission. He was under the impression that
Ursua had decided not to attempt another entrada from Yucatan toward
Lago Peten Itza in January. The last letter that he had seen from Ursua had
been written in December, before AjChan visited Merida. Unaware of
subsequent events, he believed that no one else had recently visited Lago
Peten Itza. Furthermore, confused sign-language communications with 2*9
Itzas at the lakeside led him and his soldiers to believe that the lake had
two major islands, one occupied by "Petenes" and the other, reputed to be
much larger, by "Ah Itzaes." The latter was said to be called "Nojpeten,"
or "large island." Although we know that this intelligence was incorrect
62
63
64
65
Prelude
to
Conquest
there was only one large island the prospect of an even larger armed Itza
island further fueled the fears of the men camped at Chakal.
On April 9 Amesqueta and his men abandoned ChakaL During their
retreat they were struck by a severe hurricane, and heavy rainstorms
pelted the pathetic train of sick and dying men all the way to San Pedro
Martir. They arrived at the supply camp on Friday the thirteenth. There,
on a savannah only nine leagues north of Mopan, Amesqueta would
maintain his military base for the next several months.
His first actions at this new camp were to send out two small squadrons
from Mopan, accompanied by friars, to explore the territory and to search
out and bring back Mopans from the surrounding countryside. He hoped
to use some of these as future interpreters. Finding that all the Mopans
had fled deep into the bush in fear of the troops, he succeeded in rounding
up no one. Amesqueta also sent out don Juan de Avendano to find the
Christian cacique of the Choi town of Chok Ajaw and a baptized man
from Xokmo named Juan Kej, in the hope that they would take a letter to
the "ahau of the Petenes." He hoped this way to learn what had happened
to the lost men. The cacique, unimpressed with the gifts offered him, said
that Juan Kej had run away. Kej was eventually induced to go to Mopan,
but he refused to carry out the mission to Nojpeten.
66
67
68
Over the next few weeks Amesqueta continued his modest efforts to
find a local interpreter who could be persuaded to carry a letter to the
Itzas he was still convinced that someone among them could read Spanishor to accompany a squadron sent out to capture some "Peten or Ah
Itza" from whom they could learn the fate of the lost party. He understood that the local Chols all spoke Mopan, but his efforts to bring in the
"ahaus" of towns called Chok Ajaw, AjMay, Manche, and IxB'ol ended in
failure. Now still worried about being surrounded by hidden, uncooperative natives and despairing of ever learning the fate of his lost men he
wondered whether his troops' slow progress in constructing a fortification
at San Pedro Martir was worth the trouble.
69
During his first week at San Pedro, Amesqueta finally learned from the
new Guatemalan president, Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, of AjChan's December visit to Merida and his offering the Itza ruler's crown to Ursua.
This new information left Amesqueta more muddled than ever about the
tragic events. Isolated at San Pedro Martir, he attempted, without much
success, to reconstruct the contradictory information now at his disposal.
He supposed that the dramatic gesture of conciliation by Ajaw Kan Ek'
was due to fear of the Spaniards and the realization that warfare with
70
240
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
them would be futile, or that God had inspired him to accept a peaceful
resolution.
But then why would Ajaw Kan Ek' have murdered the Guatemalans,
when he must have realized that they were Christians just like "those of
Campeche"? His answer to this self-imposed question, while unsatisfactory, revealed Amesqueta's inquiring intellect at work:
Even though we concede that it is not known that all are vassals of
one king, what is known very well are the many ladinos and allies
that they have, especially the Spaniard or foreigner who is among
them, who Kixan said resembled Rodolfo Perez. This is added to
what Kixan knew very well: that many of our people entered
through Lacandon territory. And it is also clear to us that [Ajaw
Kan Ek'] presumed that those whom I took with me were many
more. From which the resulting difficulty can be inferred: that on
one side being conquered, and on the other such a force coming
against him, they ventured on such a great atrocity as to kill or capture all of our men, without anyone escaping.
71
Amesqueta thus reasoned that Ajaw Kan Ek' might have been only one
of several rulers around Lago Peten Itza and that someone among his
advisers and allies was a Spanish speaker who had provided good intelligence during the last months of increasing Spanish activities on the Itzas'
borders. The only reason Ajaw Kan Ek' chose violence against the Guatemalans was his fear of violent attack from the south. Amesqueta was still
puzzled about why the Yucatecans had not followed up on AjChan's
message of submission by marching directly to the lake to demand the
ruler's fulfillment of these terms. Had he known that they had in fact done
so only a few weeks before the Diaz de Velasco tragedy, and that the
results very nearly mirrored those experienced by the Guatemalans, his
confusion would have been even deeper.
By repeating the report of the redhead at Nojpeten, Amesqueta revealed his continuing belief that some European had to be assisting Ajaw
Kan Ek' in developing his defense strategy. A well-read man, Amesqueta
must have been thinking of the parallel story of Gonzalo Guerrero, the
Spaniard shipwrecked near Cozumel about 1 5 1 1 . At first held prisoner, he
later adopted Maya culture wholeheartedly, taking a Maya wife with 241
whom he had children and adopting Maya dress and body decoration.
Guerrero was famous for the purported "fact" the evidence was only
circumstantial that he ultimately became a nakom, or military chief, to
Prelude to Conquest
the cacique of Chetumal. It was Guerrero's knowledge of Spanish military

tactics, contemporaneous observers claimed, that enabled Chetumal to
repel Francisco de Montejo's first attempt to conquer that town.
The mysterious redhead, too, was said to be married to a Maya woman
with whom he had children. He was also a close adviser to Ajaw Kan Ek',
whom he may have taught the Spanish language, He carried about something resembling a priest's breviary but who knows what this little book
might have contained. The implication, however, was clear to Amesqueta:
Ajaw Kan Ek' had direct advice from a traitorous Spaniard or some other
enemy European, and this made him a much more dangerous and unpredictable enemy than he would have been if he were a simple pagan lord
awaiting his first encounter with the Christian Spanish Crown. The myth
of the redhead added depth and mystery to an already puzzling situation.
But most of all it provided meaning and sense to what appeared to be a
senseless, meaningless tragedy.
72
Both Amesqueta and Fray Agustin Cano found themselves helpless

to accomplish anything at their disease-ridden, rat-infested camp at San
Pedro Martir. Surrounded by uncooperative Mopans and Chols, and unable to find interpreters willing to risk their lives by visiting Ajaw Kan Ek'
directly, they saw no point in remaining there and continuing to build a
fort. Cano himself recommended that the Chols be relocated en masse
to Belen in Alta Verapaz, near Rabinal, so difficult was it to administer
missions in the area. This unfortunate recommendation was accepted
wholeheartedly by Sanchez de Berrospe, who by May 1696 had ordered
that the presidio at San Pedro Martir be abandoned.
73
74
75
Amesqueta did dismantle the presidio, and at about the same time the
president ordered the withdrawal of the Dominican missions among the
Chols and their resettlement to Verapaz. The most vocal of Sanchez's opponents was the oidor Jose de Escals, who on June 1 3 , 1 6 9 7 , registered his
outrage in a letter to the Crown. The removal of the Chols, he claimed, was
one of the most horrifying and abominable atrocities that has been
heard of, inasmuch as he made many people enter the forests with,
lassos, and upon discovering any Indian they lassoed him, and thus
tied up they took them away, dragging them, but due to the great
horror and fear that they caused they succeeded in performing this
cruelty on only two hundred Indians, because the others, intimidated, hid themselves in the innumerable, most concealed caves.
They moved from one nation to another until reaching Tipu, a
pagan nation adjoining Bacalar of Campeche, and they left all of
Itza-Spanish
Warfare
the lands of the Chols deserted. Most of the few that they took
away died, and among those who experienced this wretched fortune was Domingo Cante, the principal cacique of the Chols, whom
in every entrada we had regaled with gifts, dealt with kindly, and
treated with great affection, because with his reduction the major
goal that of attracting the others had been achieved, and a town
had already been formed where he held watch, and by this means
we would have succeeded in settling all of the Chols in towns.
76
When this reduction began is not known, but it must have been during the
first of the dry season in late 1696. Amesqueta himself later condemned
the cruelty of the Choi removal to Belen in harsh terms.
While Amesqueta was beginning his trip into Peten in February, the
Guatemalans who had proceeded to Dolores del Lacandon were busy
resettling and baptizing the Choi Lakandon population in that area.
Quickly meeting with success, Captain Jacobo de Alzayaga and the two
vigorous Mercederian priests who had accompanied him Fray Diego de
Rivas and Fray Antonio Margil decided to try to reach the Itzas' lake on
their own. They departed for the Rio Pasion on March 3 in five large
canoes with an escort of 1 5 0 heavily armed soldiers and an unknown
number of native guides. By the seventeenth they had paddled some ninety
leagues and believed that they were nearing Itza territory. They ultimately reached as far as the savannah to the southeast of Lago Peten Itza
but, for unknown reasons, decided to turn back. Had they actually
followed Diaz's footsteps, they too would probably have perished.
77
78
79
Ursua Inherits the Conquest

President Sanchez de Berrospe had received Amesqueta's report on the
Diaz de Velasco disaster upon his arrival in the capital to assume office. He
quickly called a war council at which a joint decision was reached that
Amesqueta should remain at the Mopan presidio with his troops until the
onset of the rainy season. Sanchez reported all of this to Ursua, requesting
details of the route he planned to follow from Yucatan and his specific
strategies. Although he did so in the context of coordinating the Guatemalans' plans with those of the Yucatecans, he asked Ursiia to consider
whether it might be best for the Guatemalans to suspend their military
efforts altogether. Without waiting for a reply, Sanchez almost immediately issued an order for the abandonment of the San Pedro Martir
80
243
Prelude to Conquest
presidio, and with this retreat he closed the first chapter of Guatemala's
participation in the conquest.
Ursua now had a clear mandate to complete the Itza "pacification"
single-handedly. He quickly responded to an earlier request by the nowdeceased President Barrios for interpreters, sending three Franciscans directly to Guatemala. These friars had their own ideas about their mission
and notified Sanchez that they wished to go immediately to Itza territory to search for the lost Guatemalan party. Their leader, Fray Domingo
Lopez, argued that he and his companions knew the Itzas' language and
way of life well, having lived in the forests for extended periods. Sanchez,
perhaps responding to sudden new Dominican or Mercederian interests in
the Itza conversions, refused to grant the Franciscans license for the undertaking, and they returned "with great sorrow" to Yucatan.
81
Ursua and his second-in-command, Garcia de Paredes, may have postponed revealing the news of the presumed Guatemalan massacre to their
chief officers on the camino real. In depositions given by several officers
on August 2,6, 1696, four months after the event, neither the questions
framed by Ursiia nor the officers' responses provide any hint that the latter
were aware of the Guatemalans' reports. One officer, Captain Pedro de
Zubiaur Isasi, did know of a conflict between the Guatemalans and the
Itzas, but he framed it only in the context of the road from Guatemala to
Lago Peten Itza, which Ursiia claimed had been completed. He confirmed
that he knew that the southern portion of the road had been completed,
"because some of the Indians from the lake told this declarant by means of
the Maya language (which is that which they use), that there had been
cattle on the other side, and that they had fought with the people of
Guatemala, and that they killed nine Spaniards and [that the Spaniards
killed] seven Indians, and that from where they live the road to Guatemala
will be in midday [southerly] position."
82
244
The number of Spanish casualties he reported was far smaller than the
figure reported more reliably from the field. Perhaps the official transcript
of Zubiaur's testimony was censored to make it appear that the number of
deaths was small or perhaps the Itza informant had lied. In any event, it
appears that Ursiia withheld information about the massacre in order not
to frighten the troops, carriers, and road workers. Once they were at the
lakeside, about to attack Nojpeten, it would be safe, and even beneficial,
for him to reveal the details. By that time the attack would be inevitable,
and last-minute news about the "savagery" of the enemy would boost
morale and fighting spirit.
chapter
ten
THE COSTS OF THE

CAMINO REAL
TThe
Itza attacks on Yucatecans in February

1696 and on Guatemalans the following April contributed to intense political conflict in Merida over Ursua's increasing determination to strike a
final blow against the Itzas. Soberanis, who returned to office in June,
soon embarked on an all-out effort to discredit the project and even to
terminate it. Threatened by Ursua's domineering presence in Campeche,
he even sought to have him bodily removed from the peninsula. The issue
of Ursua's right to remain and to continue the project was debated by the
Audiencia of Mexico, and ultimately the Council of the Indies ruled in his
favor. Amidst these altercations the secular clergy and the Franciscans
continued to quarrel over their respective rights to missionize Kejach and
Itza territories.
Nevertheless, the camino real continued to progress toward Lago Peten
Itza, and by September it touched the lakeshore. The operations were
massive in scale, involving large sums of money and many hundreds of
people: road workers, muleteers, soldiers, specialized craftsmen, a physician, and cooks. Working conditions were arduous and dangerous in the
hot, tropical forests, and many people died, only to be replaced by others
who were strong-armed into serving on the dreaded road. Maya villagers
of Yucatan were the most oppressed, for they were given the most backbreaking tasks and were paid the least. Suffering in a different way, but
perhaps no less, were the hundreds of forest Mayas those known as
Kejaches who had been herded into the "mission" towns and placed
under military guard.
As the camino real moved relentlessly forward during the second half
of 1696 and the first weeks of 1697, little was heard from the Itzas themselves, who were in the midst of their own internal struggle for power. So
great was the political chaos among the Itzas that their leaders found
themselves unable to prepare an effective allied defense against the ap-
Prelude
to
Conquest
proaching forces of destruction. As the inevitability of attack became

more and more apparent, however, a sense of foreboding an anticipation that it would soon be over possessed Nojpeten and the rest of the
lake area population.
Ursua Versus Soberanis

Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, who had been excommunicated
by Bishop Juan Cano y Sandoval in 1694, had waited out the investigation
of the charges against him in Mexico City throughout the following year.
Bishop Cano died on February 2 0 , 1 6 9 5 , d
province of Yucatan was
without a bishop until November 1 3 , 1696, when an Augustinian, Fray
Antonio de Arriaga, at last assumed the office. In the meantime the church
in Yucatan was governed as a "vacant see" by the cabildo of the Merida
cathedral, whose members were the secular clergy. During this period the
secular church authorities apparently posed no opposition to Soberanis's
pending exoneration, but they worked long and hard to gain as many
favors as possible from Ursua while he still served as governor. The most
important of these, which they attempted to seal during AjChan's visit
to Merida, had been Ursua's tacit support of their side in the secularFranciscan battle over the status of future missions among the Itzas.
a n
t n e
On February 1 0 , 1696, Soberanis was at last absolved by the Inquisition Office. He had begun the process of returning to Yucatan as early
as November, but the viceroy, Gaspar de Sandoval, Count of Galve, had
placed everything on hold until the absolution was official and and he
could decide what to do about Ursua. Before and even after Soberanis's
return to Yucatan on June 23, the viceroy, his fiscal or legal adviser,
and the audiencia members struggled with the specter of the administrative chaos that might result from Ursua's continued presence in Yucatan
following his replacement by Soberanis as governor. This was a highly
charged debate, fueled by petitions that Soberanis submitted in late 1695
requesting authorization to return to Yucatan immediately and take over
the camino real project from Ursiia, who should be forced to leave upon
his arrival. The viceroy and his closest advisers were sympathetic to Ursua, and a series of edicts were issued from Mexico City that delayed
Soberanis's return to office while giving Ursua more time to extend the
road and firm up his control over the project.
2
246
In January the audiencia advised the viceroy that because Ursiia was
nearing completion of his operation he should be able to finish it by the
Costs of the Camino
Real
time Soberanis arrived to take over the government. If he did not manage
to do so, then Soberanis would be expected to take over the project at his
own cost, while Ursua would have to leave the camino real via Guatemala
and not return to Yucatan. The fiscal, however, offered the counter recommendation that Ursua be allowed to finish the task of converting all the
inhabitants along the camino real and that Soberanis be ordered to cooperate with him. After all, he had already achieved major successes, most
notably the Itza messenger's arrival in Merida and the completion of so
much of the road. Whichever resolution the viceroy adopted, it was likely
to be difficult to execute, because Ursiia had numerous relatives and political supporters in Yucatan, particularly in Campeche. Whether the younger
and politically weaker Soberanis would be able to govern under such
circumstances remained an open question.
In support of his case for finishing the project himself, Ursiia and his
agents prepared a plethora of documentation for the viceroy and the audiencia members. One of the first of these documents contained certified
accounts that by late January he had already spent 1 2 , 4 1 5 pesos of his
own (and, according to his own later claims, his wife's) money on troop
salaries, payments to Maya road workers, mules and muleteers, gunpowder and lead, food and wine, and gifts of cloth, ribbon, and beads for
the forest Mayas.
The viceroy issued his decision on February 10. If, when Soberanis
reassumed the governorship, Ursiia had not completed "this operation,"
Ursiia would be required to take himself immediately down the camino
real and continue extending the road through the end of March. At that
time, whether or not the road was completed he was to return to Campeche immediately, without stopping along the road, and to depart from the
province without visiting Merida. Alternatively, he could leave the camino
real directly via "the road from Guatemala" although, in reality, no such
road existed. Soberanis was to offer Ursiia full cooperation within these
limitations. The lowest blow of all to Ursua's pride must have been the
viceroy's instructions that Juan del Castillo y Toledo would be placed in
charge of the project upon Ursua's departure.
Ursiia could not accept these restrictions, regardless of the authority
behind them. Time was on his side, and the viceroy delayed in allowing
Soberanis to return to Yucatan. Ursua's agent in Mexico, his brother 247
Francisco de Ursiia, argued that the allotted time limit was too short. The
viceroy's fiscal, Baltasar de Tovar, who favored Ursua's cause, recommended that Ursiia be allowed to remain in Tabasco or Chiapas until the
project was completed, without returning to Yucatan. On May 4 the
5
10
Prelude
to
Conquest
viceroy relented, impressed in particular by claims that the camino real

had reached within eight leagues of the lake. He ordered that Ursiia be
allowed to follow the project to its conclusion. Ursiia would not, however,
be permitted to remain in Campeche but was to move to Ciudad Real in
Chiapas or, of all places, the Guatemalan-governed Lakandon reduction
town of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores (Sakb'ajlan). As an afterthought he
added the possibility that Ursua could retain his present military headquarters at Tzuktok'. Finally, in what at first glance appeared to be a
major victory for the Franciscans, he ordered that they be given the right
to instruct the "infidel Indians," adding the nicety that children were not
to be baptized against their will nor the adults baptized until they were
fully catechized. This last order, however, appears to have been ignored
except in the case of the already missionized Kejach towns.
11
The viceroy was apparently unaware that communications between

either Ciudad Real or Dolores and the existing camino real were nonexistent. The geography of the area was a mystery to officials in Mexico City,
who were apparently still under the impression that Ursua's road was
leading to Dolores, where it would meet a road leading to Chiapas and
Santiago de Guatemala via Huehuetenango. Because that had been the
original plan Ursiia was supposed to follow, he and his agents did nothing
to dispel these incorrect notions. On the other hand, Ursiia could accept
no plan that would not allow him to retain the port of Campeche, where
he had his political and financial support, as his ultimate home and headquarters. At no point did he ever waver from his intention to stay in
Campeche or to complete his project, regardless of orders received from
Mexico.
These were Sandoval's last orders to Ursiia, for he now retired from his
post and left Mexico City for Spain. His temporary replacement was Juan
de Ortega Montanez, the bishop of Michoacan, to whom Ursiia immediately wrote on May i 2, describing in glowing detail the successes that he
had achieved up to that point and pointedly omitting any mention of ItzaSpanish warfare on the shores of the main lake. By this time the Council
of the Indies had studied the conflict between Ursiia and Soberanis, and on
May 29 it issued a cedula in Ursua's favor. The short cedula was addressed
to Soberanis as governor, although he had not yet reassumed the office.
The message was simple, strongly worded, and lacking in restrictions or
qualifications: Soberanis, as governor, was to assist Ursua in completing
his project. If he failed to do so, his behavior would be judged a disservice
to the king. The cedula included no requirements that Ursiia leave Yucatan or that he complete the task by a specified deadline.
12
248
13
Costs of the Camino
Real
The cedula was not received in Merida until December, nearly six
months after Soberanis had returned. By the time it arrived, he had done
everything in his power to make Ursua's life miserable, but he immediately
acknowledged it and promised dutifully to abide by its terms, specifying
what he would do to help Ursua providing titles for officers, writing
orders on his behalf and for whomever he designated, and ordering payments for supplies, muleteers, and any other items he might request. By
now, despite the new governor's efforts to sabotage Ursua's project, a road
of sorts, although still barely passable, had been finished nearly all the way
to Lago Peten Itza. Ursua's agent in Campeche welcomed the new spirit of
cooperation, gladly taking Soberanis up on his offers of assistance. For
the next three months, up to the storming of Nojpeten in March, Soberanis granted, although unenthusiastically, his promised assistance.
Soberanis had already pursued a campaign to discredit almost every aspect of Ursua's project. He collected testimony from friars, secular priests,
distinguished citizens, soldiers, Maya supply carriers, and village officials
and wrote scathing dispatches to the viceroy and the Crown. On July 20
he requested and shortly received information from the Franciscan provincial on the Kejach reductions. On August 1 7 he took depositions
from Franciscans working in the partido of Sierra in an attempt to gather
information that would discredit the authenticity of AjChan's visit to
Merida and his submission to Spanish rule. Three days later he recorded
additional testimony from secular priests, soldiers, and citizens, both on
the topic of AjChan and on working conditions on the camino real.
Ursua, who was constantly informed of Soberanis's strategy, responded
by calling witnesses of his own in Campeche on August 26, defending
himself from a growing list of complaints including his failure to pay for
labor and supplies, the poor condition of the road, the mistreatment of
soldiers and workers, and the suffering and flight of the Kejach refugees in
the mission towns along the road. His witnesses were his own officers, and
even though the accomplishments of which they boasted were impressive,
their denial of charges made by such a broad spectrum of Yucatecan
society lacked credibility. At about the same time Ursua's agent, none
other than the powerful Pedro de Garrastegui, count of Miraflores and
treasurer of the Santa Cruzada, petitioned Soberanis to ask the dean and
cabildo of the Merida cathedral to take testimony from twelve secular 249
priests concerning Ursua's record of payment for the supply trains sent
by Maya towns to the camino real and the Tipuj entrada. The secular
clergy, among Ursua's closest allies and certainly eager to support Garrastegui, presented friendly testimonies, stretched out over the month of
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Prelude to Conquest
September, that almost completely disclaimed the charges against him.

Ursiia himself denied all charges, including claims that mistreatment and
nonpayment of carriers had caused the Mayas of the Sierra partido to
abandon their towns.
In a brilliant act of upstaging, Soberanis reacted quickly to the obvious
conflict of interest involved in the testimonies by Ursua's officers, ordering
on August 29 that the caciques from every town in two partidos, Beneficios
Bajos and Beneficios Altos, be summoned to Merida to report to him on
the number of animals and carriers supplied by their towns and payments
received from Ursiia for the camino real project and the Tipuj entrada
during which AjChan deserted the Spaniards. The caciques gave mixed
reports, but about half of those whose towns had provided men, animals,
and supplies claimed that their townsmen had received incomplete payments or none at all. Soberanis even acted to limit Ursua's legal rights,
ordering that he be disallowed to communicate with his local agent.
22
23
24
25
26
The bulk of these accusations, defenses, and counteraccusations reached

Mexico City by early September, further complicating the viceroy's dilemma over Ursua's right to continue the project. In early September,
responding to complaints by Ursiia that Soberanis was attempting to sabotage his project, the royal treasurer offered strong support for Ursiia to
the viceroy. The fiscal was more cautious, recommending that someone
knowledgeable and impartial be commissioned to advise on whether the
project should be suspended, postponed, or continued. Ursua's brother
and agent in Mexico, Francisco, denied all of Soberanis's charges and said
that it would be impossible for Ursiia to move his headquarters from
Campeche to Tzuktok' or Dolores del Lacandon, as Soberanis was vehemently demanding.
27
28
29
On September 20, by a suspicious coincidence of timing, four witnesses, apparently Itzas, appeared in Bacalar-at-Chunjujub' and provided
testimony that seemed to settle once and for all the question of AjChan's
authenticity as an agent of Ajaw Kan Ek'. Their depositions not only
helped to clear Ursua's credibility on this question but also led to the
freeing of poor Pablo Gil de Azamar, who had been languishing in jail in
Bacalar-at-Chunjujub' on charges of having fabricated AjChan's relationship to the Itza leader and his legitimacy as an ambassador.
During October Ursiia stepped up his complaints about Soberanis's
interference in a series of dispatches to the viceroy and the C r o w n . By
that time Soberanis had not only passed on a thick stack of condemnatory
evidence against Ursiia and his associates but also articulated his obviously genuine concern about the harmful effects the project might have
30
31
Costs of the Camino
Real
had on the social and economic life of the entire province of Yucatan.
Ursua's hopes were nonetheless buoyed by receipt of the supporting cedula noted earlier and the October arrival in Mexico of a new viceroy, the
Count of Montezuma, to whom he wrote a lengthy summary of the history of the camino real project, its successes, and the impediments that it
currently suffered.
Following Soberanis's receipt of the Crown's May 29 cedula these issues all became moot. Soberanis, finally cowed by the Council of the
Indies, drew in his horns and proceeded to assist Ursua. Modern scholars
are fortunate, however, that the dispute grew to such proportions, because
the paper it generated provides a wealth of information about some crucial issues related to the camino real project. Several of these issues are
explored later in this chapter.
32
33
The Progress of Conquest

By early February 1696 Garcia de Paredes had directed the road opening
only as far as the upper Rio San Pedro, although only a few weeks later a
road of sorts was opened across the remaining fifteen leagues or so. Most
of the road was not new but rather the preexisting route followed by
traders and other travelers. During the relatively dry month of March it
was adequate for Garcia's men to take heavy artillery across the karst hills
southeast of Chuntuki all the way to the shore of Lago Peten Itza, where
they had the armed encounter with the Itzas described in chapter 9 .
In March or April the engineer, Captain Manuel Jorge Sesere, died
while working on the camino real. The loss of his able surveyor was yet
another blow in a string of events that had dampened Ursua's initial optimism that Ajaw Kan Ek' would quickly turn over his "kingdom" to Garcia de Paredes in February. The two armed encounters at the lake confirmed that the Itzas had taken up a stance of hostile defense. To add to his
woes, Ursiia learned of the mutiny of seventy members of Bartolome de la
Garma's company near Tzuktok' in April. That same month, the rains had
begun again in earnest, forcing the troops to languish at their encampment
at Chuntuki, waiting anxiously for the periodic supply trains that brought
them maize meal, beans, salted meat, and a few fresh pigs and chickens. 251
Meanwhile, Soberanis was bombarding the colonial bureaucracy with
growing evidence against the commander. Although Ursiia had hoped to
leave his home at Campeche known as Hacienda de Kastamay on
June 25 in order to join Garcia de Paredes on the camino real, he was
34
35
36
37
38
Prelude to Conquest
forced to remain there to defend himself. As a result, Garcia de Paredes

and his troops remained divided between Tzuktok', Chuntuki, and their
encampment at Rio San Pedro for months waiting for new orders and a
clearer, revised strategy.
The small Tipuj garrison was in decline. By October all but one of the
priests sent there had returned home, and the garrison itself had been
reduced from fifty to twenty-one men. Earlier visions of Tipuj as the
gateway to the Itzas had vanished, and now it was a certainty that the Itza
conquest would be pursued along the camino real. All that remained was
to work out the details of an attack strategy. Ursua now wrote of his
intentions to construct more than one galeota, "in which it will be necessary to carry out the reduction of the great Itza."
In October Ursiia asked the Crown directly to grant him a provision, in
return for a twice-yearly payment (media anata) of one thousand ducats,
that would prohibit the viceroy or the audiencia from interfering in his
officially mandated project. Once the empowering May 29 cedula was
received in December, however, such an extraordinary measure became
unnecessary. As soon as Ursiia heard the good news he began to enlist
more experts and volunteers at Campeche perhaps as many as 1 5 0 .
Soberanis ordered the governor of arms at the Campeche fort to arrange
for the distribution of payments to soldiers, muleteers, and supplies. Native village officials throughout the partido of Campeche were to be instructed to provide Ursiia with mules, horses, and food supplies. Ursiia
in turn arranged for the purchase of stone mortars, muskets, powder,
shot, cutlasses, and axes. Most important of all was the purchase of supplies and equipment for the construction of vessels to be used on the
lake nails, tar, pitch, burlap, tallow, nautical tackle, and other necessities. This task required him to employ carpenters, blacksmiths, porters,
and sailors. Even the small boat built on Rio San Pedro now called a
"war piragua" would be transported to the lake.
Although he still distrusted Soberanis, Ursiia praised the bishop, Fray
Antonio de Arriaga, for his support of his project. With no more impediments in his way, he now hoped to be able to report soon that the camino
real had been connected with the road from Verapaz and that his soldiers
had gone all the way to Santiago de Guatemala. Soberanis, Ursiia later
complained, placed one further impediment in his way by refusing to
provide an official notary or clerk (escribano) for his final entrada. The
absence of a notary, however, simply allowed him to tell the story of the
conquest as he wished it to be entered in the official record.
On December 28 Ursua sent ahead a garrison of troops and specialists
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
252
46
Costs of the Camino
Real
to begin construction of the galeota. Two more garrisons, accompanied by

Maya carriers, followed on January 7 and 1 7 , 1 6 9 7 , respectively, carrying
a variety of light and heavy arms, gunpowder and ammunition, and food
supplies. Ursua himself departed from Campeche for the camino real on
January 23, taking with him the remainder of the total of 1 3 0 soldiers sent
on this campaign, in addition to more Maya muleteers.
47
48
He and his troops were walking into a worsening situation on the

camino real. On January 2 one of the captains had returned to Campeche
with the news that "a considerable number of infidels from Chacan Itza
(who inhabit the shore of that lake) had invaded the town of the Chans
and carried off all of the domesticated Indian men and women with their
children, numbering 3 1 6 , and that they burned the church, and only two
were able to escape." The town was Pak'ek'em, at this point the larger of
two remaining Kejach mission settlements on the road. The invaders were
probably enemies of Ajaw Kan Ek', sent by his uncle, the ruler of the
north, who was doing all in his power to discourage the forward movement of the troops. The Spanish officers stationed at Chuntuki, undoubtedly pressured by their ill and terrified troops, decided to abandon the
town and return to Campeche. Before leaving, they buried their arms,
ammunition, and other supplies, retiring back five leagues before sending
Ursua the news. Ursiia clearly believed now that he would be justified in
using whatever force was required against the native population.
49
Between January 23 and March 22, nine days after the attack on Nojpeten, Ursiia apparently penned no official dispatches. Nor did he produce
any other documents recording events or testimony until March 1 0 , when
he was already at the lakeshore preparing to sail the now-completed galeota across the lake. His march to the deserted encampment of Chuntuki
and on to the "thatch fort" north of Lago Peten Itza, as well as the work of
moving the troops and the timbers for the galeota to Ch'ich' at the beginning of March, occupies only passing reference in his later correspondence. The probable reason for this black-out was the intensity of Ursua's
efforts to get the job done quickly, before his men lost their courage and
mutinied.
The Fate of the Converts

Maintaining the Kejach mission towns, as small as they were, proved to
be an impossible challenge. Their inhabitants became the wards of friars
and soldiers, some of whom mistreated them, took advantage of their
25*
Prelude
to
Conquest
labor, and attempted to restrict their movements. As a result, some

of them tried to run away, in response to which the officers assigned
the Spanish-appointed "caciques" of these towns the unpleasant task of
rounding them up from the forests. One officer, presumably a Yucatecan,
was responsible for distributing to the caciques goods brought from Yucatanmaize and bean seeds, fowls, and pigs, Such a service was clearly
designed to make the mission towns more attractive than running away,
because domesticated plants and animals were in short supply in the refugee forest communities.
50
The problem of desertion began at Tzuktok', whose inhabitants ran

away in unknown numbers following the return of the troops in early
1696. Eighty-six troops had remained stationed there during December
1695 while Garcia de Paredes recruited new troops in Campeche. The
presence of troops must have made conditions at this military headquarters intolerable for the Maya inhabitants. In May their "cacique," Diego
Tz'ulub', was appointed to round them up. This task was significant
enough to motivate Ursiia to issue an order not to mistreat or impede
Tz'ulub' in his activities.
The runaway problem was at first minimal at B'atkab' and Pak'ek'em.
In early July 1696 Fray Nicolas Martin took complete censuses of these
two towns with the assistance of Fray Diego de Salas. The total population of B'atkab' was 1 4 3 , and that of Pak'ek'em, 3 4 8 . The friars had
managed to hold onto most of the original population, estimated the
previous November to have been 1 1 5 for B'atkab' and 3 50 for Pak'ek'em.
Assigned by their provincial to find out what had become of the small
population of Tzuktok', which was now abandoned, Martin and Salas
investigated a rumor that the people of Tzuktok' and others from B'atkab'
had moved to Kantemo. On July 1 3 they went to Kantemo and found, in
addition to the cacique of B'atkab', Cacique Diego Tz'ulub' of Tzuktok'
with his family and two other runaways from the town. Tz'ulub', who
had obviously failed to round up his townspeople, told them that four
had gone to Jop'elch'en, three to Machich, and three to the partido of
Sajkab'ch'en all towns further to the north, under colonial control. As
for the rest, he had heard reports that they had gone to the partido of
Sajkab'ch'en and Yajb'akab'.
When asked why the Tzuktok inhabitants had fled, Tz'ulub' told the
friars that illness, hunger, and mistreatment by the Spanish captain there
had all contributed to their flight. When they complained to Garcia de
Paredes, he answered that if they found themselves aggrieved they should
go to the partido of Sajkab'ch'en and IxB'akab' [i.e., Yajb'akab']. What
51
52
53
54
254
55
Costs
of the Camino
Real
choice did the people of Tzuktok' have but to flee? reasoned Fray Nicolas
Martin. They were suffering not only death and hunger but also "the
intolerable oppression with which the aforementioned Captain Mateo
Hidalgo compelled them, holding them in excessive servitude as if they
were slaves."
56
This was not the first time Garcia de Paredes had attempted to send the
refugees at Tzuktok' to Sajkab'ch'en. He had tried to do the same thing
the previous year while Avendano was in the area, but was disallowed (see
chapter 6). Whether the runaways actually accepted his "offer" on this
occasion cannot be verified, but Tzuktok' remained totally abandoned for
some time.
Several weeks later Fray Nicolas Martin became ill and was taken by a
group of seven men from B'atkab' to Merida for medical care. He also
apparently hoped to give these men the opportunity to address their complaints directly to the colonial authorities. Governor Soberanis, eager to
obtain information that could be used to discredit Ursua's project, set up
a formal interrogation on September 4 during which all seven B'atkab'
residents, now nominal Christians, presented their sworn depositions.
Leading the group was don Jeronimo Tun, the forty-year-old cacique of
the town. The other men were all young, from nineteen to twenty-four.
The men verified that B'atkab' and Pak'ek'em were now the only surviving mission towns along the road. Cacique Tun stated that B'atkab'
had only ten married couples, "because the first time that the Spaniards
attacked they killed twenty." Others, however, were quoted as saying that
there were twenty married couples closer to the friars' count of twentyfive only a few weeks earlier. Lucas Puk, presumably referring to their first
encounters with troops, reported that the Spaniards had attacked them on
two occasions, killing a total of about twenty married couples and twentyfive children.
57
58
59
60
Soberanis, wanting to appear kind and solicitous, apparently treated

these visitors well. Upon their departure he issued an order to all local officials in the towns through which they would pass on their way
home because they were "tormented and discontented outside their
homeland" to provide them with food and hospitality and with an alcalde or regidor to accompany them to the next town. Although he recorded none of their complaints, they must have made some, for he spe- 255
cifically instructed Captain Roque Gutierrez, who was in charge of the
B'atkab' region, to give them "good treatment, without allowing any
grievance, harm, or ill-treatment to be done to them." With Tzuktok'
abandoned and B'atkab' beginning to follow suit, the tragedy noted ear61
Prelude to
Conquest
lier struck Pak'ek'em in late December 1696 when a war party from
Chak'an Itza attacked the town and kidnapped nearly everyone. By now
the camino real was virtually deserted of its native inhabitants.
62
The Camino Real and the Inhabitants of Yucatan

During the second half of August 169 6, Governor Soberanis continued his
investigation of the camino real project by calling before him in Merida
the "caciques" of native towns in the districts of Beneficios Bajos and
Beneficios Altos. His purpose was to challenge evidence collected by Ursua in support of claims that he had paid fairly and treated well the Mayas
who had supplied pack and saddle animals, food, and men for both entradas to the camino real and for the expedition to Tipuj following Ah
AjChan's visit to Merida.
63
The circumstances of the testimonies were hardly unbiased. Soberanis

initially claimed that Ursua had treated the towns of these two jurisdictions more fairly than others, presumably the Sierra towns. Ursua, he
argued, had attempted to whitewash the record by ignoring incriminating evidence from other towns, and Soberanis apparently chose to underscore his point by interviewing only the Beneficios caciques. If these men
claimed to have been treated badly, the others could be presumed to have
suffered even more. Fifty-nine towns sent representatives to Merida,
some from a great distance, providing their depositions over a period of
nearly two months, from August 3 1 through October 24. Soberanis contemplated, but never carried out, a similar investigation for the partidos of
La Costa, Sierra, and Camino Real.
64
65
Only seven of the reporting towns had sent supplies and animals to the
camino real. They had provided a total of thirty-one horses and n o
mules and supplied more than sixty cargas of maize meal, four cargas of
beans, four live pigs, and an unspecified amount of maize seed, salted
meat, and live chickens. These seven towns, of course, represented only a
small portion of those that had participated in the supply trains to Chuntuki and Tzuktok'. Because Soberanis never fulfilled his plan to extend his
inquiry to the southwestern partidos, where most of the suppliers would
have been recruited, we can only estimate the full scope of the enterprise.
If these seven towns represented 5 percent of the total, not an unreasonable estimate, and had together supplied an "average" amount, the supply
trains would have comprised more than six hundred horses and more than
66
256
Costs
of the Camino
Real
two thousand mules carrying great quantities of maize meal and beans.
Nearly every animal was accompanied by a man, most often its owner,
who walked alongside it even if a soldier was riding the horse or mule.
Following along behind the train were men on foot carrying live chickens
and urging on small herds of stubborn, squealing pigs.
This was an arduous journey of about 165 leagues, probably taking
over a month in each direction, with several days of rest at the destination
point. Reimbursement for the use of the animal and the journey to Chuntuki was set at five pesos, about half a real per day. Only about half of the
men had received their payments when they reported to Soberanis, and
many of the remainder may never have been paid. Meals were supposed to
be supplied along the way, but some complained that they were not properly fed. Considering the difficult conditions it is surprising that from this
group of towns only two men and four animals, all from Tek'it, were
reported to have died as a result of the journey.
The two barrios of Tek'it, a town about eleven leagues southeast of
Merida, serve as an example of the contributions of a middle-sized Sierra
town to the supply trains. Five mules and five men carried beans and maize
seed to Tzuktok', and twenty-eight mules and eight horses, accompanied
by seventeen men, carried maize and flour meal, salted meat, and beans all
the way to Chuntuki. In addition, the town supplied thirteen saddle horses
for soldiers, and men to accompany them, as well as forty cargas of maize
meal, four cargas of beans, chickens (carried by one man), four pigs, and
two large jars of honey.
67
While Soberanis was collecting this information, the secular clergy

gathered countertestimony on behalf of Ursua and his agent, Pedro Garrastegui y Oleado. During September an official visited the priests of ten
towns in the partidos of Sierra and Beneficios, including two priests who
had participated in the mission to Tipuj. The question they were required
to "certify" was simple: Did or did not Ursua still owe the Mayas for
transport of supplies to Tipuj ? The responses overwhelmingly supported
Ursua's claim that he owed the Maya muleteers nothing. Because several
of the priests, however, were themselves responsible for overseeing the recruitment of men and the purchase of supplies, their testimony is suspect.
As part of his investigation into the deception and abuse that he believed characterized the first two entradas, in August 1696 Governor Soberanis directed the following question to several Franciscan friars who
worked in the partido of Sierra: "He was asked whether he knows that,
with the occasion of the Indian people who have been taken away from
68
257
Prelude to Conquest
the towns of this province both for the opening of the said road as well
as the transporting of provisions or fodder some [of these towns] have
been diminished and depopulated."
Fray Gregorio Clareda of Oxk'utskab' responded that more than five
hundred Mayas from that town alone had been recruited as road openers
and muleteers. Others from the town, he said,
69
had fled to the bush with their wives and children, out of fear that
they would be obliged to do the same, leaving behind their empty
houses, [their] milpas, and the mission church [doctrina] and the
worst thing of all, which the magistrates told him lamenting that
many milpas of those runaways had been eaten by the animals because their owners had not gone to take care of them, fearful of
being captured if they went to the forests as a result of the terrors
that had overtaken them when they encountered their dead companions on the roads. Of those who came back alive to their towns,
some had died later on. He heard it said by reliable persons that
more than 200 Indians had died in the forest, as a result of which
there had been so few people in the said town of Oxkutzcab on festival days and Sundays during the course of the year. It caused wonder among all Spaniards and religious who attended on the said
festival days when they saw the said town so deteriorated and the
church without people, having been one of the affluent of the entire
province, with more than 1,900 Indians, not including boys and
girls.
Fray Andres de Campo of B'olonch'en Tikul and Fray Pedro de Lara of
Teab'o stated that their towns had also suffered population losses, and
they repeated, in less detail, Cladera's despairing comments.
Several days later additional witnesses, none of them Franciscans, were
questioned in more detail about topics related to conditions on the camino
real. A secular parish priest in the Valladolid area, reported that he knew
by hearsay of flight from the Sierra towns, of failure to pay workers and
muleteers, and of the death of many of them on the road "without the holy
sacraments." Julio Rentero, one of the soldiers who mutinied against Captain Bartolome de la Garma at Tzuktok', had little to say in contradiction.
Not only were he and his compatriots not paid for two and one-half
months after receiving their first advance, but the food they received was
inadequate: one calabash of maize beverage and two pieces of jerked beef
every twenty-four hours. Because the Maya muleteers received nothing at
all to eat, he shared his ration with the man who oversaw the mule team
70
71
258
Costs of the Camino
Real
with which he traveled. Along the road before Tzuktok' he saw not only
the skeletons of mules but also sixteen or seventeen crosses that marked
graves of Mayas or Spaniards and a number of piles of stone that marked
other burials.
Juan de Vargas, a particularly talkative "free pardo" who had served in
Captain Mateo Hidalgo's company at Chuntuki, had suffered from malaria while he was there and had witnessed three men of his company die.
He added a new perspective on the issue of flight from the towns of
Yucatan, opining that not only had AjChan been a false representative but
also that "upon the arrival of the said Indian he knows that the entire
province was agitated by rumors, motivating the said lord don Martin [de
Ursua] to take away the arms from many Indians of this province." The
questioner thereupon asked Vargas, "What rumors were those which he
heard?" He replied that "he heard it said that [the rumors] were that the
Indians wanted to rebel."
The next and last declarant, the secular priest Juan Tello, stated that
these were more than rumors that there was actually a movement among
the Mayas to "conspire against the Spaniards." He confirmed that Ursua
had disarmed the native population. No other information about these
purported incidents, unfortunately, has been discovered.
Diego de Avila y Pacheco, the absentee encomendero of Oxk'utskab',
testified on August 2.9 on behalf of Ursiia, who sought to challenge the
friars' charge that the camino real project had resulted in large-scale flight.
He blamed the flight from Oxk'utskab' on excessive unpaid labor requirements by Fray Gregorio Clareda, the town's priest, especially his demand
that the inhabitants cut timbers for a new church in the town and for the
convent of St. Francis in Merida.
Ursua's own military officers, who testified in his favor in October,
did not deny that there had been hardships on the camino real. The conditions that they portrayed were far less dismal, however, than the horrors
reported by the previous witnesses. Captain Zubiaur Isasi stated that
while the rainy weather had caused illnesses among both Spaniards and
natives, only six men in all had died, and the military surgeon had been
available at Chuntuki to treat the sick. One of those who died was the
engineer, who had suffered from a long-term illness. Of the others, one
died as the result of a urinary problem, and another suffered a snakebite. 259
Two other captains, however, estimated that eleven persons had died
all, except for the snakebite victim and the engineer, from natural causes
"originating from the moistures and the indispositions of unpopulated
areas." Nine of these had been Spaniards, and only two, Mayas. The
72
73
Prelude
to
Conquest
officers, as would be expected, claimed that all workers had been fairly
paid and that their services were voluntary, not forced. As we will see
shortly, more detailed documentation about passive resistance on the part
of the Mayas against serving on the camino real gives not only additional
credence to their genuine fear of conditions in the forests but also evidence
that they were impressed by local Maya officials against their will.
Soldiers, Craftsmen, Carriers, and Suppliers

Because of the survival of excellent accounting records, our knowledge
about personnel and supplies on the last entrada, led by Ursua to Lago
Peten Itza, is far more detailed than our knowledge about the first two
entradas to the camino real. The number and variety of people, supplies,
and equipment was nothing short of impressive.
At the upper end of the social scale were thirteen "volunteers without
salary/' These were for the most part Campechanos, including the three
principal captains Alonso Garcia de Paredes, Jose Fernandez de Estenos, and Pedro de Zubiaur y Isasi. All but two of these men took their own
arms and at least one horse, and several of them were each accompanied
by a horse-mounted servant. Garcia de Paredes had several servants and a
small personal army of twelve men whom he fed and armed at his own
cost. One of the volunteers, Bernardo de Aizuani Ursua, was a relative of
Martin de Ursua's.
The accounts also list payments made to a total of 1 3 6 soldiers assigned
to the camino real and to several others who had recently returned from
there and were collecting back pay. All of those listed had Spanish surnames, but we know from other sources that the troops were ethnically
mixed. The illiterate Captain Jose Laines commanded a company of pardos and mestizos, and several of the armed soldiers were Mayas from
Tek'ax. Most of the new recruits received two monthly payments of
eight pesos each in advance; those with their own muskets received one
additional peso each month. Several of the returning soldiers, who had
served at Chuntuki, turned out to have been serving sentences of exile
from Mexico, handed down by the audiencia. One of the squadrons was
to escort a group that had been hired to build the galeota and piraguas. It
comprised a master carpenter, five regular carpenters, and twenty-one
sawyers all with Spanish surnames. Four sailors were sent at the high
monthly wage of forty pesos to man the as-yet-unfinished vessels. Ursua's
initial intention had apparently been to build two galeota, but only
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76
77
26o
Costs of the Camino
Real
one galeota and a single piragua were completed. Seven male cooks, two
with Maya surnames, also accompanied the troops, with wages of sixteen
pesos per month.
Of equal interest are items of equipment and supplies purchased during
January 1697 from a variety of people, including Campeche merchants
and military officers participating in the entrada. These goods were transported in several stages, each time preceding by a few days the departure
of a group of soldiers. Although the combined size of these mule and horse
trains is not recorded, the bottom line of the paymaster's notebook indicated that about 665 pesos had been spent on pack animals and saddle
horses. Some of the owners had been paid in full (at the rate of five and a
half pesos for pack mules and three and a half pesos for saddle horses), but
most had been paid only half this amount, with the rest to be paid upon
the animal's return. Even the approximately 250 to 300 animals indicated
by this amount were probably far fewer than the total number sent. Judging from the records of supplies, the number of mule loads must have
exceeded one thousand, whereas only 1 5 2 mules are accounted for in the
records. The items that appear on these accounts include, among other
things, boat-building tools and supplies, supplies for the muleteers and for
packaging cargo, religious supplies, arms and related equipment and services, powder and ammunition, cooking equipment, food supplies, alcoholic beverages, and even dogs.
78
The merchants and other suppliers of Campeche fared well in supplying these goods, their receipts totaling about 3,750 pesos in January 1697
alone. Sebastian de Sagiiez y Sabalsa, the major supplier for the final
entrada (with receipts of 922 pesos, 4 reales), was not only a wealthy
merchant but also alcalde ordinario of Campeche. He had been in charge
of paying out the Campeche cabildo's small contribution to the camino
real project the salaries of twenty-five troops ever since Garcia de Paredes left on the first entrada in March 1 6 9 5 . Even if these salaries had
been paid regularly for the twenty-one months since the enterprise began,
the cabildo's total outlay would have been no more than about forty-five
hundred pesos; divided among the five members, individual contributions
would not have exceeded nine hundred pesos. These costs were repaid,
and then some, by the profits enjoyed by several of the cabildo members as
suppliers of goods and services. Even though some of the goods sold were 2 6 1
unique to the final entrada, especially the materials for boat construction,
most were items that had had to be supplied regularly throughout the
previous twenty-one months of the camino real operation.
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80
In addition to this outlay, Ursua spent several hundred pesos in salaries
Prelude
to
Conquest
and 665 pesos toward the cost of freight transport. When amounts this
size are taken into consideration, it is clear why the leading citizenry of
Campeche was more than willing to support Ursua's enterprise. By the end
of January his total payments approached thirty thousand pesos, a large
sum by the standards of the time. The camino real project, for all practical
purposes, was underwriting the economy of Campeche. Meanwhile Ursua
was draining the rural Maya economy of its workers by taking men from
their villages for months at a time in return for the low wages paid for road
workers and muleteers and the paltry amounts paid for foodstuffs.
The Campeche import merchants, therefore, were those who stood to
benefit from the camino real, and benefit they did probably on the order
of eight to ten times the total gross sales they enjoyed for the items listed in
the accounts that have survived. Nor did the recorded Campeche accounts
list of all of the materials taken for the final entrada. Ursua had also noted
that he intended to take with him other supplies for construction of the
galeota liquid pitch (alquitrdn), burlap (estopa), and tallow (sebo)
along with blacksmiths and porters to carry items that would not be
loaded onto pack animals.
Conflicts of interest were the foundation upon which this enterprise
was built. The cabildo members took credit for their contributions while
padding their pockets with the sale of goods that supported the men
whose salaries they paid. Saguez y Sabalsa not only collected and paid out
these contributions and profited from the sales but also doubled as Ursua's
purchasing agent. Garcia de Paredes, the field commander, earned large
profits from sales while claiming credit for contributing a substantial sum
to the project. Furthermore, as Avendano had complained, he used his
authority as a military administrator to send Kejach "converts" settled
along the camino real to Sajkab'ch'en, where they were added to the
minions who cut timber for his shipyards in Campeche. Garcia, therefore,
had every reason not to punish his officers and troops who abused and
otherwise exploited the refugees of the mission towns.
81
82
83
Passive Maya Labor

262
Resistance
Records of the recruitment of Maya road workers and muleteers for the
final entrada clarify not only that such work was a form of forced labor
but also that the Mayas could mount effective resistance to it. One fascinating example of the process of recruitment followed by passive resistance has survived:
Costs of the Camino
Real
At the beginning of January 1697 one of Ursua's agents, Field Marshal

Francisco de Salazar y Cordoba, requested that Governor Soberanis order
Juan del Castillo y Toledo who had fulfilled the same function on the
first two entradas to recruit, with power of authority, workers from several Sierra towns, including Tekax and Oxk'utskab'. The team of workers
would be under the Maya "captain" of the Tek'ax company. Salazar y
Cordoba recognized, although in an understated fashion, that the work
was extensive, involving "not only the clearing of the said road which,
given the lapse of time [for it to have grown back], is judged to be somewhat difficult as well as the transport of musket flints, salted meat,
beans, lard, and the other items needed for the said enterprise."
Soberanis refused to allow recruitment from the Sierra towns because
they had been heavily exploited for this purpose during the first two entradas. Instead, he authorized Castillo to seek men from several Beneficios
towns, since these people were "more rested and do not have hanging over
them the continuation of providing Indians for the work shift (tanda) of
this city" the first indication that urban officials were also demanding
Maya service. The four Beneficios towns in question were Sotuta, Yaxkab'a, Tixkakal, and Peto. Castillo, as usual, would meet with the caciques and town cabildos, listing specific demands for numbers of workers, muleteers, carts, and animals. He was ordered to pay them fairly and
promptly and to keep complete accounts of all transactions. The numbers
were modest, totaling fifty-nine mules, fifty-nine muleteers, and sixty road
workers. Castillo y Toledo was also occupied at the time making unauthorized demands for food supplies from the Sierra towns, including
maize and beef. If he did not desist from such practices, threatened Soberanis, he would be deprived of his post as labor and supplies recruiter,
forced to leave his home at Mani, and possibly banished from Yucatan.
Castillo y Toledo sent his son, Juan del Castillo y Arrue, to the four
towns, where he ordered the caciques and cabildo members to provide the
animals and workers specified by the governor. The road workers were to
be paid three pesos monthly, plus their food and supplies, with no indication of the length of time they were to work. The muleteers would receive
six pesos for their labor and the mule, plus food and supplies, and they
would carry no more than half a load apiece. Castillo y Toledo guaranteed
that they would be reimbursed for any mules that died on the road. Fi- 263
nally, he specified that those named to work be among the less fully occupied townspeople, whose absence would be less harmful to their families. Such promises, of course, were cheap and could easily be broken.
In all, fifty road workers, forty-five muleteers, and fifty-one mules
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86
87
Prelude to Conquest
less than the total authorized were immediately obtained from these
towns. These ninety-six men, including the captain, were to join up with
a much larger mule train and parade of workers that would travel with
Ursiia and his military escort for the long, brutal journey to Chuntuki.
Over the next few days these men were expected to appear in
Jop'elch'en. When the Tixkakal muleteers reached Peto, however, they
ran away, obviously frightened and dismayed by the prospect of what lay
ahead. On the twenty-fourth Soberanis ordered that if the Maya authorities of Tixkakal did not provide replacements immediately they would be
punished for noncompliance. A number of others from the Beneficios
group who had finally reached Jop'elch'en ran away as soon as they arrived there. Orders for replacements seem to have been ignored, and the
Maya authorities failed, or perhaps refused, to send all that had been
promised. Time was of the essence, because Ursua had left Campeche
on the twenty-third, and replacements were needed in time for them to
join the main supply train. Rather than replace them from the Beneficios
towns, on February 3 Salazar y Cordoba requested and immediately received permission from Soberanis to recruit mules and muleteers from
B'olonch'en Tikul and Jop'elch'en.
88
89
90
91
92
93
Such incidents of passive resistance through refusal to serve must have

been much more common than the surviving records indicate and perhaps
had grown in intensity over the nearly two years since the camino real
project had begun. Now that Soberanis, whose opposition to Ursiia and
his project was well known, had taken charge of authorizing the recruitment of all supply trains and laborers, the Mayas were willing to count on
the governor's legendary leniency in such matters. Ursula no longer held
any authority over them, and Castillo y Toledo, although known to be dishonest in his dealings with the rural population, would not dare carry out
personally executed punishments in the Beneficios towns. Although Soberanis gave Castillo y Toledo the authority to collect the advances paid to
the runaways, there is no indication that these sums were ever collected.
94
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chapter
eleven
THE
EVE
OF
CONQUEST
l n the space of only twelve days in early March

1697, Spanish troops and workers set up camp at Ch'ich', the lakeshore
port, and completed and equipped the galeota that would be used to
attack Nojpeten. Ursua and his officers interviewed several Itza leaders at
Ch'ich' and were visited by many Itza citizens. Although most of their
encounters with local inhabitants were friendly, the Spaniards agreed in
council on March 1 2 to row more than one hundred men across the lake
in the heavily armed galeota in order to force Ajaw Kan Ek' to surrender.
They carried out their mission on March 1 3 , but the result was a massacre,
not a surrender. This chapter recounts what can be reconstructed of the
twelve-day period at Ch'ich' that led to that tragic event.
Ursiia had set out from Campeche on January 23, 1697, following the
camino real, along which an advance party of troops, shipbuilders, supply
trains, and artillery carriers had already marched during the past several
weeks. Accompanying him were his cavalry officers, his personal retinue,
the recently appointed chaplain and his assistant, and the remaining members of the supply train.
Captain Pedro de Zubiaur had left Campeche on December 28, instructed by Ursiia to march to a point two leagues from the lake, make a
temporary camp, and cut timbers for the galeota and a "piragua menor."
He took with him troops, artillery operators, ship carpenters and caulkers, and, of course, carriers. Two more garrisons totaling 1 3 0 or 140
men and a large number of carriers left Campeche to join Zubiaur on January 7 and 1 7 , transporting food supplies that were to last four months.
Ultimately, some three hundred to five hundred people must have occupied the new headquarters at Ch'ich', on the lakeshore beyond the
temporary camp.
1
Prelude to Conquest
The Encampment at Ch'ich'

Ursula arrived at the temporary headquarters, where the timbers for the
galeota were being fashioned, on February 26, one month after departing
from Campeche. From there he sent an advance party of troops to assess
the remaining two leagues of road to the lakeshore. The men found the
town of Ch'ich' deserted no doubt evacuated ahead of the occupying forces and Ursula immediately began moving his operation there in
order to prepare the galeota for launching. His actions over the next two
weeks indicate that he may have planned to use the threat of an armed
attack on Nojpeten by water as a means of convincing the Itzas to surrender without a fight. In the end, however, strategies by both sides to
avoid conflict failed, and the galeota became an attack vessel.
5
Ch'ich' sat at the western end of the lake on what was later known as
the Ensenada de San Jeronimo (see map 4). The bay, which extends nearly
two kilometers from north to south at its widest point and about one and
a half kilometers from east to west, is bordered by a narrow, triangular
point (Punta Nijtun) on its southern side and a steep slope on the north.
Although Avendano briefly described the town on this bay and included it
on his sketch map, he assigned to it the name Nich. Today the long point
on the southern side of the bay is called Punta Nijtun, suggesting that in
the seventeenth century it was called Nixtun (nix-tun) ^ meaning a stone
ramp or slope. A ramp discovered by archaeologists in 1995 along the
shore of Punta Nijtun, on the south side of the bay, was probably the one
Ursula and his troops constructed in order to launch their galeota, perhaps
by modifying an earlier canoe ramp.
6
On February 28, Maya workers and muleteers, escorted by sixty troops,

began the arduous job of transporting the precut construction timbers, the
artillery, and other supplies to Ch'ich'. At the lakeshore they were attacked by Itza guerrilla forces but suffered no casualties. On March 1,
wrote Ursua, "they [Itzas] came with a considerable number of canoes in
order to create warlike displays, situating their forces on the water, as they
were accustomed to it; and seeing the little success that they achieved, they
retreated. On the following day some canoes came secretly to the shore
where I had established the headquarters, leaving behind the large number
of people they had." Although suspicious, Ursiia handed out gifts to the
visitors. As soon as they departed, other Itzas arrived in a canoe, "saying
that their heart was good, and that their experience told them that they
should come only a few at a time." One of these visitors, he wrote, fired
three arrows (toward Captain Pedro de Zubiaur, according to one ac7
266
The Eve of Conquest
count), all of which landed in the water. This man quickly escaped, swimming out to the waiting canoes.
Every day following this event, Ursiia wrote, these "sons of treason"
threatened them frequently, "joining in a movement to provoke me to
attack, to which I never succumbed; I wished [nevertheless] to see whether
I could achieve their reduction by peaceful means." According to one of
Ursua's descriptions, following the attack by three arrows "they shouted
and yelled. They have kept this up by communicating with one other with
smoke. Ignoring these barbarous acts, I have received them every day with
much love and affection, in order to determine whether they might be
reduced and lured to the Catholic fold by handouts and gifts of axes,
machetes, knives, and salt for the men, and likewise bead earrings, necklaces, and belts for the women. Although many Indian women have come
in canoes by themselves, hearing the news spread from all over, and have
been braided and regaled with necklaces, earrings, and belts, they have
been treated with the modesty that is owed the service of G o d . "
9
10
11
12
Ursiia had obviously miscalculated the enemy. These were not people to
be bought off with trinkets, nor were their threats and smoke signals indicative of barbarity. As events unfolded, the sophistication of the Itzas' strategic response manifested itself in increasingly creative ways, especially in
the form of sexual provocation by women a topic I will return to later.
During the Spaniards' stay at Ch'ich', workers constructed a defensive
wall or reinforced an existing one, within which they placed the heavy artillery Whether they also constructed thatch-roofed buildings or instead
occupied buildings left by the Itzas is not recorded. The indigenous people, however, usually burned their villages when they abandoned them.
Because the Itzas had ample advance warning of the Spaniards' arrival, it
is unlikely that they left behind anything that would have made their
enemies' lives easier.
The total number of officially armed men camped at Ch'ich' was at least
1 4 0 , including Ursiia himself, 9 officers, 5 persons identified as Ursiia's
criados, or relatives, and the balance of 1 2 5 regular troops. The rest of
the party included 4 sailors, 7 cooks, 6 carpenters, and 21 sawyers hired in
Campeche, as well as 2 priests, the personal servants of Ursua and his
officers, and a host of muleteers, individual carriers, and other workers.
The officers who served during these days under Captain General Ur- 267
siia at Ch'ich' were Lieutenant Captain General Alonso Garcia de Paredes, two infantry captains, three armored cavalry captains, two lieutenants, and a "commander of pardos and mestizos." Bachiller Juan
Pacheco de Sopuerta, a secular priest, was the official missionary of the
13
14
15
Prelude to Conquest
"territories," bearing the title "curate and vicar general" as well as that of
chaplain of the army. His lieutenant, Bachiller Jose Francisco Martinez de
Mora, also served as chaplain to the troops. Although there were four
Spanish interpreters, no Yucatec Mayas were used for official testimony.
Ursua's orders had been to construct a galeota with a keel 25 cubits in
length, or about 1 2 meters; in its final form, however, its keel was 30
cubits, or about 14.4 meters. A galeota (galliot) was a simple, small
galley, a rowing vessel usually outfitted with a single triangular "Latin"
sail. According to one source, the common galeota had seventeen oars on
a side. The cabin was customarily located on the raised stern of the
vessel, from which flew the identifying flag. Such vessels are illustrated in a
1705 plan of Campeche, where they served as coast guard boats. In an
inventory document the Peten galeota was described as a "new piragua of
thirty cubits, with its twenty-four oars and rudder with its iron screw."
This suggests that the vessel had twelve oars on a side and no sail. Although the vessel was small, it carried about 1 1 4 men and at least five
artillery pieces on the attack on Nojpeten. The piragua menor, also identified as a piraguilla, was a longboat "of six oars," presumably meaning
three oars on a side. It had a rudder but may not have had sails.
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
268
Ursua's accounts of this period require us to believe that between

March 1 and March 1 2 workers completed the assembly, waterproofing,
launching, and testing of the galeota, as well as the mounting of its artillery. In addition, they constructed a defensive wall around the encampment and may have built several thatch-roofed structures to protect men
and equipment from the elements. We are left to conclude that the
builders, designers, carpenters, and other craftsmen were men of great
expertise who must have worked on the boat nearly around the clock. In
addition, the Spaniards may have had to construct a new ramp to launch
it, given that the existing wharf and landing area were designed only for
canoes. Considering the depth of the galeota's keel, they may also have
deepened the harbor itself. The speed with which this operation was accomplished indicates that Ursua had set a deadline by which he intended
to attack Nojpeten. In any event, he was obviously determined to complete the attack vessel as quickly as possible, despite minor distractions
from Itzas intent on harassing the camp at Ch'ich'.
On May 9, when Ursua finally departed from Nojpeten, he left an
inventory of the material items that he was leaving there in the care of
his officer-in-charge. This accounting indicates the military seriousness
with which the Itza affair was undertaken, especially in terms of the artillery, shot, and gunpowder that were taken to the island between March 1 3
The Eve of Conquest
and May 9. These included three one-pound-caliber iron light cannons

(piezas) mounted on carriages, four two-chambered iron stone launchers
(pedreros), two double-chambered bronze pedreros, six bronze light artillery cannons (esmiriies), and fifty muskets of French and Dutch manufacture (plus at least six others belonging to soldiers). There were also
sixteen iron-tipped lances. The remaining shot, in addition to musket balls
already in possession of the troops, included thirty stone and six lead balls
for the piezas, thirty-eight sacks of stones for the pedreros, and several
thousand musket balls.
When the galeota left Ch'ich' to attack Nojpeten on March 1 3 , the port
was left defended by two piezas, two pedreros, and eight esmiriies. There
is no account of the total number of artillery pieces that had been taken to
Ch'ich', but by comparing these numbers with the numbers that had been
transported to Nojpeten by May 9, we can say that there was a total of at
least three piezas, six pedreros, and eight esmiriies. By subtracting those
left at Ch'ich' from this total, we can conclude that on its attack voyage
the galeota carried at least one pieza and four pedreros, but possibly no
esmiriies at all. Moreover, Ursua had purchased at least eleven hundred pounds of gunpowder in Campeche, and about half that amount had
been expended by May 9. Almost no shot for the cannons remained. From
this we may infer that large amounts of powder and shot were spent
by heavy artillery and musket fire alike during the actual storming of
Nojpeten the only time when these weapons would have been extensively used.
The implications of such a heavy investment in weaponry and ammunition are that Ursua had intended from the outset of his final entrada to
take the island by force and that he anticipated a strong defense. This
conclusion is further supported by the superb timing of his arrival at Zubiaur's encampment just as the galeota components were completed and by
the rapidity with which the vessel was assembled and launched. There can
be no doubt, notwithstanding his claims that he made every effort to seek
the Itzas' peaceful surrender during the first two weeks of March, that
Ursua had planned all along to attack the island quickly and with all the
firepower at his disposal.
24
25
26
27
269
Noble Visitors at Ch'ich
On the morning of Monday, March 1 0 , 1 6 9 7 , three delegations of Maya

notables arrived successively at Ch'ich', each intending to assess Ursua's
Prelude
to
Conquest
attack plan and seek last-minute peace negotiations. Ursua treated each of
the encounters differently. In the case of AjChan, now nominally a Christian convert, he took sworn testimony through interpreters and before
Spanish witnesses. Such formalities were put aside in what appears to
have been a friendly meeting and conversational interchange with Chamach Xulu and the other men from Yalain. Finally, to AjK'in Kan Ek'
Ursua addressed a brief speech and posed a single question. The record
of each visit forms a separate diligencia, or judicial formality, properly
signed by the officers, interpreters, and other witnesses in attendance.
Despite their legal format, these diligencias should not be regarded as
literal records of what transpired that day. They are, by their very nature,
biased to represent the interests of the person in charge of the situation.
When we hear what purport to be the Itza visitors' voices, we should be
aware that their words have been translated, reinterpreted, modified, and
possibly even falsified. Any conversation or negotiating speech that took
place is lost to us, especially in the case of AjChan, in favor of an asymmetrical question-answer formula that supported Ursua's political aims.
For any contemporaneous reader of the official record, the written text
served to disempower the political interests of the Maya party. Ursua
asked the questions and personally recorded, without the intervention of
notarial assistance, the answers he heard.
28
The first visitor was the long-missing and presumed renegade AjChan,
who had last been seen before he ran away from Tipuj the previous September. No specifics of the circumstances of his arrival are immediately
provided, only that "he came among others from the lake, apparently
from the large peten that is seen to be populated." As the testimony unfolds, it appears that he arrived not from Nojpeten but from a temporary
encampment of his own on the lakeshore south of the main island. He and
his companions must have been the advance guard for the next two parties. We can assume that the series of visits had been carefully coordinated,
probably by AjChan himself, who must have been playing the role of
diplomatic go-between in an effort to avert an attack on Nojpeten.
270
Aj Chan, whom Ursua identified by his baptismal name, Martin, and the
honorific title "don," was the only visitor that day who said "that he
knows that he is Christian," and Ursiia took from him a sworn testimony
"by the sign of the Holy Cross." His testimony was also the longest, because it was constructed by Ursiia in order to extract his whereabouts and
activities since his disappearance from Tipuj. AjChan spoke in the presence of the interpreters, Ursiia, the priests Juan Pacheco and Jose Martinez
de Mora, Captain Garcia de Paredes, Ursua's "ayudante general," Gaspar
The Eve of
Conquest
del Castillo Cetina, Captain Jose Laines, "and many other persons who
understand the Maya language" (which, of course, Ursua did not).
At the end of AjChan's recorded declaration, Ursua asked him, "[W]hy
has he given me news that some canoes are coming? And the said don
Martin says they are from Yalain and that in them are coming the cacique
Chamay Zulu [commonly known as Chamach Xulu] with his principales
and the declarant's brothers. This judicial procedure is [therefore] left in
this state."
Ursua's "conversation" with AjChan halted abruptly because the second party of visitors had showed up. It included five men from Yalain who
were observed coming "from the lake, apparently from the large peten."
They must have arrived in several canoes, accompanied by paddlers and
other retainers, but none of them is mentioned. Nojpeten was directly
visible from Punta Nijtun, but their point of embarkation was apparently
not observed. Because they were all from the Yalain area, I surmise that
these visitors probably came not from Nojpeten, as Ursiia guessed, but
from AjChan's encampment on the mainland.
Ursiia immediately ordered "that the person of don Martin Chan be
retained in this headquarters in case it is necessary to take him to the city
of Merida." Apparently deciding that he could use AjChan as a witness in
future trials of the Itza leaders, as an informant who could supply useful
information about the Itzas, and as a person who could assist in capturing
leaders hiding in the forests, Ursiia simply arrested him. When Ursiia led
his troops in the galeota to attack Nojpeten three days later, AjChan
accompanied the Spaniards, calling out to the islands' defenders to surrender and reportedly killing one of them.
The five other visitors were also from Yalain. Ursiia, without explanation, took unsworn testimony from them as a group. Principal among
them was their spokesman, Chamach Xulu, the "cacique" of Yalain whom
Avendano had met in 1696. Three of the Spaniards in attendance Father
Juan Pacheco, Captain Bartolome de la Garma, and Diego Bernardo del
Rio had attended the magnificent reception of AjChan in Merida in December 1 6 9 5 . They recognized two of the younger men in the group, both
of whom had been baptized along with AjChan. On this occasion, however, these two must have refused to answer in the affirmative Ursua's standard but unrecorded question, "Do you know that you are Christian?"
271
The four attendants with Chamach Xulu were recorded as "the one
named don Pedro Nicte, brother of the said ambassador, and the other
named don Manuel Chayax, who is declared to be married to the sister of
said don Martin [Chan], and another named Chayax, relative of don
Prelude to Conquest
Manuel, and likewise another who said he was named Kin Octe and a
relative of said don Martin C h a n . " Don Pedro Nikte (Nikte Chan) was
the same "brother" of AjChan who had been baptized Pedro Miguel Chan
in Merida. Don Manuel Chayax, who was indeed AjChan's sister's husband, had been baptized Manuel Joseph Chayax on the same occasion.
The other two, the unidentified Chayax and AjK'in Okte, had not accompanied their kinsman AjChan to Merida.
29
30
31
Ursua's report of his meeting with the Yalain contingent was brief and
in narrative form not in the formal question-answer format of AjChan's
sworn testimony. Its summary nature suggests that their stay was quite
brief. Although Ursua made no mention of it, Manuel Joseph Chayax
remained behind with his brother-in-law, AjChan, and accompanied the
Spaniards during the attack on Nojpeten three days later. As soon as the
others from Yalain left, Ursua wrote, "there appeared other canoes in
squadrons that came directly from the large peten with a white flag, in
which, the said don Martin Chan stated, came Kin Canek, who is the great
priest, the brother of the petty king Canek. I immediately ordered tomar
armas
and he was received with chirimia music in company with another Indian who the said Martin Chan stated is named Kitcan and who is
head of another province; and [he also stated] that Kin Canek is equal in
power to the petty king [Ajaw Kan Ek'] in all things that are ordered."
32
33
272
Ursua's meeting with AjK'in Kan Ek' (the high priest) and the otherwise
unidentified Kit Kan was apparently longer and more formal than his
reception of the Yalain representatives. He posed specific propositions to
AjK'in Kan Ek', whom he clearly regarded as a spokesman for the Itza
government; he spoke in threatening terms, only thinly veiled by the niceties of procedure and diplomatic language.
The noble visitors, no doubt, were themselves intently assessing not
only the potential strength of Ursua's military machine but also his plans
and intentions. If his descriptions are to be believed, Ursua staged his
reception of the second and third parties as something less than a formal
diplomatic ritual, but with accompanying chirimia music, welcoming and
departure formalities, refreshments, proper seating, and presentation of
gifts. The particular ritual was foreign, to be sure, but such ceremony was
hardly unknown to Itza leaders. At the same time, Ursua was not interested in hiding his warlike intentions, and the visitors must have seen the
artillery, the defensive wall, and the galeota.
As we will see, Ursua manipulated these encounters of March 1 0 to his
own ends. The purpose of his procedures was clearly to record proof that
whatever future action he might take was justified in the light of what the
The Eve of
Conquest
"enemy" had stated. His descriptive accounts of the visits and his record
of the questioning together form a single legal document that was intended, as a whole, to prove that he treated his visitors with great courtesy,
established the probable guilt of the Kan Ek' cousins in the murders of
Guatemalans and Yucatecans the previous year, offered them clear terms
for surrender, and threatened to cause them all severe harm if they refused
these terms.
AJCHAN'S TESTIMONY
Like his questioning of AjChan in Merida over a year earlier, Ursua's

interview on this occasion was designed to confirm or justify his prior
assumptions and to set the stage for anticipated events. The constructed
record, that is, explicitly legitimated widely shared assumptions about the
Itzas, justified Ursua's belief that AjChan had been the rightful ambassador of the true ruler of all the Itzas, and provided such damning evidence
for the deceitfulness of Ajaw Kan Ek' and other leaders that an attack on
Nojpeten could have been his only responsible action.
A two-part variation on the standard first question put to a sworn
Christian witness opens the testimony. AjChan's recorded responses usually begin with "that" or "and that," resulting in lengthy run-on sentences.
Here I have removed these conjunctions, separated his statements for
purposes of clarity, and translated the text loosely for readability. I have
omitted the repeated phrase, "and this he replies," which served to close
each response. Ursua's questioning voice and commentary appear in italics, and AjChan's recorded responses in regular typeface.
34
Asked what is his name, his age, and his occupation, where he is a
citizen and native, and as he says he is Christian where and
when he was baptized, he said: His name is don Martin Chan, native of the large peten where the king is, son of Chan, native of
Tipu, and of Cante, elder sister of Canek who governs these places.
A snake bit his father, from which he died. He heard it said that his
mother, who also died long ago, came from Chichen Itza. He [became] a Christian a year ago in the city.
And asked if it was [a city] of Spaniards, he replied that {it was] in

the city where I had been and to which I took him to baptize [him].
He did not know how to say his age. He is married to an Indian
woman named Couoh in Yalain. His father-in-law Couoh was in this
bay and out of fear did not enter to speak in this royal encampment.
He did not know how to describe his occupation.
Prelude to Conquest
In contrast to Ursua's more general questioning of AjChan on December 29, 1695 (

chapter 7), on this occasion the standard opener revealed several important, previously unknown details about his birthplace
and his closest kin. The question about the location of his baptism seems
superfluous until we realize that Ursua wished to prove to future readers
that it was he himself who had brought about AjChan's baptism and that
the high-status Christian, don Martin Chan, recognized this deed. The
intrusion of Ursua's voice in the first person simply reinforces this point.
s e e
Ajaw Kan Ek' is here portrayed, as he is throughout Ursua's accounts,

as the king who rules over all "who governs these places." AjChan is
seen by Ursua as closely connected to the royal family, an important personage who carried the full legitimacy of a royal ambassador when he visited Merida in December 1695. AjKowoj, on the other hand, is depicted as
a coward, fearing even to visit Ursua when he was in the bay at Ch'ich'.
This Kowoj, identified as AjChan's father-in-law, was the same leader
who had challenged, even threatened, Avendano during his visit to Nojpeten nearly a year earlier. As we have seen, however, he and the ruler's
uncle were at war with Ajaw Kan Ek', partly over the issue of the willingness of Ajaw Kan Ek' to negotiate with the Spaniards. AjChan claims that
AjKowoj had actually been in the bay, where he would have seen the
encampment. His failure to visit was more likely out of fear of reprisal for
the murders of Spaniards than an expression of refusal to negotiate.
The big surprise is AjChan's statement that his mother was from
Chich'en Itza. Ajaw Kan Ek' himself later claimed that "[ever] since they
came from Chichen Itza his ancestors attain the said lordship," but
AjChan's statement is the only direct suggestion of a more recent genealogical connection between the Kan Ek' dynasty and people in northern
Yucatan.
Ursua's next questions addressed the circumstances under which
AjChan made his trip to Merida in December 1695:
35
Asked why he went to the city a year ago and who sent him, he said:
The king Ah Canek sent him (and three other Indians from Yalain,
where he is a citizen, and where his wife, by whom he has a son,
lives, went [with him]) with a message, giving them a crown of
feathers so that he might offer it in his name and offer submission,
as he wished to communicate with the Spaniards in order to join
them in knowledge of the true God.
This "answer" was nothing more than a rewording of AjChan's testimony
in Merida more likely words "put in his mouth" by Ursua, to which he
The Eve of Conquest
gave an affirmative reply. By extracting this response, Ursiia simply confirmed the authenticity of AjChan's original mission.
The next segment of the testimony, again containing no new information, further reinforced this purpose:
Asked from where he went to Merida, how long he spent before he
arrived to deliver his message, and what happened to him in the
city, and what preparations had been made for him for his reception, and those [preparations] that were made for him in Yalain, he
said: Having departed Yalain he knows that he went with his companions via Tipu, where the Indians from the Muzul nation had
been assembled. Although they were many, only two [of them] accompanied him. These told him that they wished to go with him for
the same intention of requesting fathers-ministers, just as his uncle
Canek had order him [to do]. Although he knows that they are savages and live barbarously, he took them with him.
The preparation carried out in Yalain for the reception of the fathers who were to come consisted of the gift of food and all related
large preparations, including a new, large house that is already
constructed.
From [Tipuj] he went with the aforementioned companions to
the large town of the Spaniards, where he was received with much
joy and with gifts from all of the Spaniards, on account of which he
received with all his heart the law of God in the water of baptism.
So great was the love with which he was received that I seated
him elegantly at my table. By this example he was made to understand. Once he had given his message and been cured of his illness
caused by [the trip], I presented him with a gift of various things for
Canek, [which] he left in Tipu. This declarant was also given various things, and the other Indians who went with him were provided
with clothes.
The preceding passage, which shifts abruptly to Ursula's own firstperson voice as he describes the good treatment that he accorded AjChan,
suggests that Ursiia wrote most of it after their meeting. The choice of subject matter, the reaffirmation of AjChan's desire to seek missionaries, the
reference to the house built for Avendano (which the friar had himself de- 275
scribed in sworn testimony), the epithets ("savages" and "barbarously")
applied to the Musuls, and Ursula's self-righteous praise for his own kindnesses all point to the probability that AjChan himself said very few of
these things.
Prelude to Conquest
The next question concerned the good treatment that AjChan and his
companions had experienced during their return trip to Tipuj, as well as the
motive for AjChan's running away from the Spaniards there. This section,
which contains important information and served as a means for Ursua to
establish AjChan's innocence in running away, was discussed in chapter 9.
Ursua next addressed the issue that most concerned him the identification of those who had killed the Guatemalan and Yucatecan "visitors":
Asked where he went to stay after [he left] Tipu, he said: To his own
town of Yalain, where the cacique is Chamay Zulu. The others told
him that the Indians of Chacta [Chata] and those of Puc, along with
the rest, joined in and united in disobedience to the king Canek.
[These] joined together and committed the wickedness against
those who came from Yucatan via this settlement as well as against
those of Guatemala toward the area south of where we now are.
The first part of this passage is clearly AjChan's voice, for he mentions
nobles (Chata and Puk) of whom Ursua probably had no prior knowledge. Furthermore, having already established his own innocence by
maintaining that he was in Tipuj when the Yucatecans were murdered, he
also attempts to exonerate Ajaw Kan Ek' hardly a claim that Ursua
would have been likely to accept. Ursiia further probed the matter:
Asked what they did with all the others and the fathers they captured from both territories and how many he has heard it said were
from Guatemala, he said: He heard it said that they killed those
from Yucatan [who were] captured on this beach where we are, and
[that] those from Guatemala [were] captured while they were sleeping in the savannah, and that they ate them and the pack animals.
As for the religious fathers he cannot give account nor has he heard
anything; because they are not accustomed to seeing fathers, they
perceived them to be Spaniards like the rest. Although the king has
gone about chasing after this evil deed, on account of having delivered his crown for peace, he has been unable to restrain these disobedient Indians. All of them tell lies.
The Indians of Chata and the Pucs have distanced themselves
one day by road from the peten. Some of them had been settled in
the milperias [cultivations] by which we have come. One must not
confide in anyone, because the king is unable to reach agreement
with them. He also heard said that they killed those from Yucatan
in the water and that none reached the peten.
36
The Eve of
Conquest
Now that AjChan has established his own innocence, he proceeds to

implicate even more deeply the supposed enemies of Ajaw Kan Ek', Chata
and Puk, who, with their followers, he continues to claim, had been the
real perpetrators of the murders. "Chata" here may refer to Noj AjChata,
alias Reyezuelo Tesukan (see table 3.7 and accompanying text). The head
of the Puks may have been the "cacique" called Ayikal Puk (chapter 5),
here identified as an ally of the warring faction of the north. The testimony
claims that Ajaw Kan Ek', still true to his promises to the Spaniards, tried
but was unable either to stop these renegades from committing the evil
deeds or to punish them afterward. AjChan implies, however, that Ajaw
Kan Ek' made their lives so difficult by sending armed parties after them
that they relocated farther north from the lake along the very road taken
by the Spanish troops. Although Ursua's later actions indicate that he
did not believe this account, I am inclined to think it was in most essentials correct.
Ursiia then proceeded to test AjChan by seeking his version of the
motives of the murderers:
Asked what he has heard told concerning the motive of all of the Indians that made them commit the evil deed of killing the Spaniards
from Yucatan and Guatemala, [in spite of] Canek's having sent a
message that all wished to know the true God, he said: What he has
heard told is that they carried out the evil deed and that it would be
by order of the demon that is in the idols. He does not know the
motive.
This, presumably, was not what Ursiia expected to hear or was it? If a
demon inhabited the "idols" and gave orders through them, then it must
have been the high priest, AjK'in Kan Ek', who was the perpetrator of the
murders. By indirectly and perhaps unwittingly implicating the cousin of
Ajaw Kan Ek', AjChan had shifted the blame back to the Kan Ek' rulerpriest pair. Ursua, fascinated by the idea of talking idols, explored the
matter further:
Asked if the demons in his town speak, and where they are, he said:
They do speak in the idols, and this declarant has spoken to them.
When Canek appointed him to go to the city, one [of them] told him
that his intention to go to see the Spaniards weighed heavily on
him. Why had he gone unless he had been Spanish, having come
back already a Christian? What they [i.e., the idols] do seems very
bad to him. Therefore, all of the Indians have looked upon the de37
Frelude to Conquest
clarant, like the rest who came back as Christians, with horror and
ill will. It also appears to this declarant that he has become repugnant to them and that they speak continually with the devil through
the idols.
Asked how many sections of idolatry the large peten has, he said:
Fifteen, and each one is a house or a large church. Only by seeing
the quantity of idols can they be counted, because he cannot describe it in any other way.
Using his own imagination, Ursua could not have concocted better
evidence for the devil's handiwork: the Christian Martin Francisco Chan
and his companions in the faith were being persecuted by talking idols.
AjChan had implicated AjK'in Kan Ek' as the principal mortal enemy
of God, because Ursua would have considered him to be the principal
spokesman for these images. The effect of his testimony was to help build
the case that Nojpeten was a place of idolaters (and, by implication, that
AjK'in Kan Ek' was the real enemy) and that therefore it had to be taken
by force. Ursua, both in his own writings and through the testimonies that
he extracted from his officers, would later refer repeatedly to the Itzas'
paganism as a major justification for their military conquest. This is not to
say, however, that AjChan's testimony was bogus; other sources also indicate that Itza priests communicated through speech with ritual images (see
chapter 3 ) .
The status of the next passage is much less ambiguous and may be
taken at face value:
Asked where he has been since he came from Yalain and what he has
been doing, he said: He left Yalain and in fear went to Motzcal,
which is a small peten where there is only one house. He was there
with an Indian named Pana. Having been seen by the king's people,
the king sent for him, and he went to the water's shore. There he has
been afraid that the neighboring Indians would harm him.
[He has spent] all of these [past] days having to disperse squadrons [of war canoes], because the impostures of the Indians had
been those of war against the Spaniards. They say that they must
kill them. For four days he had brought over a defense watch so
that they would not come here.
38
AjChan had apparently gone directly from Tipuj to his hometown, Yalain,
on Laguneta Macanche. From there, according to this passage, he sought
hiding under the protection of one AjPana at the small island of Motzkal
The Eve of
Conquest
(which may have been Islote Grande, just east of Nojpeten), close enough
to have soon been discovered by "the king's people."
Upon being called for by Ajaw Kan Ek', AjChan moved his encampment to the lakeshore, but at an unspecified location, where he feared
attack by his neighbors. By implication, he did not risk visiting Nojpeten
itself. He had spent the past four days patrolling the bay against squadrons coming to attack the Spaniards. Although the passage reads as if
AjChan had gone alone with AjPana to Motzkal, and then alone to his
new location on the lakeshore, this was certainly not the case. We can
assume that he took a substantial group of followers from Yalain in
essence, a small army to both places, setting up defensive encampments
in each place.
Who were the squadrons from which he claimed to be defending the
Spaniards? AjChan does not identify them, but we can assume that they
were from Nojpeten. In the passage that follows he implicates Ajaw Kan
Ek' himself in this activity:
39
Asked what preparations have been made recently on the large peten and on the other petens, he said: Only on the large peten do they
have defensive walls [trincheras]. These are built on low ground.
On high ground there are none. They intend to fight.
Asked by whose order the said defensive walls were built, he

said: It will [sic] be that of Canek.
Ursiia had now established to his satisfaction that it was Ajaw Kan Ek'
himself, in league with the high priest, who had determined to defend
Nojpeten rather than to surrender. Their defenses, however, may have
been intended to protect them as much from their Itza enemies of the
north as from the Spaniards. Ursiia gave AjChan no opportunity to explain his uncle's ambiguous political position in the situation in which he
found himself. Was he being held hostage by his own leaders, or had he
reversed his earlier pro-Spanish stance and joined the Itza loyalists? Whatever the case, with a statement on record that Ajaw Kan Ek' was prepared
to take on the Spaniards militarily, Ursiia would require little further
justification for a decisive battle to gain control of the island capital.
Ursiia then turned his questioning to the issue of Itza political organization, which had long confused the Spaniards. AjChan's lengthy response 279
was transformed by Ursua into a series of brief intelligence statements:
Asked how many superiors there are on the petens, he said: The superior of all is Ah Canek. Another is called Yahkin Canek [AjK'in
Prelude to Conquest
Kan Ek']. They are united and [have been] settled for a long time on
the large island.
The cacique of Yalain [is] called Chamay Zulu. He heard it said
that this [leader] and his people had wished to be Christians. It was
by there that the fathers who were on the large peten went, and they
treated them very well. They gave them gifts and sent them off. It
will [sic] be by water. They live on one body of water.
[There is] another settlement, of the Couohs, one day's distance
from this lake, whose Indians have split apart from each other.
Their cacique is called Lax Couoh. Because they are carrying out
war with those of this lake, the land road has been closed. Having
fought with the people of Yalain, the said Couohs took away all
their clothes and left them naked.
Near the road from Guatemala there is another small lake where
the cacique Puc is located, inhabited by all the people of Chata and
his [own people], who are many. The Spaniards will have noted that
the lake does not have as many canoes now as before; [this is] as a
result of their having left. The lake where the cacique Puc is now located is a day's distance from here; around it they have milperias.
Those of the peten have gone out armed with arrows, killing
many of the runaway Indians, including the Chatas and Pucs. In recent days the Chatas and Pucs have come to the large main peten
wishing to surrender. The declarant turned them away, not wishing
to receive them, for which reason they have not been supported by
Ah Canek. They [then] availed themselves of a remote place toward
the north to which they have already gone.
AjChan apparently side-stepped Ursua's first question, referring only to
Ajaw Kan Ek' and his cousin, AjK'in Kan Ek'. The rest of his response
spells out recent disruptions and relocations of other major political
groups. His own people at Yalain under Chamach (also called Chamay)
Xulu had recently been attacked by a splinter group of Kowojs under
Lax Kowoj, who had resettled in the Lagunas Yaxha and Sacnab area.
Because AjChan's father-in-law, AjKowoj, is known from other sources
to have attacked Nojpeten sometime during 1696 presumably because
of support by Ajaw Kan Ek' for Spanish interests it is perhaps no surprise that his relative and presumed ally, Lax Kowoj, attacked the people of Yalain from his base around Lagunas Yaxha and Sacnab, likely
for the same reason. Regardless of his father-in-law's position, AjChan
makes certain to point out that people of Yalain were Christian sym-
The Eve of
Conquest
pathizers and had supported both the visit by Avendano and his own trip
to Merida.
The followers of Chata (possibly Noj AjChata) and Puk had run away
from the western end of the main lake, seeking refuge, we may assume,
from the advancing army. Some of them, according to an earlier statement
by AjChan, had moved north, not far from the camino real; but others, he
now states, escaped to the south, around Lagunas Oquevix and Ija, where
B'atab' Tut, who in 1696 was the second ruler of the north, also relocated either at this time or at a later date. Puk, it would seem, had since
replaced Tut as the second ruler of the north or was another important
Chak'an Itza leader. Some of this movement had occurred within the past
ten days: the Spaniards, he says, should have observed a drop in the
number of canoes in the area. Having suffered attacks from, presumably,
the followers of Ajaw Kan Ek', a delegation from Chata and Puk had since
visited Nojpeten seeking reconciliation.
The next statement that the Chatas and Puks were turned away at
Nojpeten by AjChan himselfcasts AjChan as a supporter of Ajaw Kan
Ek' against these renegades who, unknown to Ursua, may have planned to
kill the Itza ruler. AjChan must have set up his encampment on the main
shore just south of Nojpeten, because there he could have confronted the
Chata-Puk delegation, dealing with Ajaw Kan Ek' by courier. Unlike the
Christian-sympathizing leaders of Yalain, the Puks and Chatas, the accused guilty parties in the murders, are portrayed as enemies of both the
Spaniards and the ruler himself.
Stubborn to the end and wishing to implicate everyone possible in the
murders, Ursua asked AjChan yet again who did it:
40
Asked if he knows or has heard said if Indians [who] are now on

the large peten were accomplices in the murders committed against
those of both Yucatan and Guatemala, he said: According to the
conversations he has heard he can name no one, only that all have
guilt in the murders that were committed in one or the other place.
Whether or not AjChan actually said that "all have guilt," he had previously made it clear that Ajaw Kan Ek' himself was not guilty. Although the
Puks and Chatas had allies in committing the murders, Ajaw Kan Ek' also
had a sufficient alliance, including the forces of AjChan, to require them to
leave the environs of the main lake, to attack and kill some of them, and to
refuse their negotiations of surrender. Had it not been for the protection offered the ruler by AjChan, the Itza king's enemies might have overthrown
the dynasty before Ursua could launch the galeota on March 1 3 .
281
Prelude to Conquest
Still convinced that he was being tricked and misled, Ursua began to
test AjChan with further questions, but the testimony was interrupted by
the arrival of the next group of visitors:
Asked for what cause or reason he left the gift in Tipu that was given
to him in the city [Merida] for Ah Canek, and if he has informed
Canek of the gift that was given to him, he said: He left the gift in
the possession of Captain Hariza, with whom he came, because, as a
result of the fear that the cacique Zima instilled in him, he left without giving notification. When he later left Motzcal, where he was
hiding with Pana, he reported to Canek and his wife Pana and told
them about the gift that had been given to each of them.
And why has he given me news that some canoes are coming?
And the said don Martin says: They are from Yalain and that in
them are coming the cacique Chamay Zulu with his principales and
the declarant's brothers. This judicial procedure is left in this state.
THE DECLARATION
AND
HIS
OF CHAMACH
XULU
DELEGATION
Ursua claimed that he received Chamach Xulu and the other four men
from Yalain "with much friendly attention, chirimia music, and embraces
[after which] they were provided refreshment, and after all this I took
pleasure in seeing them, the said Chamay Zulu said that he was happy to
see me because he had wished to do s o . " AjChan had succeeded in
convincing Ursua that Chamach Xulu was a good ally of the Spaniards.
What followed reads as if it were a monologue by the principal visitor in
which he catalogued his personal role in the early initiation of contact
with Merida. He was the person who,
41
by order of Canek, had sent don Martin Chan with the other Indians from his town to the city, for which they were all called to the
peten where the king gave him the order to send them. He [Chamach Xulu] had the authority to request fathers so that they would
teach the law of the true God, to arrange the preparations of supplies and chickens to give them when they came to his town, and
also to build a large new house in which to receive them. Later,
when don Martin departed for Tipu to deliver his message, he initiated the construction of the house, and he still has it today, as it has
not been more than a year since he built it.
[Following the arrival] of some fathers who left the peten, transported by the [sic] Canek, he received them in Yalain, regaled them,
The Eve of
Conquest
and gave them a guide to instruct them about the road. He told the
fathers that he, along with all of his province, wished to be Christians and to know the true God, and now, once again, he says the
same thing.
While all this may have been true, he failed to mention that the guide he
provided to Avendano deserted the friars, who quickly became lost in the
forest.
Ursiia, pleased with "such good intent," responded with a speech in
which he proffered "the great moderation with which he and all his province will be treated and the comfort that they will receive in their souls."
The visit must have been a short one, because the visitors were quickly
presented with the customary gift of axes and machetes for the men and
belts and beads for their wives at home. Ursiia hurried them off "with
every friendly attention, accompanied by music all the way to the embarkment; and they were very contented, leaving them [in this way] so that
they would lose their suspicions, as [I] came de paso y paz in conformity
with His Majesty's orders."
It was obvious to the Yalain visitors that this military encampment was
no expression of a policy of "paso y paz," and they surely did not trust
Ursua's assurances of good treatment. This was, nonetheless, the first time
that Ursiia had singled out in writing a particular Itza province and implied that he would pursue different policies of conquest in different political provinces. The next delegation, the object of his ire, was almost what
he had been waiting for.
" N E G O T I A T I O N S " W I T H A J K ' I N KAN EK'
Ursua had hoped to play host to Ajaw Kan Ek', but he received AjK'in
Kan Ek' and one of the three provincial rulers called Kit Kan instead.
Their arrival was an impressive sight, and they were greeted with the
customary dignity. After the visitors were seated, AjK'in Kan Ek' was the
first to speak, saying, reportedly, "that he was very pleased in his heart
that his Indians were received in such a friendly manner."
Nothing more of the speech by AjK'in Kan Ek' is recorded, but Ursiia
took great pains to write a summary of his own aggressive response: "I
responded that it pleased me to see him, and [I reminded him] that his
people had already told him about the good treatment and friendship with
which they had been received and regaled without any inducement, and
[that] I was here by order of the King our lord don Carlos the Second
(whom God may protect), to open, in peace and not war, a road and pass
42
Prelude
to
Conquest
on to Guatemala, and that he should understand this, because if they were

to make and arrange war they would find it in me with punishment, and I
would take them from under the earth to punish them; and if they wished
peace they would have it, along with much love and affection and everything they might need." Ursua's saber-rattling language gave AjK'in Kan
Ek' few practical options. Ursua was obviously already planning to execute punishment, and nothing short of full surrender which he did not
call for on this occasion would have satisfied him.
But AjK'in Kan Ek', replying "that they did not wish war but peace,
and that he was ready to keep it," immediately changed the subject to the
camino real. His strategy was a long shot to focus on the issue of the
road in order to keep the Spaniards moving on to Guatemala, bypassing
the lake altogether: "Having discussed the road from Guatemala he said,
pointing toward the south, that it reached up to the water's shore at the
other part of the lake. Having advised him that he assemble his Indians to
open a solid land road to Guatemala, without crossing the lake, he responded that he would order his Indians to open it lower down at the west
[end] where the lake terminates. He was then promised satisfaction."
Ursua, of course, had no intention of abandoning the galeota and proceeding to Guatemala with his hundreds of men and large store of equipment. The high prophet, however, had much at stake in keeping the army
at bay, so to speak, until it might take up the route to the south of an
earlier traveler, Hernan Cortes. Cortes had headed an even larger army
and retinue when he arrived at the lakeshore during K'atun 2 Ajaw, and
the Itza leaders of that time must have feared that he, like Ursua now,
would attack and conquer them. Could AjK'in Kan Ek' have harbored the
futile hope that history was about to repeat itself and this new general,
too, would just go away? If Ursua had any hint of such a hope, he chose to
ignore it, changing the subject to the same topic he had posed to Chamach
Xulu, that of the legitimacy of AjChan's trip to Merida:
Asked what message was sent from the large peten a year ago now,
by whose order, to what effect, and who was the messenger, he said:
This declarant [AjK'in Kan Ek'] and his brother the king ordered
the message, and his nephew Chan carried it with a crown, requesting communication with the Spaniards and the law of the true God
and padres to teach them. And said Chan was called with his
brother Nicte from Yalain to the large peten, where he was given
the message. Having also called Chamay Zulu, cacique of the said
town of Yalain, they ordered him to inform and send via Tipu his
The Eve of
Conquest
two nephews with other Indians and to prepare for their return a
gift of food and a large new house in which to receive the padres.
And to this end he knows that they built the house and that his
nephews went to see the great one of the Spaniards and that they
took the padres as far as Tipu.
Ursiia thereupon recorded, "It is appropriate for now not to touch
upon the treacheries carried out by the Indians of this lake against Spaniards and Indians of Guatemala and Yucatan. Due to the malevolence of
the matter it is not treated until it is seen whether the person of Ah Canek
is obtained." That is, he had determined that the only person with whom
he could have full diplomatic dealings would be Ajaw Kan Ek', whom he
perceived to be the supreme ruler of the Itzas and thus responsible for the
actions of his "vassals." This meeting, however, was not to take place.
Justifying
Conquest
Ursiia and his officers sent this last set of visitors off with the usual set of
gifts and formal words of departure. Over the next two days Ursiia pondered his situation and prepared a detailed "proposition" in which he
reviewed long-past events and those of the last several days. He read this
paper to the assembled military officers on Monday, March 1 2 , demanding their advice on the next step to be taken. The galeota was completed,
and the troops were ready for an attack on Nojpeten. The council, or at
least Ursua's recording of its minutes, would further legitimate whatever
action he decided to take.
43
The "proposition" was hardly that, for Ursiia proposed no specific

action. Implicit, perhaps, was the assumption that the time for attack was
at hand, but he was careful, in speaking from a written text, not to play his
hand. By seeking opinions from his officers he would ultimately be able to
show his superiors that everyone had agreed and that little choice remained but to use force against what he maintained was a cumulative Itza
record of treachery.
Little in Ursua's pronouncement at the royal encampment was new. He
summarily reviewed the legal basis for his enterprise thus far and outlined
the history of events that began with Garcia de Paredes's first entrada to
Kejach territory in 1695. Much of his account was skeletal and dispassionate. Even his description of the massacres of the Guatemalans and
Yucatecans was cool and apparently "factual." His claim, however, that
Prelude to Conquest
he himself was simply following royal wishes in coming to the region "de
paz y de paso," for the sole purposes of reducing natives and opening the
road to Guatemala, would have strained the credulity of any colonial
readers familiar with the geography.
Ursiia contended that AjChan had been a legitimate representative of a
genuine ruler when he visited Merida in December 1 6 9 5 , an interpretation
crucial to his own diplomatic and military strategy but doubted by many
in local colonial circles. Yet even officials and encomenderos in Campeche
- and Merida could not effectively challenge Ursua's reports of his encounters with the Maya leaders on March 1 0 or, far more significantly, his
reports of other encounters with the Peten Mayas in his war council report. The March 1 0 testimonies were clouded by ambiguities and complexities, compounded by Ursua's obfuscation. His report of these other
experiences with the local population, however no matter how blatantly ethnocentric they may seem to a modern reader would have been
politically compelling, empirically straightforward, and emotionally distressing to almost any colonial official.
Ursua's public rationale for his actions so far sending Garcia "to take
possession of the islands and towns of the l a k e " and displaying his arms
and military prowess on the lake's principal western port rested on the
"truth" and validity of AjChan's diplomatic overtures in Merida. If Ajaw
Kan Ek' had sincerely offered peaceful surrender through his nephew, any
action taken by Ursua would be justified as a forceful claim to what had
already been offered. Ursua's strategy could not admit to the possibility
that Ajaw Kan Ek' had lost his ability to rule and that AjChan's representations were no longer politically relevant.
44
Ursiia was not alone in creating the "paper trail" that justified his
actions. On the afternoon of March 1 3 , following the storming of Nojpeten, Bachiller Juan Pacheco de Sopuerta, the troops' chaplain, and his
"lieutenant," Bachiller Jose Francisco Martinez de Mora, prepared a "certification" that further served the purpose. They repeated Ursua's claim
that while at the encampment at Ch'ich' the captain general had made
every effort to procure the friendship of Ajaw Kan Ek', citing the gifts,
meals, music, and formalities provided the other visitors. Ursua, they
wrote, had offered secure passage to Ajaw Kan Ek' himself and had asked
AjK'in Kan Ek' to assure the Itza king that Ursua came in peace, merely
passing on his way to Guatemala. Ajaw Kan Ek' himself, they wrote, was
to have visited the encampment on March 1 2 , bringing with him other
leaders and his relatives. The two priests claimed that AjK'in Kan Ek'
understood the nature of the invitation and promised that he would return
45
286
The Eve of
Conquest
with Ajaw Kan Ek' and his followers on the appointed day. Furthermore,
AjK'in Kan Ek' had promised that on March n , in return for axes and
machetes, he would provide workers to begin the opening of the road to
Guatemala along the southern side of the lake. Neither promise was fulfilled, and during the next two days canoes appeared near the shore of the
encampment whose crews seemed hostile, convincing the priests that the
Itza leaders had no peaceful intentions.
Female Visitors and Useless Gifts

In their certification the priests recounted that while these hostile canoe
crews taunted the Spaniards on March n and 1 2 , "many women at different times went to the royal encampment, without [our] having succeeded in discovering their intention, and said lord [Ursiia] ordered that
they be received with the modesty and dignity appropriate to the service of
our Lord God, and that they be taken to the storehouse . . . [where they
were regaled with] aguardiente and biscuit . . . , many-colored belts,
strung beads for necklaces, and earrings, and they were sent off under
guard to the landing place with the same modesty, still disallowing disrespectful conduct." Ursiia himself wrote, in his later account of these
events to the Crown, "Many infidel women from this island came alone in
canoes without [my] having been able to discover the pretext or diabolical
scheme. After three days, during which they were received, beautified,
adorned, regaled, and sent off with the restraint, decency, and modesty
appropriate to the service of our Lord God, bearing in mind many examples of this quality." These accounts of the women's visitations to the
encampment differ only in the timing attributed to them. According to the
priests, they arrived after the March 1 0 delegations of Maya leaders,
whereas Ursiia wrote that they preceded the delegations, seemingly implying that their good treatment by the Spaniards influenced the Maya leaders to visit the encampment themselves.
46
47
We can accept both Ursiia's account of the order of events, which he

repeated elsewhere, and that of the priests. If both were correct, the
camp was visited repeatedly by women, unaccompanied by men, for a
period of about a week before the assault on the island. Both Ursiia and 287
the priests claimed to have been unable to discern the purpose of these
visits, although Ursiia opined that behind them must have been some
"pretext or diabolical scheme." That he felt further compelled to state that
they were treated with "restraint, decency, and modesty" suggests that
48
Prelude
to
Conquest
these women were on an erotic mission and that he believed they had been
sent by their own men to seduce the soldiers. He ordered his men, if his
order is to be taken literally, to resist temptation and, instead, to limit their
pleasure to braiding the women's hair and adorning them with jewelry
and brightly colored belts.
The women's visits might be seen as part of a strategy by the Mayas at
Nojpeten to lessen the threat of an imminent attack. To take the matter
further and suggest, as Marshall Sahlins did for Hawaiian women's similar behavior toward European sailors in 1 7 7 8 , that the action reflected
complex cultural responses to perceived foreign social power would certainly not be supported by such scanty information. Whether the Maya
women were sent to defuse a volatile situation, were acting on their own
peace-making initiative, or were simply displaying a desire for Spanish
trinkets cannot be known.
Ursua's public strategy appears to have been to "win over" his nonelite
visitors by presenting them with valuable gifts that their own leaders
would have been unable to distribute. His intention was clearly to claim
Nojpeten for the Spanish Crown, but perhaps, he argued, steel tools, salt,
and jewelry would strengthen the commoners' disaffection for their own
hostile leaders. He claimed that he had begun to achieve his goal when at
last the official delegations arrived on the scene: "It appears that these
circumstances were an incentive for luring Kin Canek (the king's brother)
and Kitcan, Canek's lieutenant. Having been presented with gifts of axes,
machetes, knives, and salt, just as for the other Indians, and having been
received with the necessary solemnity and pomp, they were made to understand that I was pleased to see them."
49
50
But Ursua never offered these visitors the opportunity to discuss terms
of surrender. Instead, he considered their visits only a prelude to an obligatory audience with their "king":
After being invited to eat with me today, and [told] that they should
come with the king Canek so that we might discuss matters convenient to our peace and the purpose of my coming and also [told
that] the said Kin Canek was obliged to drive his Indians later on to
open a land road toward Guatemala without the need to cross this
lake, their work being paid in axes and machetes and because
they have failed and fail in everything they say and propose, and
[because] this morning when I waited for the said Ah Canek, Kin
Canek, and Kitcan to eat with me, a number of canoes appeared,
whose Indians came making warlike displays, provoking war de-
The Eve of Conquest
spite all that has been expressed, I found myself in the frame of
mind of seeing whether the force of cajolery and gifts can lure these
infidels to the obedience of the King our lord and to the profession
of our holy faith.
51
The preceding statement, a crescendo of bitter and angry frustration, climaxes with Ursua's obviously facetious conclusion that he had been a fool
to wait for "the force of cajolery and gifts" to herd such warlike barbarians into the corral of Christendom. The only alternative, although it is
left unstated, must be war. All was in readiness, and all that he officially
lacked for a direct attack on Nojpeten was his officers' support. Ursua
wrote, "whereas . . . the galeota is completely finished, and [inasmuch as]
the Indian who this morning was falsely introduced as the ambassador of
the Couohs for having three times found himself captured in the royal
encampment declares through the interpreters that Kitcan has all of the
provinces of the region united on the large peten to wage war, I, in view of
that which all express, will determine myself what I judge to be most
efficacious in the execution of His Majesty's orders. That which each one
votes will be registered separately so that it will be clear."
Ursua's final justification for attack demonstrated either his lack of
knowledge of the civil war that gripped Itza territory or his refusal to recognize it. He refused to believe that his captive was in fact an ambassador for
the Kowojs, although he gave full credence to his testimony that a Kit Kan
was in charge of a united defense of Nojpeten. By implication, Ajaw Kan
Ek' was now powerless, perhaps having already left Nojpeten in search of
refuge from his own internal enemies. Ursua, determined to mount an
attack, decided to ignore political complexities and the opportunity for a
negotiated settlement. His officers, as we now see, supported him fully.
War Council
Ursua's records of verbal declarations, as we have seen so many times, are
not literal renderings of speakers' words but rather his "interpretation" of
what they said. As was so often his practice, the commander-in-chief
served as his own clerk and scribe in recording the proceedings of the junta
de guerra, or war council, held on March 1 2 . This is not to say, however,
that the officers at this meeting did not express views similar to those that
emerged in writing.
Ursua's second-in-command, Captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes, cited
5 2
Prelude
to
Conquest
his long experience in the region, as if to say that no matter how long one
waited for gifts and kindness to counteract idolatry, people controlled by
the devil cannot be converted peaceably. On the basis of his twenty-five
years of local experience (a record that complemented Ursua's own lack of
local knowledge), during which he had been
carrying out entradas and domesticating the forest dwellers and
rebels, and restraining their insults, [Garcia de Paredes] finds that
they attribute all their feelings to the idols, which keeps them apart
from the knowledge of God's kindness. In the domesticated towns
idolatries are found every day, and as sons of the lie they never profess something of truth by the gospel. The devil governs them. . . .
Experience even teaches that ever since the original conquest, abhorring the divine cult, they go to idolatrize in the forests, and also
that they have carried out their many rebellions on account of their
natural aversion to Christianity.
290
To such visions of the moral depravity of the Mayas, this pragmatic soldier added a list of more practical motivations that would justify armed
conquest: the value of opening the new road to Guatemala, the loss of
security from closure of the fort of Santo Tomas in Honduras (a dubious
argument), the agricultural promise of the region's fertile lands, and the
possibility of unspecified future discoveries (presumably gold and silver).
As for AjChan's excuse that Ajaw Kan Ek' had been unable to control
his "vassals" when they committed the recent massacres, Garcia considered such a rationale "frivolous." Only "formal conquest" would "punish
the aggressors of so much death carried out treacherously." A just punishment would be, in his closing words, "that the heads of all the false priests
be cut off, as well as those of the old men who teach the idolatries; that
their temples be demolished and in their place be erected the triumph of
the Holy Cross in order to cast out the devil and to exalt our holy Catholic
faith; and that God be washed where he has been offended so deeply."
Such words were a call to holy war, a reiteration that only military conquest could free these unfortunates from the devil's control. Only the
guiltiest parties, the priests who carried out the devil's wishes, were to be
executed, as part of a cleansing that would eliminate all traces of idolatrous behavior. Once washed of such evil influences, the rest of the population would be ready to receive "our holy Catholic faith,"
This was a top-down model of native religion that, except for its conviction that only violent destruction could eliminate evil, mirrored the
Franciscan vision of a populace ready to accept the gospel if only the
The Eve of
Conquest
influences of a depraved priesthood could be eliminated. To the Franciscans, however, the means had to be peaceful, based on the voluntary,
spiritual experience of the native leaders. Theirs was warfare of the soul,
whereas the soldiers, pragmatic and impatient, believed that conversion
could be speeded along by a clean sweep of the physical and political
trappings of native ideology. Both models, of course, shared the ultimate
goal of full colonial incorporation of the native population.
Captains Fernandez de Estenos and Zubiaur Isasi spoke only briefly,
seconding the statement of Garcia de Paredes. Captain Nicolas de Aya,
however, urged just enough caution to impart an impression that the
meeting had more than one point of view. He stated that "knowing the
pusillanimity of the Indians and in light of the completion of the galeota,
he is of the opinion that before beginning warfare the islands or petens
should be [visited] to see if some persons can be captured to carry peace
messages to Canek, in order [to fulfill the] obedience to the King our lord,
and to those [messengers] who deliver them no evil or any harm be committed against them. In the event they resist, the royal arms should enter,
punishing and taking the lives of the false priests, commanders, and old
Indian men, leaving the servants and small children." Otherwise, he said,
he was in agreement with Garcia.
Captain Diego de Avila Pacheco, on the other hand, agreed with Garcia
"to the letter," claiming on the basis of his experiences elsewhere in New
Spain and New Vizcaya that "the Indians of every region are of the same
nature, sons of the lie and of treason." Unlike the other officers, however, he distinguished between independent groups such as those whom
they now confronted and the "domesticated" natives whose loyalty they
threatened to undermine: "And the same domesticated [peoples] are excited to rebellion by their bad example, for which reason it is necessary to
attack with blood and fire in order to punish such inhuman atrocities."
Captain Bartolome de la Garma, applying legal reasoning, cited the
massacres that followed AjChan's mission to Merida as a form of "inhuman treason" that justified the "exemplary punishment" of Ajaw Kan Ek'
and "all his allies." The massacres, he argued, had taken place following a
legal agreement between Ajaw Kan Ek' and the colonial government and
in a situation in which the visiting Spanish troops should have been offered
full security. For this reason Ajaw Kan Ek' should bear full responsibility 291
for the deaths. An attack on Nojpeten and the subsequent punishment of
the murderers would therefore be the appropriate, justified action.
With brief affirmations of the need to apply a policy of "blood and fire"
by the three remaining officers, Ursiia composed a closing statement to the
Frelude to
Conquest
effect that in light of all of the recorded opinions the royal decrees demanding peaceful policies must nonetheless be taken into full account. To
this end he ordered that no officer, soldier, or other person, on pain of
immediate execution, break out arms against any defender "until receiving my order that I shall issue in the operations and occasions." Likewise,
those who without orders set foot on land and entered native houses,
"even if they see the doors open," would suffer equal punishment.
Such a statement paying lip service to the royal policy {de paz y de
paso) while openly anticipating the need to restrain his men in the event of
attack on Nojpeten indicated that Ursiia had already made up his mind.
The attack was to be the very next day, and all preparations must have
been completed by the time of the war council. The purpose of the meeting
was not to assist the commander-in-chief in reaching a decision but rather
to produce a written record that could prove the legitimacy of a violent
attack.
292
VICTIMS AND
SURVIVORS OF
CONQUEST
chapter
twelve
OCCUPATION AND
INTERROGATION
o
n the morning of Wednesday, March 1 3 ,
1697, Spanish troops under the command of Martin de Ursiia y Arizmendi stormed Nojpeten from the galeota constructed at Ch'ich'. After a
brief, one-sided battle in which they inflicted heavy casualties on the Itzas
defending the capital, the troops quickly occupied the island and began
destroying much of what the defenders had left behind. They found Nojpeten all but deserted; those who had survived Spanish fire and were
strong enough escaped by swimming to the mainland.
Within the space of a few hours, Nojpeten, seat of the last independent
and unconquered Maya kingdom, was transformed into the presidio of
Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedies y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza. Its surviving inhabitants, many of whom were members of elite and ruling families,
sought refuge in towns and hamlets throughout the region, recounting the
loss of lives, property, and pride to their relatives and friends. Even in
hiding, however, they were not entirely safe, because the Spaniards soon
sent out search parties to capture and bring back the most important
leaders. With the assistance of AjChan and the people of Yalain, the principal members of the family of Ajaw Kan Ek' were presented to Ursiia on
March 3 1 ; other important captives were to arrive over the weeks and
months ahead.
These events, the culmination of years of preparation, were only the
beginning of a new, deeply troubled era for both the conquerors and the
defeated. Isolated on their fortified island, the Spaniards found themselves lacking sources of food and surrounded by hostile Mayas. Scattered
throughout towns and villages around the lakes, Itza leaders struggled to
resurrect what they could of their political and social order, now in a state
of collapse and confusion.
Victims and
Survivors
The Storming of Nojpeten

Two principal eyewitness accounts, both written on the day of the event,
tell of the immediate preparations for and execution of the attack on
Nojpeten. The first of these, signed by the military commanders and officers, was begun on the afternoon of March 13 but not completed until the
next day. The second, authored by Fathers Juan Pacheco de Sopuerta and
Jose Francisco Martinez de Mora, was completed that evening. These two
records, in the form of "certifications" ordered by Ursua, comprise nearly
all that we know of the event.
The military report, Ursua wrote on March 1 3 , "exhibits sworn certification of that which happened today between the time I left the royal
encampment until now, which would be five o'clock in the afternoon." In
order to counter the officers' certification, which had a militaristic tone, he
instructed the chaplains "to certify formally as soon as possible the peaceful efforts I have made ever since I set up the royal encampment on the
lakeshore, with how many Indian men and women have come and gone to
see me." These "peaceful efforts" were to include his ignoring provocative
actions by squadrons of canoes that harassed the encampment and his
treating all itza visitors, including the women, with courtesy, generously
plying them with trinkets.
1
Although Ursua's name was not attached to either "certification," both

bear his style of writing and rhetoric, and it may be assumed that they
were penned under his direct supervision. Particularly in the case of the
chaplains' certification, Ursua wished to suppress any information that
would reveal the violence of the attack and the fact that he had lost control
over his men during the fight. Despite the efforts Ursua may have made to
avoid bloodshed, we learn from other sources that his soldiers apparently
seized the opportunity to commit a massacre.
Although the information contained in these two certifications differs
in some points, the reports are complementary and do not contradict each
other. Ursua himself made certain of that. His own report to the king,
written nine days later, contains even less information and avoids even
more assiduously any direct indication that the attack resulted in massive
loss of life. Except where indicated, the account that follows is based
directly on these reports.
2
296
Before dawn on the morning of Wednesday, March 1 3 , Father Juan

Pacheco offered mass to all who were encamped at Ch'ich'. Designated to
remain behind were twenty-five soldiers under the command of Lieuten-
Occupation and
Interrogation
ants Juan Francisco Cortes and Diego Bernardo del Rio, three musketarmed Mayas from Tek'ax, and an unspecified number of carriers. Several
of the heavy arms were left behind, ensuring that the encampment would
be well guarded in the event of a Maya attack.
As dawn approached, the men appointed to the galeota began to board.
They included, in addition to Ursua and five of his personal servants, 108
armed men, the two priests, AjChan, AjChan's brother-in-law Manuel
Joseph Chayax, and a bound captive from Nojpeten. Father Pacheco ordered the men to be silent while he offered a salve to Nuestra Sefiora de los
Remedios, Ursua's own patroness, for their success. After this prayer the
men shouted, "Long live the law of God!" Ursiia then ordered Bernardo de
San Juan to read his decree of the previous day that no man was to fire until
receiving Ursua's order. Anyone who disobeyed this or other commands
to exercise restraint would be executed. According to the officers' report,
Pacheco then said "in a loud voice, 'Gentlemen, all of you who had pain in
all your heart for having offended God and who begged him for forgiveness of your sins and mercy, raise your finger and say, "Lord have mercy on
m e . " ' And all apparently having made the ritual statement in a loud voice,
he made the sign of absolution."
As the sun began to rise, the galeota set off, rowed by its crew on its
maiden voyage, the two-league trip from Ch'ich' to Nojpeten. At the
halfway mark they passed between two points of land, one from the
mainland and one from an island today's Punta Nijtun to their west and
the point of Islote Lepete to their east. There they sighted a canoe, which
the officers believed to be that of a sentry, approaching them quickly. Then
there appeared from the western shore "a great quantity" of canoes that
stretched out in a wing across the bow of the galeota from one point of
land to the other (a distance of about six hundred meters). As they approached the centerpoint of the arc of canoes they saw that the men in
them appeared "arrogant," shouting aggressively. Ursiia ordered his pilot
to row directly through the line of canoes on toward Nojpeten, a task
easily accomplished.
Approaching the island they saw a "multitude" of people along the
shore, on the stone and mud fortifications, on the main part of the island,
and on the roofs of buildings. The defenders, both on land and in the
canoes, were shouting and moving about. Canoes coming from various 2 9 7
points on the mainland were joining together to create, "with great effort," a half-moon formation, gradually closing around the galeota in a
circle that joined the main island on one side. From this encirclement
3
Victims and Survivors
arrows began to fly. In the midst of this situation, Ursua claimed, he

shouted, "Silence! And no one fire a shot, because God is on our side and
there is no need to be afraid."
What followed was mayhem. AjChan, it was said by the officers and
priests, spied from the galeota a small canoe near the shore to their north
and identified the young man in it as belonging to the parcialidad, or
urban quarter, of Ajaw Kan Ek'. He called to the person in the canoe, who
paddled close to the galeota. Ursua ordered AjChan to tell him to go to
Ajaw Kan Ek' and "tell him on his behalf that he would give him three
chances to make peace." At that moment the defenders released volleys of
arrows from the shore and the canoes. One arrow struck Sergeant Juan
Gonzalez in the arm. Another hit a soldier named Bartolome Duran who,
"perhaps as a result of the pain," fired his gun. At that point, according to
Ursua, Gonzalez lost control of the infantry, as did the officer in charge of
landing the galeota and deciding when to release the troops,
The officers' reported that Sergeant Gonzalez nonetheless
7
restrained from firing the midship pieza and the four pedreros
which, had they been fired, would have inflicted great mortality
among the infidels, both because of their great number and because
they would have caught them at the muzzle of the cannon. For this
reason and so that not all would perish, we disembarked, leaving the
galeota guarded by twenty men . . . ; and after we had charged the
multitude of Indians several times, they fled impetuously not only
those in the canoes which the galeota had crossed but also the Indian
men and women who were on land all of them casting themselves
into the water, even with their infants.
9
Father Juan Pacheco confirmed this portrait of the retreat: "And having
climbed up to the high point [of the island] we saw that those who were in
the canoes had retreated, pushing off and abandoning many [of the canoes], and that the water was dense with the heads of Indian men and
women who, fleeing from this island, swam toward the mainland."
Nine days after the event Ursua described the storming of the island in a
letter to the king. His account of the effects of the Spanish attack on the
defenders referred to native fatalities only in passing, turning the event
into a metaphor for the opposition between "Indian" cowardice and
Spanish courage. As he disembarked from the galeota,
10
298
the men joined me with such courage that many were tossed into
the water. As soon as the infidels heard the weapons and experi-
Occupation and
Interrogation
enced the courage of those who pressed them forward, they began
such a cowardly retreat that those on land, both men and women,
started swimming, filling up the water all the way across to the
mainland. / do not doubt that some would be imperiled by the assault, given what has since been recognized.
I have collected more than 1 2 5 of the abandoned canoes and
some Indian women and children. In light of the great multitude of
infidels who defended the lake and the island from the water and
those who crowned them [sic] on land, this victory, the joy of which
was already obtained at eight in the morning, has been considered
to be a great miracle.
11
The italicized sentence constituted Ursua's only admission, an indirect one

at that, of substantial Itza mortality. What had "since been recognized"
was, as we shall see, the large number of dead bodies left floating in the
water the remains of those fired on by the soldiers as they retreated.
Ursua and his men never again committed to writing any indication that
they had killed a single defender that day. Ursua did claim, however, that
not a single Spaniard lost his life during the battle.
The officers' report also accused the defenders of cowardice, observing
that "[they are] so barbarous that as soon as they surrendered they wished
to die. So great is their brutishness that an Indian from this island who was
taken in shackles in the said galeota jumped overboard and drowned in
the l a k e . " This inversion of the facts transformed the wanton killing of
people trying to escape the gunfire by swimming toward the mainland into
a portrayal of cowardly brutes who somehow invited their own death.
The officers similarly remade the desperate escape attempt by their prisoner, who risked his life rather than face further humiliation and probable
torture in the hands of his captors. In contrast, the officers wrote that the
"Christian" AjChan, who was also aboard the galeota, "disembarked
with us with such courage and valor that with a musket or trabuco that he
requested and was given he killed one of the Indians who had started to
swim a w a y . " AjChan, of course, may have had his own reasons for
choosing to kill that particular individual.
12
13
14
Later writers painted a rather different picture of the fate that befell the
retreating Itzas. Although none of these writers was present during the
storming of the island, they had all heard descriptions of the events from
eyewitnesses. During a meeting in Santiago de Guatemala a year and a
half later, Fray Diego de Rivas, a Guatemalan Mercederian with extensive
experience in the Peten region, claimed that "so great was the number of
those who challenged [Ursua's attack] that the balls that our people shot
killed such an innumerable quantity that the dead bodies of the Indians
appeared as an island in the l a k e . "
In 1 7 0 0 the Franciscan provincial of Yucatan, Bernardo de Rivas, who
vigorously opposed the policies of Ursua and the secular clergy, charged
that the attack on Nojpeten had resulted in many deaths and the subsequent flight of most of the population. Nine years later, commenting on
the small native population of the Lago Peten Itza area, President Toribio
de Cosio of Guatemala blamed much of this decline on the great loss of life
occasioned during the capture of Nojpeten.
15
16
17
Although each of these individuals may have had personal reasons for
claiming that the occupation of Nojpeten occasioned heavy Itza casualties, I believe that their statements should be considered seriously. Rivas,
in particular, appears in his other writings and oral testimonies to have
been a level-headed, intellectual missionary (in contrast, say, to Avendano), whose style was not prone to exaggeration.
These few sources summarize all that we presently know about the
massacre of March 1 3 . The occupiers, however, were far more forthcoming about the excitement they experienced and the deeds they accomplished as they proceeded to take over and transform the Itza capital.
The Occupation of the Capital

In the midst of the Maya retreat, Ursua, carrying his sword and shield, led
his officers and the priests to the summit of the island. There, in an open
place among what they called temples "in which the majesty of God had
been offended by idolatries" he ordered his men to plant the banners of
victory, among them the standards of "our sweet Jesus and our Lady of the
Remedies" and the flag that displayed the royal arms of Spain.
A small effigy of San Pablo had been found on the beach, perhaps
dropped by the fleeing defenders. In recognition of this small miracle, it
was announced that Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios y San Pablo would
henceforth be the protectors of the newly conquered island. Few of those
present would have known that San Pablo the Apostle had, indeed, been
the patron of Nojpeten since 1 6 1 8 , when the Franciscans Fuensalida and
Orbita designated him as such, naming the capital town San Pablo del
Itza. Fray Andres de Avendano was aware of the town's ancient epithet,
dating a letter he wrote there as January 1 6 , 1696, "in the town of the
great San Pablo of Peten Itza." Who had cared for the saint, which must
18
19
300
20
21
Occupation and
Interrogation
have been the same statue left by the friars seventy-nine years earlier, and
what he had meant to the people of Nojpeten, must remain a mystery.
Ursua then offered a prayer of thanks for the "mercy" granted them by
God, "knowing it was an absolutely certain miracle that the barbarians
had not killed many of our people." N o sooner had he finished this prayer
than he and the priests began breaking "idols," and he soon ordered the
officers and soldiers to continue the work. In one of the few such descriptions of Nojpeten before it was destroyed, the officers wrote that "in their
horrid deformity and numbers [the idols] cannot be comprehended. In addition to twelve large houses that were filled with them, innumerable ones
were found in all the houses of the Indians, because the said twelve houses
and the nine tall ones are temples." These nine "tall" buildings were described as such because they were constructed on top of stepped platforms.
In the upper part of one of them, described as built "in the style of a castle,"
Alferez Jose de Ripalda Ongay discovered a "long bone" (canilla) that
was "hanging by three multicolored ribbons made of fine cotton thread,
and below it a small, narrow cloth bag about three-quarters [of a vara]
long, in which there were small pieces of decayed bone which appeared to
be from the said long bone. Below all of this there were three censers with
estoraque and some dried maize leaves which were wrapped around
estoraque something which was not seen or found with any of the other
idols, [where there was] only copal. And above the said long bone in
the upper part there was a crown." The rest of the Spaniards crowded
around to see this phenomenon. An old woman who was among several
captured men, women, and children was asked what these pieces of bone
had come from. According to the officers' report, she replied that they
were the remains of "a horse that a king who passed through here long ago
had left to be cared for. It was discovered that [this king] would have been
don Fernando Cortes." Apparently satisfied by this explanation, the
Spaniards broke the long bone into pieces and threw it away.
The long-bone story, like other reported episodes of the day, is of unknown veracity but nonetheless tantalizing. The officers were probably
aware of the tale of Cortes's horse, which was familiar to anyone who had
read or been told about Lopez de Cogolludo's account of Fuensalida and
Orbita's visits to Nojpeten in 1 6 1 8 and 1 6 1 9 . They had probably also
heard that Avendano claimed that the Itzas still preserved a statue of the
horse, although he did not actually see such an object. Although they
may have anticipated finding such evidence of continued "worship" of the
famous animal, their report of the old woman's explanation cannot be
entirely discounted.
22
23
24
25
26
27
301 *
Victims and
Survivors
The officers claimed that they and the soldiers spent the entire remaining part of the day, until about half past five, accomplishing nothing more
than the breaking of idols, some of which they found arranged in pairs on
top of small benches. They found no objects of gold or silver, nor any
clothing-"only the aforementioned idols and the beaches covered with
arrows that the waves have washed to shore; and the galeota has collected
and brought to shore many canoes that their owners abandoned."
The last statement of the officers' hurriedly written report was an incomplete sentence that summed up their impression of the place: "The
town large, with a great many houses as well as temples, like a savage
dwelling place, unswept and without a straight street." Ursiia expanded
on this imagery of the savage town, its inhabitants possessed of devilinspired idolatry, in his letter to the king: "I believe that these miserable
people, deceived by the devil [and] lacking the true light, must have had no
other activity than idolatrizing, as there was found no economical settlement pattern, but rather only the entire group of relatives living barbarously in one house."
28
29
Ursua ordered that the captive Mayas be treated well. He also lost no
time in sending AjChan's "brother" Manuel with a message to Ajaw Kan
Ek', offering the leader safe passage to come to the island with "his people" and promising that they would be received "with total love and
kindness." This Manuel must have been Manuel Joseph Chayax, actually
AjChan's sister's husband. He, it will be recalled, had visited Ursiia at
Ch'ich' on March 1 0 with a party of men from Yalain. Ursiia probably
retained him along with AjChan at the encampment, bringing him along
in the galeto during the attack on Nojpeten.
Ursiia found himself in possession of only a small piece of land and no
more than a dozen or so prisoners. Many of the island's resident leaders
had fled or died in the fighting, while others had been in safe hiding before
the attack. His only local allies were AjChan and his near relatives, whom
he kept under close watch lest they slip away as they had a year earlier at
Tipuj. Although he hoped that other leaders from Yalain would support
the Spanish presence, he had no way of controlling their behavior in his isolation on Nojpeten. The next few weeks would be critical if he was to develop a strategy enabling him to maintain control over his fragile conquest.
302
GRISLY DISCOVERIES
On the day following the attack, Ursiia had sent out a party to search for
the path that led southward from the lake toward Mopan. They found
what he called "the road which was opened [by the Spaniards] from Gua-
Occupation and Interrogation

temala," which in fact was a preexisting Maya path. Along it his scouts
said they saw the footprints of the Guatemalans' pack mules a dubious
observation in a region where the first rainfall would have obliterated any
such signs. On the same day they discovered on the mainland south of
Nojpeten what they believed to be the ossuary containing the remains
"their skulls and bones macheted" of the Guatemalan party that had
been massacred the previous year. They also found "signs" of the presumably murdered Franciscans from Yucatan, Fray Juan de San Buenaventura
and his lay assistant, including Fray Juan's walking staff. Aside from the
walking stick, these reports do not specify what objects were found with
the bones that led the Spaniards to conclude that they belonged to the
Guatemalan and Yucatecan parties.
Villagutierre, who saw a document that I have not found, wrote that
Zubiaur found the bones of the friars from Yucatan on a small island.
Ursua ordered that their remains and those of the Guatemalans be brought
to the presidio, where the occupying Spaniards buried the Guatemalans
following a mass held in an Itza temple converted into a makeshift church.
Ursiia later carried the remains of San Buenaventura and his companions
back to Merida, returning them to the provincial as Christian martyrs.
Villagutierre reports that AjK'in Kan Ek' said that "he alone had bound
them in the form of a cross, and had extracted their living hearts."
The historian Francisco Ximenez, apparently referring to a report by
Fray Agustin Cano, wrote that the two Guatemalan Dominicans, Fray
Cristobal de Prada and Fray Jacinto de Vargas, had met a similar fate.
AjK'in Kan Ek' had tied them to poles in the X-shaped form of a Saint
Andrew's cross. While they continued to preach, the Itza high priest cut
them open and pulled out their hearts "to offer them to his idols." So
loudly did Fray Cristobal scream out as this was happening, wrote Ximenez, that "the barbarous executors of the wickedness fell stunned to the
ground." In other descriptions of such cases of priestly martyrdom, the
victim also preaches until the bitter end. The formulaic quality of such
descriptions render them suspect, especially when there were no surviving
Spanish witnesses to recall such details.
No further mention of the discovery of the remains of Spaniards was
made until four months later, when Lieutenant Diego Bernardo del Rio
wrote to the president of Guatemala that the troops had just that day
discovered the bones of the two Dominican priests and three other Spaniards who had been killed "on this peten." Ursiia wrote around the same
time that the bones had been identified by AjK'in Kan Ek' "on a nearby
island, not without mystery separated from the rest." Identification of
30
31
32
33
34
35
101
the remains, which were found in a cave, had been confirmed in testimony,
presumably by Spanish soldiers. Rio wrote that he was returning the
bones to Guatemala in separate boxes, transported by native carriers. It
is particularly interesting that in none of these cases were signs of cannibalism mentioned, although later, questionable testimony would accuse
the Itzas of wantonly consuming their victims.
36
CEREMONIAL
POSSESSION OF
NOJPETEN
The major event of Thursday, March 14, was a ceremony celebrating the
formal possession of Nojpeten. Some time that day Ursua called his officers together and read a statement, written for the occasion, that served as
a prelude for the statement of possession itself. This preamble, as was
Ursua's style, recited once more the historical background and acts of
native treason and barbarity that justified his capture of the Itza capital.
Following his reading of this statement, Ursiia ordered the officers to
call together the troops to hear his reading of the formal statement of
possession of the island that would henceforth be known officially as
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza (or Peten del
Itza). Father Juan Pacheco de Sopuerta then blessed the island with holy
water and offered mass in a "house" that had been designated as the
temporary church.
The next eight days are nearly a blackout in the documentary record.
We do know that four days after the attack, seventeen persons from Yalain
visited Ursiia at Nojpeten, "offering their obedience" to the king of Spain.
Among these was Pedro Nikte (AjChan's brother) and his wife and her
sister. AjChan, Ursiia reported, had "behaved with inexpressible loyalty,
and he has served me with much guidance and assistance." Recognizing
the implications of AjChan's divided loyalties, Ursiia excused the fact that
AjChan had not yet brought his own wife, owing to "the little physical
security that he has among his own people." As a Kowoj, however, she
may well have refused to join her husband with the Spanish enemy.
37
38
During this period the Spaniards, with the assistance of twenty men
from Yalain, opened a road to connect the portion of the camino real
from Yucatan with that which led from the south shore of the lake southward to Mopan. All that was now left to accomplish, Ursiia wrote, was
"to subjugate these infidels." The road was, in fact, hardly more than a
wide, muddy path on either side of the lake.
On March 23 or 24 Ursiia sent off all of the documents he had prepared, including his letter to the king of Spain, in the care of Captain General Alonso Garcia de Paredes and Alferez Real Jose de Ripalda Ongay.
39
ôA
40
Occupation and
Interrogation
These officers were to follow the difficult road, completely unknown to

them, through the now-abandoned presidio of Mopan, south to Cahabon,
and from there to Santiago de Guatemala. Knowing that he would receive
no further assistance from Governor Roque de Soberanis in Yucatan,
Ursiia hoped that the president of Guatemala would provide assistance in
maintaining the presidio after the beginning of May, when the rains would
begin in earnest, his men's contractual obligation would expire, and his
supplies would run out. We will return to the officers' journey in the
following chapter.
Capture and Testimony of the Royal Family

One of Ursua's major goals during the next weeks and months was to
capture the principal Maya leaders, discover which of them had participated in the previous year's murders of the Guatemalans and Yucatecans,
and punish those whom he found guilty. Although some refugees from
Nojpeten had been apprehended before Garcia de Paredes left for Guatemala, the major prize did not appear on the island until a week later. At
about ten o'clock on Palm Sunday morning, March 3 1 , Yalain loyalists
brought several members of the Kan Ek' "royal family" before Ursiia.
They included Ajaw Kan Ek', his wife and children, AjK'in Kan Ek', and
various other male and female relatives and retainers of this elite family.
One source states that along with them came "many Indian men and
women both from the island and other areas." As was Ursua's practice on
such occasions, he made the event a spectacular celebration, greeting his
prisoners of war "with great pomp of joy, music, and gifts," even, he
claimed, inviting Ajaw Kan Ek' and AjK'in Kan Ek' to eat with him at his
own table.
41
42
Ursua later implied that these people had come before him of their own
free will. The army chaplain, Juan Pacheco de Sopuerta, recalled that
Ajaw Kan Ek', "although he fled from [the island town] when the said
don Martin and the Spaniards entered it, a few days later, moved by the
friendly approaches and promises which the said don Martin made him,
he returned and gave him his obedience." Considering what we know of
later such roundups, however, it is possible that the message to Ajaw Kan
Ek' was that he either surrender or be attacked.
The people of Yalain had been given responsibility for apprehending
the royal family. Although Ursiia had ordered Manuel Chayax, AjChan's
sister's husband, to bring Ajaw Kan Ek' and his relatives to Nojpeten,
43
44
305
Victims and
Survivors
other persons from Yalain received credit for the accomplishment. Chamach Xulu, Yalain's principal leader, was cited by Ursiia and his officers as
having been the principal party responsible for the capture of Ajaw Kan
E k ' . Several of Ursua's officers later testified, however, that it was actually AjChan who had brought Ajaw Kan Ek' and his family to the island.
45
46
Accompanying the royal party was a large number of local people who
had participated in the round-up. This fact indicates that cooperation by
the people of Yalain was solid and broad-based and that their method was
capture rather than gentle diplomacy. Where they found the Kan Ek'
family is unrecorded, but later information suggests that their headquarters were now west of the main lake, possibly in the vicinity of Laguna
Sacpuy. Spanish soldiers did not accompany those who carried out this
first such mission, an interpretation supported by Captain Diego de Avila
Pacheco's remark that the apprehension was made possible "by means of
mediation and infinite security provided by [Ursua] to Chamach Xulu,
cacique of the town of Yalain, and to many other Indians." In the weeks
and months to come, however, the military did provide cover for other,
similar round-ups, suggesting that as time went on Maya loyalty to the
occupying forces had grown weaker and that such search-and-capture
missions required greater security.
47
48
*o6
The followers of Chamach Xulu, who had arrived to welcome Ursiia

during the first week following the Spanish victory, were apparently eager
to see the rulers brought before the Spaniards. AjChan and his brother-inlaw, Manuel Joseph Chayax, had been retained at Ch'ich' on March 1 0 ,
perhaps without their full consent, to assist Ursiia and to inform on other
local leaders. Later reports that Christian conversion took an early hold
among the relatives and allies of AjChan and Chamach Xulu (chapter 14)
may indicate that at this early date the Yalain elites simply wanted to see
the Kan Ek' family forced to accept Christianity that they believed that
a peaceful resolution with the Spaniards and with each other could be
achieved only through conversion.
As soon as the royal captives been ceremonially presented to the new
rulers of the island, Ursiia proceeded to interrogate Ajaw Kan Ek'. The
testimony was unsworn, as was always the case with non-Christian declarants, but Ursiia stated that he did not use torture in order to extract a
confession in contrast to later interrogations. Ursiia presented the questions himself and recorded the responses without the assistance of a recorder, as he had when he questioned his Maya visitors on March 1 0 . The
interrogation was carried out in one of the houses now designated as the
Occupation and
Interrogation
headquarters of the new presidio perhaps part of the royal residential

compound, which was later used as a barracks for the troops. The testimony of Ajaw Kan Ek' was also attended by three Spanish witnesses,
three other Spaniards, and "many persons who understand the Maya
language." N o one, however, was appointed as official interpreter.
This was the moment that Ursiia had long awaited the meeting of the
man whom he believed to be the Itza head of state with the official representative of the Spanish king. Ursua would have preferred that this meeting had taken place well before his own military action, a preference that
perhaps indicates sincerity in his stated desire to avoid violence. He fully
believed that the Maya leader's failure to accept his offer for diplomatic
discussions at Ch'ich' signified an unwillingness to consider possible solutions to the growing crisis. This belief is clear from Ursua's wording of the
questions. Ursiia, however, had evidently not considered the alternative
possibility that Ajaw Kan Ek' had not been informed of the invitation or
that, even if he had received the message, powerful men in his midst had
prevented him from accepting it. As the questioning progressed, his answers consistently supported this alternative interpretation. Claiming that
he had lost control over his own leaders, Ajaw Kan Ek' repeatedly denied
involvement in anti-Spanish activities.
Ursiia may have corrupted and misrepresented both questions and responses in constructing the written report. Nonetheless, that so many of
the "defendant's" reported responses are clearly at odds with what Ursua's
questions anticipated allows us to assume that this is a reasonably accurate representation of what was said.
Ursiia opened the interrogation by asking Ajaw Kan Ek' the same stock
question presented to AjChan at Ch'ich':
49
Asked what is his name, age, and occupation, and where he is resident and native, he said: His name is Canek, He does not know
how to state his age (he appears to be about forty-five years old).
He is king and lord of this island and its territories, and he was born
and has resided on it.
Asked if there is another king besides him and [if so] who that
might be, he said: He was the only king and native lord.
It is hard to believe that Ajaw Kan Ek', who must have known how to 307
read Maya hieroglyphic writing, did not know his age. Ursiia may have
been aware of the possibility that Ajaw Kan Ek' was not the only Ajaw in
the region primarily because of a report taken at Bacalar-at-Chunjujub'
from Yalain-area informants over a year earlier, because of AjChan's

statement in Merida that there were four reyezuelos in addition to Ajaw
Kan Ek , and because of AjChan's statement on March 1 0 at Ch'ich' that
there were several "superiors in addition to Ah Canek."
Ursiia, however, was still confused by the term Ajaw:
5
50
Asked how the title of king is [also] given to Kin Canek, he said:
They call all of their priests kings. This one is called this because he
is both a priest and his father's brother's son, but he [Ajaw Kan Ek']
is the legitimate one.
By now Ursua must have been puzzled by a term of "rulership" that could
be applied not only to other rulers but also to priests. Trying to clarify the
matter, he focused on this allusion to the concept of legitimacy through
inheritance as a way of specifying among titular levels:
Asked if he has inherited this lordship from his antecedents, he said:

Yes. Ever since they came from Chichen Itza their descendants receive this lordship.
Much the way AjChan had revealed that his mother was from Chich'en
Itza, Ajaw Kan Ek' now claimed for the Kan Ek' dynasty an unbroken
descent from original ancestors there.
Asked how it can be that while he says there is only one native lord,
don Martin Chan said there are four kings, he said: The others are
called kings because they are of his blood and have some authority
and lordship.
By now Ursua must have grasped that Ajaw Kan Ek' claimed to be both
a supreme leader and a principal among principals. N o w at least partially
aware that Itza political leadership might not be as simple as he had assumed, he turned to the matter of the immediate family of Ajaw Kan Ek':
Asked if he is married and if he has children and [if so] how many,
he said: He is married. His wife's name is Chan Pana, and he has
two children, a male and a female.
*o8
Ursiia probably concluded from this reply that Ajaw Kan Ek' had a male
heir, although this young man would probably not have inherited the
kingship. As for his children, we know that the ruler had two sons and
probably two daughters.
With matters of rulership at least partially answered, Ursiia turned his
questioning to the matter of AjChan's visit to Merida in December 1 6 9 5 :
51
Occupation and
Interrogation
Asked if it is true that just about one year and three months ago he
sent his nephew Chan, who was called don Martin after he was
baptized, with the message in which he [Kan Ek'] gave obedience to
our great King and lord, and in which he asked for evangelical ministers who would administer and teach the law of the true God, he
said: He did send him with the message and the crown, declaring
his obedience by means of this sign of submission and surrender. He
also requested fathers who would teach the law of the true God.
This was an exceedingly important matter for Ursiia to confirm, because
so many accusations had been leveled in Spanish quarters that AjChan
was a false emissary. Ursua's next questions therefore further probed into
the nature of the involvement of Ajaw Kan Ek' in this event:
Asked what persuaded him to send the said message and to request
the said fathers, if it was because he was afraid of the Spaniards or
some other motivation, he said: He was persuaded by the need for
trade and to obtain axes and machetes, and that the request for the
fathers was so that they would baptize them; and to prepare to receive them he ordered that they build a large house for them in
Yalain, which is still there; and that he had no other goal or motive.
Ursua had asked the same question of AjChan in Merida, when the
young emissary also told him that among other things, Ajaw Kan Ek'
wished "to solicit commerce and trade in the things that they need." At
that time, of course, AjChan also added, as expressed by Ursua's translation, "fathers-priests, who would baptize them and teach the law of the
true G o d . " The matter of the guest house at Yalain, which was already
partially built when Fray Andres de Avendano was there in 1 6 9 6 , had also
been mentioned by AjChan at Ch'ich' on March 1 0 .
His next question was one that he also had put to AjChan in Merida.
AjChan had taken it as an opportunity to list the other "reyezuelos" and to
emphasize the joint nature of the political decision to send the message
attributed to Ajaw Kan Ek'.
52
Asked if he sent the said message with the approval of those who
are called kings and of the other leaders, he said: He sent it after it
had met with the approval of the said petty kings [reyezuelas] and
the other leaders.
And on this occasion Ursua wished to confirm whether the ruler's action
was known beyond the ruling council:
309
Victims and
Survivors
Asked if all of his other subjects knew about this message, he said;
All of his Indians knew about the said message.
Avendano, however, had reported that in January 1696, people at Nojpeten were surprised and dismayed by the revelation of AjChan's mission
to Merida (chapter 8). Ursua had read or heard Avendano's statement,
and we can only conclude that he now chose to put words in his respondent's mouth for purposes of political expediency.
His next question was all but an exoneration, a statement of faith in the
sincerity and goodwill of Ajaw Kan Ek':
Asked if he once again gives his obedience to our great King and
lord Charles the Second (whom God may protect), and if with all
his heart and soul he wishes to be a Christian, he said: With all his
heart and soul he had surrendered and had given his obedience to
the majesty of Charles the Second (whom God may protect), and
that likewise, with all his heart and soul, he wishes to be a Christian.
Ajaw Kan Ek' may have uttered words similar to these, either sincerely or
in a desire to satisfy his questioner. In either case, that Ursiia recorded it
indicates either that the general had softened his opinion of the Maya
leader or, more likely, that he wanted legal proof that the ruler had indeed
offered his surrender through AjChan.
Now Ursiia asked Ajaw Kan Ek' to explain the forced departure of the
Franciscans:
Asked how it could be that while his ambassador was in Merida or
along the road I sent three religious of the order of lord San Francisco named Fray Andres de Avendano, Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria,
and Fray Diego de Echevarria, and the said fathers arrived at this
island and gave him the message that I sent in the name of His Majesty (whom God may protect) so that all of them [the Itzas] would
give their obedience and be reduced to the brotherhood of our holy
faith after being admitted to it, and after three days they made them
return, seeing that his envoy was still in the province [of Yucatan],
he said: They departed because his uncle and other principal leaders
sought to kill the said religious, and that having discovered this he
advised them and took them out himself over by Yalain along with
a son-in-law of his and his brother-in-law, and that some of these
are now dead, and the leader [principal], his said uncle, now lives
in retreat in a milpa.
53
Occupation and
Interrogation
This statement was a direct confirmation of Avendano's own account of

threats to his life by "AjKan" (Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante) and AjKowoj. It
also confirmed the circumstances of his precipitous departure under the
personal escort of Ajaw Kan Ek'. Avendano, however, had said that they
were accompanied by the son and son-in-law of Ajaw Kan Ek' a minor
difference in accounts perhaps explainable by Avendano's ignorance.
Ursua continued to probe, in a series of further questions, the confusing matter of Avendano's claim that Ajaw Kan Ek' had never mentioned
AjChan's departure for Merida while he was at Nojpeten:
Asked why he did not tell the fathers as soon as they arrived at this
island that he had sent his nephew to the province to give obedience
to His Majesty (whom God may protect) and to request evangelical
ministers, he said: He soon told them how he had sent his messenger to the province and, questioning them through the great father [Avendano], he [Avendano] told him that he had seen him and
fed him in the province.
Asked if he specified to the religious that he had sent the said ambassador to give obedience to His Majesty and to request evangelical ministers, he said: He told the said religious his purpose and
motive for sending him and that in response they told him that
when they [the friars] were ready to leave [Merida], he [AjChan]
had arrived and that they saw him and fed him; and having asked
the said don Martin when he returned from the province if he had
seen them and had been with them, he responded that he had never
seen them.
Asked what relationship, and in what degree, he has with don
Martin Chan, he said: He is his blood nephew, the son of his elder
sister named Ix Cante.
Part of this passage is confusing and appears to conflate AjChan's September 1695 v i s i t Merida, during which Avendano claimed to have met
and fed AjChan and others, with AjChan's official visit in December of
that year. Ajaw Kan Ek' seems to be saying that AjChan did not see the
friar on the latter occasion, which was in fact the case. Avendano, however, denied learning of AjChan's December visit from the ruler, claiming
that Aj Chan was a false ambassador.
311
We cannot know how Ursua interpreted these contradictions or how
much he knew about Avendano's communications with Ajaw Kan Ek',
because he apparently never committed his personal musings to paper. In
t0
any event, he was more concerned at this moment with establishing who
had murdered the Spaniards from Yucatan and Guatemala. Changing the
subject, he put this matter directly to his prisoner:
Asked how it was that, [Kan Ek'] having sent his message giving
obedience to our King and lord, and Father Fray ]uan [San Buenaventura] de Chavez and forty Spaniards and some Indians having
arrived from the province in peace, they deceitfully captured the
said religious and the lay friar, two Spaniards, and eight Indians,
killing them and wanting to do the same to the rest, he said: Some
Indians named Chata and Tut and the priest Kin Canek, along with
an Indian named Izot [sic], another named Canek (his father's
brother's son, who is a prisoner), and many other Indians who went
out with them [did it], and he was unable to stop them, because
they were not on the island.
AjChan, too, had blamed Chata, but he had identified the leader Puk, not
B'atab' Tut, as Chata's partner in crime. The surprise comes in the ruler's
accusation that AjK'in Kan Ek' and his otherwise unidentified cousin Kan
Ek' (presumably a Kit Kan) were at fault; even his co-ruler, the high priest,
had turned against him. We can never know with certainty whether Ajaw
Kan Ek' was telling the truth in claiming that he had no part in the capture
and murder of these people, although his claim is plausible, given the sum
total of evidence suggesting that the ruler's political fortunes had been
declining for more than a year.
His answer to Ursua's next question was therefore a foregone conclusion:
Asked why he did not then punish the evildoers, since they had
acted without his order or mandate, he said: He was unable to investigate [the matter] with them because they paid him no respect
or obedience and because they became so enraged that they threatened him and wished to kill him, and that this is why he did not
proceed to punish them.
312
Ursua must have expected Ajaw Kan Ek' to answer his next question in
the same way, but this time he received even more information than he
requested:
Asked how it was that when the people from Guatemala came in
peace, they proceeded treacherously and deceitfully to kill them
How did it happen, how many were there, and did they kill them
Occupation and Interrogation

on the lake or on this island? he said: Those whom he named in the
previous question and one Pana, along with a large number of Indians, killed them on the lake. Although he called to them, they did
not hear him or pay attention to him or obey him. They wanted to
kill them because he told them not to do it. They ate all of them
the ones from Campeche who came first as well as those from
Guatemala, and as for how many there were he does not know.
The Pana in question may have been the brother of IxChan Pana, the
ruler's wife. Again, Ajaw Kan Ek' was making the case that he had been
isolated and abandoned by everyone. He not only claimed his powerlessness to stop the murders but also (if the transcript is to be believed) directed the worst possible accusation that of cannibalism against his
adversaries. He did not claim that their eating the victims was part of a
ritual of human sacrifice, but the Spaniards attributed such ritual practices
to the Itzas. Ajaw Kan Ek' must have known from his long conversations
with Avendano that all native religious practices would have to be abandoned if the Itzas embraced Christianity. Human sacrifice was certainly at
or near the top of Avendano's list of prohibitions, and he also accused the
Itzas of cannibalism. Whether or not either or both practices had occurred on these occasions cannot be confirmed, but Ajaw Kan Ek' knew
that to accuse his enemies of participating in them would raise his own
credibility and reinforce his claims of innocence.
Ursiia, turning to the failure of Ajaw Kan Ek' to accept his invitation to
meet him at Ch'ich', framed his question in sufficient detail to impress on
future readers that he had made every effort at personal negotiation:
54
Asked how it was that when all my people arrived at the lakeshore
northwest of this island and set up my headquarters, and when various invitations promising safe passage had been sent with the cacique Chamay Xulu, with don Martin Chan's brother and his
brother-in-law don Manuel Choios [Chayax], with the priest Kin
Canek, and many other Indians, stating that I came peacefully and
gently in order to travel to Guatemala on orders of my King and
that I did not want war, and asking that he come to see us in order
to talk about said travel, he wished not to reply formally to any of
these invitations, but rather from the time that I arrived made war
preparations; and notwithstanding all of the protestations and
warnings that I announced in the name of His Majesty in order that
you not obstruct me or deny me free passage and withhold your
arms and order your Indians not to shoot their arrows, what mo-

tives did you have for doing it [anyway], when you had been invited
to behave peacefully, he said; The Indians of this island and other
provinces who carried out the first ambushes as well as the later
ones were traders, and they did it without his knowledge, and the
reason they did not go along with his appeals was that his own people did not allow him to do so.
Ajaw Kan Ek' did not say why he failed to respond to Ursua's invitations,
although Ursua should have realized that even had he received them, he
would not have been allowed to visit the encampment. In blaming the
"ambushes" on traders he was probably referring to the followers of the
Tuts, who controlled the province south of the main lake all the way to
Rio Pasion the principal Itza trade route to Huehuetenango and the
rest of highland Guatemala. This group had special reason to oppose the
opening of a road to Guatemala that might threaten its own trade monopoly. The traders' principal complaint, however, would have been that the
Spaniards had stolen the important lakeshore port of Ch'ich' from them,
using it as a military headquarters. Their daily harassment of the troops at
Ch'ich' was therefore a vain attempt to regain important territory.
Ursua's last question was by now a mere formality, another opportunity for Ajaw Kan Ek' to claim that he had lost all authority and was in
no way responsible for the use of arms against the Spaniards:
314
Asked how was it that if he wanted peace he had this island fortified
with defensive walls and that on the morning that I traveled with
my people to this island everyone was at war with a great many canoes on the lake from one side and the other, and these all approached my right-of-way in a half-moon formation and began to
shoot their arrows from water and land; and notwithstanding all of
this I sent with one of his Indians whom don Martin Chan knew to
demand on the count of three to suspend his arms that I came in
peace and that if he made war the deaths and damages that would
result would be his fault and not that of my King and lord (whom
God may protect), he said: The situation with his Indians was such
that he lost their obedience, and he was unable to obtain it despite
his persuasions and efforts to stop them from constructing the defensive walls and likewise from going out in their canoes, and that
his Indians told him that [the Spaniards] wanted to deceive them
and that they were terribly afraid, so he was unable to do anything
about it.
Occupation and
Interrogation
Itza fears of deception must have been fully understandable to Ursiia.

Furthermore, why should they have trusted a general who had already
informed them that he intended to make good on a promise of political
surrender?
Ursiia later wrote to the king that the testimony of Ajaw Kan Ek' had
been given "voluntarily," interpreting it to mean that the Itza ruler had
reaffirmed his loyalty to the Crown. Whatever positive conclusions Ursiia might have drawn from the ruler's statements of political innocence
and impotence were, however, about to be countered by a new series of
events and revelations.
55
56
Escape Plots and Interrogations

Shortly after the capture of the Kan Ek's, various persons from the lake
region, including leaders from the Kowoj province, visited the conquered
town. Some of these, Ursiia reported, "say that they are ready to receive
the evangelical law. These I entertained and regaled with axes, machetes,
beads, and other trifles, and they returned, pleased, to their towns."
Those who had come with the royal family, on the other hand, had all
maintained their residences at Nojpeten, and the cultivators among them
maintained their milpas on the mainland. Ursiia wrote that several days
after their arrival some of these people sought his permission to go to their
fields. Because they did not return, "I became suspicious and proceeded to
investigate the motive. It was discovered to have been at the request and
persuasions of the priest, who is the great magician and principal head of
all the cruelties that have been carried out against both the people of
[Guatemala] and those whom I sent last year."
Ursiia had readied the galeota and some of his officers and troops
to tour the northern shore of the main lake, which he knew to be the
territory of the Kowojs. He later wrote that just as he was about to leave,
"I found myself impeded by certain suspicions raised by Canek's restlessness. These [suspicions] were confirmed when don Martin Chan (always
absolutely constant in his faithfulness and loyalty) affirmed [that they
were correct]."
57
58
59
Asserting that he had demanded on various occasions that they "bring

their Indians to live on this island," and because he had heard rumors from
"other Indians of this said island" that they were planning their own
escape, on April 16 Ursiia took Ajaw Kan Ek', AjK'in Kan Ek', and the
sis

ruler's other cousin, known only as Kan Ek', into heavily guarded custody
and put them in shackles. In order to prevent their continued collaboration, Ajaw Kan Ek' was held in the storehouse (which also served as the
general's house), and AjK'in Kan Ek' was watched over separately in
the guardroom. The third cousin was presumably kept separate from both
of them. They were to remain prisoners on the island for more than
two years.
Until this time the Maya leaders had apparently been treated well and
given a certain degree of freedom, short of being allowed to leave the
island. That Ursua even invited them to eat at his table suggests that he
had disbelieved their guilt in the murders of the Guatemalan and Yucatecan visitors. Suddenly, upon learning that they had secretly forged an
escape plan, his attitude changed. What might have been naivete on Ursua's part turned into anger and vengefulness. From this moment on he
believed nothing they told him, and he also began to accuse them, often
without apparent foundation, of treachery and guilt in the past incidents
that had most deeply offended him.
60
61
T O R T U R E AND T H E SHAMAN'S REVENGE
In one letter to the Crown, Ursua stated that following AjChan's confirmation of his suspicions about the intentions of the Kan Ek' cousins, "I did
it, and the facial expressions of both of them gave away their harmful
intent," I interpret the phrase "I did it" as Ursua's admission that he had
used torture in extracting the confession the same interpretation Villagutierre followed in his reading of this passage. Ursua left a record of his
interrogation of AjK'in Kan E k ' , but he left no judicial record confirming
his implication that on this occasion he also requestioned Ajaw Kan Ek'
under torture.
Following his imprisonment, AjK'in Kan Ek' exhibited a vocal anger
that must have shocked even the most hardened Spanish soldiers. Ursua
later wrote that "he exhaled his venom like a man possessed, speaking
indecent words against the infantry and officers, to the effect that he alone
had killed and removed the hearts of the religious and the lay brother from
this province. . . . In the declaration that I [later] took from him he despairingly denied that which had been proffered in the guardroom."
Sergeant Major Miguel Ferrer, who saw this behavior, later testified in
Campeche that AjK'in Kan Ek' was clearly someone who could not be
trusted, "as he was a man whom this witness saw call to the devils with
many tremblings."
62
63
64
65
316
66
Occupation
and
Interrogation
Villagutierre's description of the priest's behavior was far more colorful

than either of these sources:
The general proceeded to arrange legal proceedings against them,
and the false priest, like a man possessed and completely surrendered to the devil, executed incredible leaps, hurling himself several
times like a fury in the prison where he was, and later he whistled.
Our men asked one of his female attendants, "What did that signify?" She replied, "to call the demons and idols of his province,
who on certain occasions granted him as much he wished."
67
68
Following his description of the high priest's interrogation, Villagutierre

recounted the powers, as even the Spaniards perceived them, of this spiritually possessed shaman:
When this confession or torture was finished, this devil-possessed
priest said these words to our men: "You will see it before nightfall."
And it was so, that around the time of the prayer [vespers] there arose
such a terrible storm from the south that with great tempest and
howling wind, lightning, and hail that island appeared to be nothing
less than the veritable center of hell. The trees fell down, the houses
broke apart, [the wind] tossing more than two hundred of those
made of thatch and wood to the ground, destroying everything.
Seeing themselves in such a terrible state, they turned to God in
order to seek the intercession of their Holiest Mother of the Remedies. And praying the litanies before her image, with the priests exorcizing the storm, at three o'clock in the morning it began to calm
down and the clouds to vanish, leaving half the island destroyed,
the houses ruined, and everything in disorder.
69
Unfortunately, these are among the few such accounts for which the
original documentation that served as Villagutierre's source has not been
discovered. I have found no confirmation of the storm, which must have
been a hurricane, or of spiritual possession by AjK'in Kan Ek'. So specific
are the details in Villagutierre's descriptions, however, that their having
been based on a personal report or a document now lost cannot be discounted. Whoever presented the account of the priest's shamanistic leaps,
shouts, and whistles, connecting them with the violent storm that followed, was probably convinced that this was a man who possessed great
supernatural powers.
If AjK'in Kan Ek' had in a fit of anger claimed for the first time
317
Victims and
Survivors
to have singlehandedly committed the murders that Ursua so wished to

solve, the general's decision to interrogate him immediately would have
been an understandable reaction. Even under torture, however, he refused
to tell Ursua what he wanted to hear,
NEW
INTERROGATIONS
Ursiia had first demanded of AjK'in Kan Ek' why, following a meeting that
he and Ajaw Kan Ek* had held with a large number of Itzas, he had
decided to run away, and why he had persuaded Ajaw Kan Ek' to flee with
him. AjK'in Kan Ek' denied that either of them had wished to run away
and that "having surrendered once, he had not had to do such a thing."
When Ursiia asked why those who had left to go to their milpas had not
returned, "he said that he did not know the reason why."
Ursiia, clearly angry, went right to the heart of the matter, asking if he
had taken part in the murders of the visiting Guatemalans and Yucatecans. Again AjK'in Kan Ek' denied culpability, saying that "he was not an
accomplice, and that those who were [accomplices] were the Tuts, Kin
Chan Pana, the Chatas, Ah Canek (who is imprisoned), and the follower
of the petty king Kixan [K'ixaw], along with a large number of Indians."
It will be recalled that Ajaw Kan Ek' had blamed the followers of Chata
and Tut, AjK'in Kan Ek' himself, another cousin named Kan Ek', and a
person named Itza, besides the "large number of Indians" who had gone
along with them. The Kan Ek' cousins all blamed one another in front of
their conquerors (a third such accusation would be made presently), further convincing Ursiia that they were all guilty. K'ixaw, the brother of
B'atab' Tut, was the man captured in 1695 ky
Guatemalans, who
escaped just before the Juan Diaz party was massacred in 1696.
Ursiia, although he still did not know who the people named by AjK'in
Kan Ek' were or where they were located, must by now have been convinced that virtually all of the principal regional leaders, including the two
ruling cousins, had participated in the massacres. We can presume that
except for their blaming one another, they had corroborated their accounts in advance, well before they were imprisoned.
Did they eat their victims? Ursiia then asked. Yes, AjK'in Kan Ek'
replied, but he denied participating in such behavior. How were they
murdered? They beat them to death with sticks, he replied. Ursiia would
later use this testimony and other such "evidence" for cannibalism as a
means of discrediting the Itzas and justifying the conquest.
Ursua's last question to his presumably tortured informant reflected
again his desire to clear up the use of the title rey, or Ajaw:
70
71
t n e
318
Occupation and
Interrogation
Asked how, being priest, he says he is king, he said: He is priest and

wise man for all of them. For that reason he is called king of these
lands, and because he is father's brother's son to Ah Canek, who is
the legitimate king of these lands.
Like Ajaw Kan Ek', AjK'in Kan Ek' must have used the term Ajaw as his
own title, which would have left Ursua as baffled as ever. The general did
not understand that the two cousins ruled jointly.
At this point Ursiia concluded his interrogation of AjK'in Kan Ek' and
proceeded to question the third Kan Ek' cousin. His questions, which
opened with the customary inquiry into citizenship, occupation, and age
that were missing in his interrogation of AjK'in Kan Ek', suggest that this
man was not subjected to torture. He appeared to be about fifty, and he
said that he had two wives. He was a "relative" of Ajaw Kan Ek' but "did
not know how to state his occupation."
This Kan Ek' was more specific in his description of the murders but
likewise claimed his innocence:
The religious from Guatemala were killed by opening them up in
the temple of the petty king Ah Can Ek [by] the said petty king
and Kin Canek. The Spaniards who came with them they killed on
the water and took them to the island, many of them dying, where
they finished killing them, and they ate them. Those from Campeche they killed the religious, soldiers, and Indians in the canoes
on the lake, and they took them ashore and ate them as they had the
others. The said declarant was present, but [he said] that he interfered in nothing.
So why, Ursiia asked, did he "wear that sign below his lip, and what does it
signify?" To which he reportedly replied, "[H]e does not know why." And
who were the killers? They were, he said, "the Tuts, Pucs, Itzas, Kixaw (he
who came with the people from Guatemala), the Chatas, Ahau Canek,
and many others, including Ah Kin Canek." The Tuts, he claimed, still had
the chalices and ornaments brought by the various captured priests and of
the firearms taken from the captured soldiers.
Finally, in preparation for his third and final interrogation, Ursiia asked
him who the boy was "whom they captured with him," to which he
replied that "he is named Kamal, and that he is from this island, and that
he was in hiding where [the declarant] had been." This Mopan boy's
testimony was to play a major role in Ursiia's claims concerning Itza
cruelty.
Victims and
Survivors
Kamal, who stated that he was unmarried, appeared to be about seventeen. His father was also named Kamal, and his mother was dead.
Asked to identify the principal murderers, he named the Tuts, the Chatas,
AjK'ixaw, one Kan Chan, Ajaw Kan Ek', AjK'in Kan Ek', and the Kan Ek'
who had just testified. His description of the murders was vivid: "They
killed them on the water by tying up and macheteing them in the canoes,
and after they were dead they took them to this island, and in one of the
temples the petty king Ah Canek, and the priest Kin Canek opened them
up and, among the Indians of this island, they ate some of them broiled
and others of them boiled, and they had to kill them in order to eat them."
This is the only time a person named Kan Chan was implicated in the
murders, and one wonders if Kamal was referring to AjChan. AjChan
might have been in Itza territory at the time of the Guatemalan affair, but
he was on his return trip to Tipuj from Merida during the conflict with the
Yucatecans. Because other men would have had the same name, the possibility that Kamal was implicating him cannot be verified.
no
The specific reference to cooking methods and the claim that they killed
their victims in order to eat them do not ring true, nor do some of the
accusations that followed. Ursiia pursued the subject: Did they eat their
enemies after they imprisoned them? Kamal replied, "[T]hey also kill and
eat their captured enemy Indians with whom they are at war, and that he
has seen it many times." In reply to the question, "Do they sacrifice live
men and women to their gods during their festivities?" he said, "Those
enemy Indian prisoners whom they capture they sacrifice alive, removing
their hearts, and when they lack enemy Indians they sacrifice the fattest
boys on the island." Did they "open up" the priests and other Spaniards in
order to sacrifice them to their gods? He said, "[F]or that [reason] the
priest opened them up. They took those from Guatemala alive to the
island. One was the captain, and they took the others tied up to the island.
They sacrificed them alive to their gods."
Then asked why AjK'in Kan Ek' and the Kan Ek' who had just testified
were marked with a scar across their chins, he replied that "it is the sign by
which those who are most identified in the murder of the Spaniards from
Guatemala are recognized." While the scars on their chins may have been
made following the murders, it seems more likely that these were identifications common to certain leaders. Kamal also stated that the Tuts held one
of the chalices and various ornaments that had belonged to the murdered
priests. Someone named Tzak had the other chalice and the soldiers' arms.
Who was this youth Kamal, whose supposed testimony gave Ursua
Occupation and
Interrogation
such potent ammunition concerning human sacrifice and cannibalism? He

has to have been the same person later taken by Captain Bartolome de la
Garma back to his home in Campeche. Garma testified on July i , 1697,
that he had in his possession "an Indian youth sixteen or seventeen years
old whom he is educating and teaching the Christian doctrine, whom he
found on the said island and [who] was to be sacrificed on March 1 3 ,
when [the island] was won; and he testifies that his father, mother, and
brothers were also to have been sacrificed and eaten; and that in good time
he will testify about what the said Itzas did to him and what they intended
to d o . " Kamal and his family may have been prisoners of war from
an Itza battle with an unidentified Mopan group; Kamal was a Mopan
name. If he was about to have been sacrificed, he certainly would have
been eager to tell his rescuers anything that would cast aspersions on the
Itza rulers. It is impossible to know whether he was telling the truth or
whether his testimony was exaggerated to begin with and then elaborated
even further in Ursua's writing. KamaPs claim that Itza boys from Nojpeten were sacrificed because of their fatness seems fanciful, and I suspect
that Ursula drew this example directly from Avendano's similar claim.
Such testimony, in any event, cannot be taken at face value, and there are
ample reasons to doubt its accuracy.
Ursua believed that his harsh treatment of his royal prisoners had
yielded a positive outcome. On May 4 he wrote to President Sanchez de
Berrospe of Guatemala that over the days following their imprisonment,
"some, with their families, have begun to come [to the island]. Divine
Majesty willing, all will be reduced to the brotherhood of our holy faith
and to the obedience of our King and lord, although I consider that all
those who are guilty and who were accomplices in the deaths of the Spaniards must be considered rebels." He believed that he could identify
"most or all" of the guilty ones, including AjK'in Kan Ek', by the scar
across their chins, which he was convinced was "a trophy of their fury."
To Sanchez de Berrospe he mentioned, however, not a word about the
accusations of human sacrifice and cannibalism. It would be another two
months before he assembled and publicized his report on purported Itza
savagery and degeneration.
Although Ursiia had by now satisfied himself that AjK'in Kan Ek' was,
in the words of Captain Diego de Avila Pacheco, "the principal motor of
as many evils and cruelties committed on that island as human maliciousness can hold," he continued to treat Ajaw Kan Ek' as a royal prisoner of
war, displaying the same friendliness and respect that he had exhibited
72
73
74
75
Victims and
Survivors
before his interrogation of the high priest. Ursiia kept Ajaw Kan Ek' at
his side much of the time, retained him in his own house, and continued to
feed him at his table. He seemed to have felt a genuine affection for the
Itza leader, hoping perhaps that he had misjudged his intentions and that
it was AjK'in Kan Ek', not Ajaw Kan Ek', who was to blame for the deaths
of his countrymen.
76
77
chapter
thirteen
PRISONERS OF
CONQUEST
uring the two years following the "conquest"

of the Itzas, the tiny presidio of Spaniards on Nojpeten suffered not only
from a shortage of food and supplies but also from isolation and fears of
Itza reprisals. They attempted, with only a few successes, to hunt down
the native inhabitants, most of whom skillfully avoided capture by seeking refuge deep in the surrounding forests. Although the Spaniards decisively punished those whom they perceived to be the major leaders, they
were unable to effect a policy that would have created a new political
order under colonial control. Soon abandoned by Ursua, who was placed
under house arrest by his nemesis, Governor Soberanis y Centeno, the
troops remaining at the presidio turned for assistance to the Audiencia of
Guatemala.
These two years were desperate ones for the occupying Spaniards, as
well as for Itzas and Kowojs. Yucatecan authorities had appointed missionaries from the secular clergy who lacked the capability or courage to
make sustained contacts with the increasingly restive, unconquered population. The food supplies were rotting, and the only choice for the troops
was to rob the milpas of surrounding inhabitants, who deserted their
towns when they heard the soldiers coming. Rumors of attack plagued the
presidio, and the only friend of the Spaniards, AjChan, once again deserted them, raising new fears of a general rebellion.
The Kowoj Province and Its "Captain"

During early April, some two hundred people from the western Itza province and the Yalain area had visited Ursua at the presidio. Some of these
had indicated an interest in becoming Christians, and Ursua, who had
no missionaries for them, had sent them back to their home communi1
ties loaded down with the usual gifts of axes, machetes, knives, belts,
and beads.
During the same period a group of twenty-six representatives from
Tipuj also arrived at the presidio, led by their "cacique," Mateo Wikab',
and their "captain," Andres K'eb'. It will be recalled from chapter 7 that
Wikab' and K'eb', at that time an alcalde, had separately made important
journeys as Spanish-sponsored emissaries to see Ajaw Kan Ek' during
1695. On this occasion they were at the presidio not, presumably, to see
Ajaw Kan Ek' but rather to present testimony to Ursua concerning what
they knew of the disposition of Ajaw Kan Ek' toward the Spaniards before
AjChan visited Merida in December 1695. They
escorted from Tipuj
by two Spaniards from Bacalar, Juan de Medina and Antonio Guzman,
whose nickname was "Guatemala."
2
Ursua had sent an invitation to Captain Kowoj to visit him, but

AjKowoj, rightly suspicious of the offer, in turn invited Ursiia to see him
on his own territory. Ursiia had intended to carry out this trip to see for
himself the towns along the northern shore of Lago Peten Itza, but the
rumors of rebellion that resulted in his interrogation of the Kan Ek' prisoners briefly delayed the trip. He had already appointed Captain Joseph
Laines to ready the galeota to set out on the journey with forty men, "with
the intention of punishing Captain Couoh, on whom the Indians of the
island cast the blame for all their evil doings." His interrogation of the
Kan Ek' cousins had revealed little about AjKowoj's anti-Spanish activities other than his threats against Avendano's life. Ursiia had heard
enough to make him suspicious of AjKowoj, although he knew little at the
time of the depth of enmity between many of the Itzas and the Kowojs
and, therefore, the proclivity of the former to treat the latter as scapegoats
in any dealings with Spaniards.
4
The galeota rowed off with its crew at nine or ten o'clock at night. The
purpose of the mission, as Ursiia later wrote, was
to look over the northeastern part of the lake, because I wanted to
see the twelve towns that place to place adorn that shore. At one [of
these towns], before that in which Captain Couoh lives, I woke up
and recognized in the people who went to the shore unarmed the
opposite of that which I was told on the island, [where they were]
impugning him (due to their enmity toward him) as the principal accomplice in the very thing that they had [themselves] committed. I
proceeded and arrived early in the day to catch sight of [Captain
Kowoj's] town, and some of them tossed gifts of fruit up to me on
Prisoners of
Conquest
the galeota. The first thing that was sighted at that settlement was a
new and beautiful holy cross, and everyone sweeping their houses in
order to receive me. I found Captain Couoh happy in appearance
and not the castles and fortresses that those of the island had told
me they had.
5
Captain Laines recalled not only these aspects of their reception but also
that a canoe approached them at AjKowoj's town bearing both a white
flag and plantains. AjKowoj entertained the Spaniards in "a very well
made and well swept house." Captain Pedro de Zubiaur recalled that the
soldiers disembarked at several towns where they were welcomed hospitably. At one of these towns a man actually swam out to the boat with a load
of plantains.
Ursiia and his men visited twelve towns on the northern shore, in the
company of Captain Kowoj himself. AjKowoj's capital town, the first of
those visited, was probably Ketz, whose population Father Juan Pacheco
de Sopuerta later estimated to be about one thousand. Various participants in the enterprise recalled the names of the other twelve towns: Chaltunja, Pop (or Poop), Sojkol, Yaxtenay, Tz'ola, Uspeten, AjB'ojom, Xililchi, B'oj, Chak'an Itza, and Saklemakal. Each of these towns, which had
obviously been well rehearsed for the Spaniards' visit, mimicked the theatrics displayed by AjKowoj, regaling the conquerors with foodstuffs and
offering Ursua their surrender.
6
Ursua's complimentary references to AjKowoj, whom he always referred to as Captain Kowoj, resulted not only from this pleasant reception
but also from information that emerged after his trip to the northern
shore. Notwithstanding Captain Kowoj's hospitality and stated willingness to surrender to the Spanish Crown, Ursua remained suspicious of his
intentions, took him as a prisoner to the presidio, and had him shackled
once he was on the island.
Now with AjKowoj and his allies as well as the Kan Ek's cousins in his
control, Ursiia apparently placed them all in the same room, forcing each
of them to explain his previous actions toward the Spaniards in the presence of one another. The details of this verbal encounter are lost, but it
resulted, at least in Ursua's mind, in establishing the guilt of the Ajaw Kan
Ek's and AjKowoj's innocence: "I found him not to be an accomplice in
any previous cruelty but rather that, to the contrary, to have reproached
the petty king, as on three occasions he sent him a warning that under no
condition should he harm the Spaniards, which resulted in their falling out
with each other, [with] those from the island killing Couoh's father and
10
Victims and
Survivors
brother, in revenge for which [AjKowoj] attacked the island with very few
Indians, set fire to the houses, destroying half of them, although all of
them went off with many arrow wounds."
11
Captain Diego de Avila Pacheco later confirmed that AjKowoj had

claimed he had attacked Nojpeten, burning down most of the houses "on
account of the murder of the Spaniards and [on account of Ajaw Kan Ek']
not having wished to heed the three warnings [of AjKowoj] that he not
harm the Spaniards." Another witness recalled that AjKowoj had actually shown the Spaniards the scars from the arrow wounds he had received
in the battle on Nojpeten.
This war must have occurred two or three months before Avendano's
trip to Nojpeten in January 1696, because on that occasion he observed a
number of newly constructed buildings on the island (see chapter 8). In all
probability, AjKowoj attacked Nojpeten as soon as he heard rumors that
during August or September Ajaw Kan Ek' had made contact with proSpanish representatives from Tipuj; he may even have been aware of
AjChan's "secret" first trip to Merida in September (chapter 7 ) . Although
there is ample evidence, already cited, that AjKowoj had been in league
with Ajaw B'atab' AjK'in Kante, ruler of the north, in his efforts to depose
the Itza ruler, Ursiia seems to have been either unaware of this alliance or
unwilling to consider its implications. In any event, the alliance between
AjKowoj and the ruler of the north was in shambles following the storming of Nojpeten. Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante had disappeared from sight,
possibly having taken refuge near Laguna Sacpuy, and the Kowoj leader
was now on his own to negotiate with the Spaniards.
12
13
326
There is good reason, therefore, to doubt AjKowoj's claim that it was

he, and not Ajaw Kan Ek', who wished to protect the Spaniards from
harm. It was AjKowoj, after all, who had threatened Avendano when faceto-face with Ajaw Kan Ek', the friar's protector as well as a treasonous
Spanish sympathizer. Ursiia knew all of this from Avendano's reports, but,
for reasons that are unclear, he chose to accept AjKowoj's new version of
these events. As it turned out later, AjKowoj, having deceived Ursiia,
apparently intended to use the military power of his new "ally" as the
principal means of defeating Ajaw Kan Ek' and his few remaining allies,
for once and for all, before attempting to turn against and ultimately expel
the conquerors.
As soon as Ursiia was convinced of AjKowoj's innocence, he had his
shackles removed and set him free. Captain Pedro de Zubiaur, in whose
house AjKowoj was at first imprisoned, had equally complimentary
words for AjKowoj. He confirmed the Spaniards' belief that he was not
14
15
Prisoners
of
Conquest
only innocent but had also become an active ally and assistant in subsequent local roundups of resistant native forces:
When they went to Cobox's [i.e., AjKowoj's] towns he was taken by
sehor don Martin to the island because they had always held him
guilty in the cruelties committed on the lake, and when presented
face-to-face with Canek and the priest not only was he found innocent but from then on he served as a guide and leader in bringing
out from the forest the principal aggressors in the deaths and sacrifices committed against the people from Guatemala and from this
province. The said Cobox, in the friendly company of don Martin
Chan, [both] remained on the fortified island, assisting the men of
the garrison with their wives, forsaking their native towns and
homes.
16
So zealous, stated Avila Pacheco, was AjKowoj in the pursuit of Itzas

deemed guilty of the murders that he even killed those who resisted h i m .
Now AjKowoj joined his son-in-law, AjChan, in a new alliance against
those whom they chose to blame for the previous murders of Yucatecans
and Guatemalans. This was the first indication that AjChan was willing to
turn against his uncle, Ajaw Kan Ek', in favor of supporting the nowfavored AjKowoj. Just as AjKowoj was plotting to strike against the Spaniards, AjChan was, as we will see, reassessing his own support of the
conquerors.
17
Ursua's
Departure
In late April, shortly after he had decided to free Captain Kowoj, Ursiia
began plans for his own return to Campeche. On May 9 he completed all
of the paperwork required for his departure, including a set of detailed
instructions for Captain Joseph Fernandez de Estenos, whom he left in
command of the presidio. Estenos's second-in-command was to be Lieutenant Juan Francisco Cortes, whose title was alferez* Of the original garrison he left only fifty men behind. They were housed in a palm-thatch barracks guarded by heavy artillery and plenty of ammunition. Also at their
disposal were the galeota, a piragua, and a number of captured canoes.
327
Fernandez de Estenos was to keep Ajaw Kan Ek', AjK'in Kan Ek', and
their cousin under guard. If the president of Guatemala agreed, as Ursiia
had requested, to replace these fifty men, the arms and ammunition were
to be turned over to the new garrison, and the Yucatecan troops were to
18
return forthwith to Campeche. In high-sounding phraseology, Ursua instructed Fernandez to treat all of the natives of the area with "the gentleness and affection that is required, as in this way the reduction of the
rest.. . will be achieved." He was to punish severely those Spaniards who
abused their charges and to give special assistance and good treatment to
don Martin Chan (AjChan) and Captain Kowoj and their followers. He
should make sure the troops set a good example, including performing a
nightly recitation of the rosary of Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios.
At this point the native population of the island included the three Kan
Ek' prisoners; AjKowoj; AjChan and his brother, Pedro Miguel Chan, and
brother-in-law, Manuel Joseph Chayax; AjChan's close associate Juan
Francisco Tek; and the wives, children, and other relatives of several of
these men. In all there were about two hundred non-Spaniards, including
children.
Joining Ursua and the returning troops was Father Juan Pacheco,
who was subsequently questioned in detail in Merida at the order of the
bishop-elect, the Augustinian Fray Antonio de Arriaga. Pacheco's departure, which infuriated Arriaga, left the presidio with no clerical presence
whatsoever, because he had given his assistant, Bachiller Jose Francisco
Martinez de Mora, permission to accompany Alonso Garcia de Paredes
on his trip to Guatemala. Although he had ordered Martinez de Mora to
return to the presidio of Los Remedios, he had since learned that he had
returned directly to Campeche.
19
20
Pacheco's excuse for abandoning his post was an illness so severe that
he feared for his life. He appeared well enough, however, to the bishop,
who ordered him to get back on his horse and return to his post via Campeche without delay. Pacheco responded with pious calculation that he
would follow the bishop's orders, even though he might die on the road.
Eventually he was relieved from his obligations and, by October, another
priest, Bachiller Pedro de Morales y Vela, had taken his place at Peten Itza.
Arriaga later sent Martinez de Mora back to the presidio to join him.
Pacheco and Martinez de Mora had enjoyed few successes as missionaries to the Itzas. When later questioned about whether the conquered
population had sought baptism or wished to receive Christian instruction,
Pacheco replied that "they had done everything possible, not omitting a
single effort, to achieve their reduction to the knowledge of the True God
and the evangelical law, but that they had achieved nothing. They baptized only a girl about eight or nine years old who requested the water of
baptism, being next to death, and two children of don Martin Chan and
don Pedro Chan, Indians baptized in this city in 1 6 9 5 . "
21
22
328
23
Prisoners of
Conquest
Neither of these priests, whose primary responsibilities had been those

of chaplains to the Spaniards, had been enthusiastic missionaries. Ursua,
furthermore, did little to encourage them in evangelical pursuits, Pacheco
implied to the bishop that Ursua had encouraged Martinez de Mora to
join the group going to Guatemala and stated that Ursiia had not opposed
his own wish to join the retreating soldiers. Their lack of success in obtaining converts clearly contradicted the claims of Ursiia and other military
personnel that streams of eager Mayas were asking for baptism and religious instruction. Other colonial officials and church leaders in Merida
were to read into such contradictions the indication that Ursiia had little
interest in the souls or the personal welfare of the conquered population.
A New Rhetoric of Depravity

Prior to his departure from the presidio, Ursua and his officers had refrained from using derogatory language in describing the Itzas. Their descriptions of "idols" found on the island and their accusations of treachery
on the part of Itza leaders notwithstanding, the texts produced between
March and June exhibited not only moderation but even, on occasion,
complimentary characterizations of people who were on the verge of becoming subjects of the Spanish empire.
All of this changed when Ursua, upon his return to Campeche, found
himself under fire for having disobeyed the royal instructions to which he
had committed himself over the past four years. Soberanis issued a scathing attack on the violence of Ursua's conquest of Nojpeten, to which
Ursiia felt compelled to respond. Ursua's primary defense against such
criticism was to develop a new rhetoric that portrayed the Itzas as a
depraved, savage people whom he had had to conquer in the interest of
God, the Crown, and the protection of civilized life.
Ursiia had arrived with his returning troops in Campeche in late May.
Among his first acts was to request additional secular clergy, in addition to
the two positions already assigned by the bishop. Despite Ursua's claim
that there were many souls to be attended to in the newly conquered
regions and that his own funds were drying up, Bishop Arriaga's response
was cool. He wrote that he could not fund the costs of transportation and
support of additional missionaries but demanded instead that Ursiia himself fund the costs of six or eight additional priests, including the price of
chalices, ornaments, and the construction of churches and other ecclesiastical buildings. Should Ursiia be unable to meet these expenses, he
24
329
could request them from the funds promised by the Guatemalan government. The bishop's denial of additional support, undoubtedly motivated
in part by Father Juan Pacheco's testimony, as well as that of Soberanis,
made matters even worse.
Over the next month Ursua strategized how best to make his case
locally for the needs faced by the presidio. Although, as we will see shortly,
substantial funds had been promised by the Audiencia of Guatemala,
much more was needed. Governor Soberanis continued to question the
legality of the conquest itself and was on the verge of placing Ursiia under
arrest. Ursua's immediate strategy to redeem his reputation and muster
support for his cause was to try the familiar tactic of soliciting sworn
testimony, this time from his own military officers.
He therefore called on his supporters in Campeche to sponsor a series
of depositions. The petition for the calling of witnesses on Ursiia's behalf
was presented by the alcalde of Campeche, Gregorio Carlos Saenz, who
had served as Ursua's personal agent since mid-1696. Such conflict of
interest was seldom an issue in the preparation of such evidence. The
testimony was presented by nine witnesses, all military men, who came
and went over a period of ten days (July 1 - 1 0 ) . Their testimony was
recorded by Agustin de Verganza, the public clerk of Campeche.
25
26
Of the seven questions, which clearly were drafted by Ursua, most dealt
with "factual" matters concerning the preparatory activities that led to the
conquest, the conquest itself, and the events following it. Although the
lengthy, detailed wording of the questions constituted a flattering interpretation of Ursua's valor, generosity, and fairness in all that he had done,
there was little in them not detailed by Ursiia himself on other occasions.
One question, however, invited the testifiers to expound on the perceived
cruelty and even depravity of the Itzas. This question, and the witnesses'
responses to it, was designed to reveal a people so barbaric that only the
most hardened observer could doubt the importance of this conquest for
the preservation of civilized life itself. It read: "If they know from widely
circulated information that the nation of the Itzas had held these and the
provinces of Guatemala in a state of terror by the cruelties that they had
committed in removing the hearts of those they captured as sacrifices and
in sustaining themselves on human flesh; and that as a result of what has
taken place [i.e., the capture of Nojpeten] all of the towns have been pacified. Say what they know about this matter, have seen, or understood, e t c "
27
28
330
Based mainly on Ursua's interrogation of the youth Kamal and the

forced testimony of AjK'in Kan Ek', the question invited the witnesses in
Prisoners
of
Conquest
Campeche to speculate and to expand on rumors they had heard about

sacrificial heart excision and cannibalism. Its linkage of these two supposed practices made it appear that human sacrifice necessarily involved
the eating of human flesh. Linking cannibalism with sustenance, the question did not permit the understanding that it was primarily a ritual practice and not done to satisfy an appetite for human flesh. Like all such
leading questions, there was only one answer, and that answer had to be
confirmatory.
So tantalizing was the question that the witnesses introduced other accusations not even implied by it. The following are representative examples of their responses, presented in the order in which the witnesses spoke:
[Captain Pedro de Zubiaur] said that the Itza nation had [the region] terrorized with the cruelties that they had committed, and it
has been confirmed that they had extracted the living hearts from
all of the Indians that they had captured in the towns and hamlets,
which they sacrificed to their false gods with which the island was
filled, sustaining themselves on human flesh, and other extremely
lewd sins and other unspeakable and filthy matters, [too] contemptible to be written, and that having taken that infernal receptacle
away from them these provinces and those of Guatemala have been
secured.
29
[Captain Diego de Avila Pacheco] said t h a t . . . with this nation having laid waste to all of the Indians of the forest in order to make sacrifices to their gods and to sustain themselves on human flesh, and [the
Spaniards'] having found on the island in possession of Kin Canek
an Indian from the west, a boy [probably Kamal], who was to be sacrificed, as they had done to his father, mother, and brothers,... he
finds that a very particular service to the two majesties has been carried out.
30
Sergeant Major Miguel Ferrer concluded his statement on human sacrifice by saying that "only he who had been there and has seen that sacrificial tool of Lucifer can describe i t . " Squadron Corporal Francisco
Antonio de la Joya, whose imagination may have been emboldened by
Ferrer's description, said, "It was verified that they extracted the living
hearts from those whom they sacrificed, and they chopped up their bodies
and tossed them into pots, having separate female Indian cooks for this,
and that after eating the human flesh they committed other very filthy sins
in which the demon had his patrimony founded, with which it is seen to
31
have been of great consequence to have placed the house of God where
similar evils were committed."
Each response, some built upon the witness's listening to those who
came before, added new elements, which climaxed in the absurd claim by
Captain Nicolas de la Aya that the Itzas had eaten nearly everyone in the
forests. So formulaic were the tropes describing the extraction of hearts,
the lust for human flesh, the tossing of body parts into cooking pots, and
the sin of sodomy (too filthy a word to be uttered in public) that we are led
to question their truth or the evidence on which they were based. Even the
limited testimony on human sacrifice collected in Yucatan by Fray Diego
de Landa during the idolatry trials of 1 5 6 2 appears moderate and measured by comparison. That testimony, however suspect some of it might
be, was based on individual, documented cases, whereas the 1697 accusations against the Itzas were generalized and hyperbolic in nature.
32
33
34
Ursua obviously intended that the testimony be used to reinforce a

negative image of the Itzas and thereby justify the military actions he had
taken against them. He wrote to the king in late July concerning his state
of mind and the circumstances that had led to the incarceration of the Kan
Ek' cousins and his use of torture to extract a confession from AjK'in Kan
Ek'. His own prose had by now reached a new level of hyperbole, as in his
reconstructed scenario of the fate of Captain Juan Diaz de Velasco and his
party of Guatemalans in 1 6 9 5 ; his inspiration for much of this description
was the testimony he had taken in Campeche:
[The Itzas] took them aboard and with sticks and machetes killed
most of them in their canoes. They took Captain Juan Diaz and
others, who were still alive, to the island, [where] between the petty
king, his priest, and another barbarian, a follower [deudo] of theirs
also named Canek, they removed the hearts of all of them. Having
sacrificed them they cut up their bodies, which they ate roasted and
boiled, this inhuman atrocity being a common practice among the
infidels, who are so impassioned by it that when they lacked a
ready supply from among the inhabitants they had knocked off in
the forests, they exacted the same cruelty upon the fattest boys of
the island. Having already laid waste to the wild enemy nations,
they descended to the domesticated towns, and in the daily absence
of sacrificial material their own nation supplied and contracted it.
35
36
Nearly two years later, in April 1699, after he had returned to the Peten
Itza presidio, Ursiia, with the cooperation of his Guatemalan military
counterpart, Melchor de Mencos y Medrano, administered a similar oral
Prisoners
of
Conquest
questionnaire. This time the witnesses included five priests and five military men. Although some of the responses were more detailed, the rhetoric
had not changed substantially. The issues were still those of human sacrifice, cannibalism, and sodomy, and the language used to describe them
was virtually identical to that recorded in Campeche in 1 6 9 7 .
The two secular priests from Yucatan, Pedro de Morales and Jose Francisco Martinez de Mora (who had been present during the initial conquest), were the first to offer their responses, saying that "this island had
been the patrimony of Lucifer, where all the infidels of these districts
engaged in worshipping him (and in sacrificing the hearts of those whom
they captured and killed in order to eat [them]) in many temples, caves,
and vaulted rooms [bovedas], whose ruins are evident." The two priests
offered no evidence for these claims, citing only the "innumerable idols"
destroyed during the attack on Nojpeten and claiming that certain leaders
"had wished to commit treason on three occasions." None of these occasions, however, each of which involved only attempts to escape or rebel
against the Spaniards, involved human sacrifice or any other form of
personal violence.
Fray Diego de Rivas, the Guatemalan Mercederian who had only recently arrived in Peten, also supported the claim of cannibalism. Ironically, however, he also noted that "this forest has been . . . the refuge of
trouble-making Christian Indians from the province of Campeche," failing to see the contradiction in his assertion that people would seek refuge
where they would be captured, killed, and eaten by their neighbors.
The Dominican Fray Gabriel de Artiga, another newcomer, had recently been reassigned from Verapaz to the Itza reductions. He offered another contradictory observation that the Itzas engaged in trade with the
"untamed" forest peoples while terrorizing "all whom they can capture in
the forest." He provided additional evidence for "other idolatrous abominations and the rest," specifically the island's "public atrium-enclosed
houses of abomination (whose runes are patent)." His term for these
houses "casas comunes nefandas apretiladas" makes indirect reference to the "pecado nefando," the "sin of sodomy." Its walls were decorated with glyphs or pictures ("runes") that he claimed portrayed such
activity.
Although a full critique of the sources for accusations such as these
cannot be presented here, it must be emphasized that all Spanish statements of the time must be carefully evaluated before their veracity is
accepted. With that said, the cumulative evidence, which is considerable,
does indicate that the Itzas, like the Mayas of Yucatan at the time of the
37
38
39
40
conquest and most other Maya societies from Classic times on, practiced
ritual human sacrifice and heart excision. That the Itzas followed these
practices, using primarily captives taken in raids, seems indisputable. The
possibility of cannibalism among any Maya group, however, regardless of
time period, is far weaker; to my knowledge there is no incontrovertible
evidence for it. Accusations of cannibalism were nearly always made by
enemies, detractors, or conquerors and appear in most cases to serve as a
means of decrying that group's savagery and inhumanity. Despite "admissions" that members of the Itza ruling nobility did practice the consumption of human flesh, we must remember that no interrogated Itza admitted
to doing so himself.
41
42
The only claimed eyewitness account of the practice of cannibalism

appears in a 1699 report by Nicolas de Lizarraga, the head of the first
group of Guatemalan settlers in Peten. Lizarraga, following an armed
encounter with a group of Kowojs in which Spanish troops responded to a
single arrow shot at them by killing thirty people, claimed that he and
others saw "the parboiled chunks of arms and legs in a canoe." The victims were supposedly five native Verapaz workers who had been sent to
gather firewood. Lizarraga gave his account under oath, but I have found
much of his written prose to be exaggerated and untrustworthy.
In the absence of any reliable evidence of Itza cannibalism, Spanish
accusations that the Itzas had an insatiable lust for human flesh, such
that the forests were being depopulated, seem even more preposterous.
Those who participated in ritual human sacrifice were the highest-ranking
priests and nobility a very small number. Spanish priests and soldiers, in
exaggerating the number of sacrificial victims, grossly distorted human
sacrifice into a means of obtaining food, whereas it was far more plausibly,
as Linda Scheie has shown for the Classic period, a highly ritualized practice heavy in blood symbolism and associated with nonterritorial raids on
other communities.
Whether or not Itza men engaged in same-sex activities on the universal
scale suggested by Spaniards is equally impossible to determine with the
evidence at our disposal. It will be recalled that Avendano had alluded
to such a possibility, although only on the basis of rumor and casual
observations about male public behavior and dress. The presidio chaplain, Bachiller Francisco de San Miguel y Figueroa, made more specific
reference to sexual behaviors in a 1 7 0 2 letter to the Crown. In it he
referred to a house surrounded by a wall into which young boys were
invited for the purpose of having sexual relations with "ministers of the
Demon," who wore women's skirts and made tortillas for the priests.
43
44
334
45
Prisoners of Conquest
This house would appear to have been one of Fray Gabriel de Artiga's
"houses of abomination," of which Figueroa had observed or heard about
only one. Here Figueroa described a transgender role that seems plausible,
but because the accuracy of his statement cannot be independently confirmed, we can draw few conclusions.
It is a sad testimony to the record left by most observers that these men
emphasized only what they viewed as the negative qualities of Itza life and
seldom commented on positive ones. We almost never hear about families,
the care of children, horticultural techniques, or medical curing, all of
which were far more important aspects of everyday life for the vast majority of people than the subjects they chose to emphasize and denigrate. This
imbalance might be simple enough to explain as reflecting the limited exposure of an occupying force that seldom saw or interacted with ordinary
Itzas under normal conditions. What little experience they might have
been able to report, however, was also intentionally omitted by Ursua and
his officers from a record that they designed primarily in order to defend
military conquest and forced conversion.
The Kowojs Plot
Rebellion
Despite the roundups pursued with the assistance of AjKowoj and AjChan,
Captain Joseph Fernandez de Estenos wrote to his friend the Guatemalan
general Melchor de Mencos y Medrano on July 3 that many more fugitives
were still in the forests, beyond the soldiers' grasp. Nevertheless,
the Indians of three islands and another three towns, along with all
the Indians of their territories, are quiet and peaceful. Whenever I
call them they come punctually, which demonstrates recognition of
the obedience that they have given to our King Lord Charles the
Second. I omit some minor leaders of this island who, with troops
of Indians that follow them, run about fugitive in the forests, whose
obstinance and rebelliousness spring from their being the worst
evildoers and the most guilty in the deaths that have befallen the
Spaniards. I have made some forays in search of them, and, made
aware by their spies, the bulk of them has always run away from
me, abandoning the sites that they occupy and flying away. The
cause of [my] not encountering them is their fear of being punished.
The rains were preventing additional forays, and there was little contact
with the supposedly pacified natives, who lived scattered in small hamlets.
The two Yucatecan priests had also departed, "and we are serving here as
vicars and sacristans, because they call on us to baptize when they consider it a terminal illness."
A week later, his letter still unmailed, Fernandez de Estenos added a
shocking postscript:
46
I discovered a treacherous act that the Cobox Indians wished to

commit, and having imprisoned Captain Cobox, who had been the
head or leader of the Coboxes, and taking his deposition, he confessed that it was true he, with the Indians of his town, had intended to come and kill us Spaniards at this presidio and that he
had sent a message to the Indians of the forest and to all the other
Indians of this nation to form an alliance and join together in order
to kill us. But [he said] that there had been neither time nor place to
receive an answer to his message and that he therefore does not
know whether it had been received or whether it had appeared acceptable to them. The said treacherous act having been confirmed
by the confessions of many witnesses, I ordered that he be shot, and
afterwards I put him on a gallows in view of all of the Indians of
this island.
47
Even with AjKowoj dead, Fernandez realized that the previous peacefulness of the Kowoj towns of the northern shore was suspect. Although
he hoped that the execution of AjKowoj would create "horror and fear"
and would quell the pending rebellion, he expressed his own fears to the
president of Guatemala that the Kowojs "are very bloodthirsty and accustomed to killing Spaniards, not by the force of arms but with demonstrations of affection and friendliness, with submissiveness and humility
with which they have always deceived everyone, pretending to have some
kindness and affection in dealing and living with Spaniards. Besides previous examples, we are experiencing it now, as before, that they join
together and plot some wickedness."
48
Captain Kowoj was executed on Monday, July 8. He had revealed

during his confession or so it was said that the devil had deceived
him. Shortly before he was executed he "received the water of baptism
by the hand of the presidio's alferez, there being no priest in said places,"
Captain Diego Bernardo del Rio wrote to Melchor de Mencos on the day
of AjKowoj's death that he was asked "whether or not he wished the water
of baptism, that he should know that receiving it or not receiving it, he had
to die, so that he might choose that which is best. He asked for the water
very much from his heart. He died with great courage, and he asked for
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of
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forgiveness from all of the Indian men and women of this island whom he
had offended that he might love the Divine Majesty, that he might die
with complete repentance for having offended my [sic] God and Lord, and
that his soul might depart to enjoy his glory."
Del Rio, who may have overstated AjKowoj's dying sentiments, lamented that this tragedy had occurred while there were still no priests
at the presidio. Having raised the expectations of the native population
through their teachings and initial baptisms, Satan would now undoubtedly seize his advantage. Considering Juan Pacheco's self-admitted lack
of success in his evangelical efforts, del Rio's observation that Christian
teaching had achieved such a positive effect might be read as pure posturing. But everyone, he insisted, was now asking to be baptized. The evidence he cited suggests that an epidemic was already sweeping through
the population and that some Itzas were indeed seeking alternative spiritual remedies: "Most of the Indian men and women are clamoring for
fathers to baptize them, that they want to be Christians. The fathers and
mothers of those who have just died come with their very sick sons and
daughters, calling to the Spaniards that for the love of God might they cast
the water on their child. The husbands do the same for their wives, and the
wives for their husbands, seeing that they are very ill. May God touch the
hearts of those fathers from Campeche that at least one might come."
51
52
It would be some time before priests would arrive to minister to the

dying Itzas. In the same mail packet, however, del Rio enclosed a letter to
President Sanchez de Berrospe saying that the bones of the two Guatemalan Dominicans and three of the Spaniards who had been captured in
April 1696 had been found in a vaulted room (boveda). He was sending
these separately via Cahabon with a message to Fray Garcia de Palomares
requesting that "he place all of them in boxes, because these Indians
wanted to carry them only in small bits, each piece separately." How he
knew even this much about the five deceased men is not specified, but we
may presume that their status was determined from their clothing. Del Rio
did not imply that the bodies had been mutilated or consumed cannibalistically, as others had maintained before their discovery.
53
Garcia de Paredes Begs in Guatemala

Only ten or eleven days after the assault on Nojpeten, Ursiia sent Alonso
Garcia de Paredes and Jose Ripalda Ongay to Santiago de Guatemala with
a packet of documentation and instructions to request financial assistance
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Victims and
Survivors
for the new presidio. This journey along the unfinished road south of the
lake to Mopan and from there to Cahabon turned out to be as difficult as
might have been predicted. Garcia and Ripalda left with the priest Jose
Martinez, forty-five soldiers, and six unidentified "Indians," certain that
they would find Spaniards encamped at the presidio of Mopan. They
found it abandoned, sent thirty-five of the troops back to Peten Itza,
and arrived at Cahabon with the remainder on April 1 4 , hungry and
exhausted. There they were fed by the Dominican Fray Garcia de Colmenares. The local cabildo gave them a few fresh food supplies for the Peten
presidio, which Garcia sent back to Peten Itza with the remaining troops
and carriers.
The two officers and the priest remained in Cahabon for only four days
and then proceeded to Coban, where Garcia de Paredes sent a letter to
President Sanchez de Berrospe informing him of their planned arrival in
Santiago de Guatemala. Their appearance there on April 18 sparked a
series of official meetings at which the two Yucatecans presented on Ursua's behalf their petitions for assistance and answered questions from
members of the audiencia, church officials, and other leading citizens.
Ursua's letters to the president, in which he argued that he had fulfilled the
terms of the 1693 royal cedula, requested fifty troops in order to maintain
the presidio, to be paid from the royal treasury, as well as supplies, arms,
and ammunition, which he had mistakenly believed would still be available at the presidio of Mopan. The audiencia met on April 28 to consider
the request and decided that a "general war meeting," attended by all who
had experience in the recent reductions, should be called in order to discuss the matter.
The meeting took place on May 1 and was attended by the six audiencia members, a fiscal, the bishop (a Mercederian), the two Yucatecan
officers, the Mercederian provincial, the Dominican friar Agustin Cano,
the royal accountant, nine military officers, and the public clerk. The
president read aloud Ursua's communications and the relevant cedulas,
following which each person in attendance was given the opportunity to
state his opinion on the request. The final resolution, voted on by all in.
attendance, was that the royal treasury would support the presidio with
salaries for fifty soldiers but that Ursua would have to provide the men
from his own garrison. Not everyone voted in favor of the resolution, but
the general consensus supported maintenance of what the Guatemalans
had themselves been unable to achieve.
Following the meeting another fiscal and royal official, Pedro Velasquez y Valdez, wrote that they had already spent more than eighty-five
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thousand pesos of the Crown's money in the Choi and Itza entradas but
had achieved only the deaths of two friars, Captain Juan Diaz, and the
ninety-odd persons who had been captured with them. Furthermore, he
reported that on May 1 3 , 1696, shortly after this massacre, President
Sanchez de Berrospe had issued an order that all further reduction efforts
in the region be suspended. Notwithstanding these concerns, the fiscal
recommended that Ursua's request for troops be granted in light of the
significance of the defeat of "the fortress that served these infidels as a
sanctuary for their assaults, seditions, and resistance" and of the need to
keep the new route between the two provinces open.
60
The next day Garcia de Paredes and Ripalda Ongay, who had been
asked to detail their request for funds, handed the president a carefully
justified budget totaling 1 3 , 6 7 2 pesos, 4 reales. This amount would cover
the salaries of the fifty troops and their supplies for a fourteen-month
period, at the end of which Ursiia was scheduled to resume the governorship of Yucatan. Sanchez de Berrospe immediately approved the amount
but determined that only half would be sent with the Yucatecan officers,
who planned to return via Chiapas. The royal treasurer advised him that
seven months of support was all that could be afforded, and after that
period payments could be made to Ursiia as might be necessary.
On May 4 the messenger Juan Baraona departed for Merida from
Santiago de Guatemala with a letter from the president to Governor Soberanis and several to other persons from Garcia de Paredes. He traveled
the route that went to Ciudad Real (today San Cristobal de las Casas) and
then down into the tropical forests past Palenque, Petenekte on Rio Usumacinta, and Sajkab'ch'en. He finally reached Merida on May 27, presenting to Soberanis the president's letter informing him of his decision to
support Ursua's presidio but stating that the monies would be placed in a
special account overseen by Pedro Velasquez y Valdez in Santiago de
Guatemala. Soberanis was to have no control over the dispersement of the
funds, a provision that Garcia de Paredes must have requested on the
assumption that Soberanis would have done all in his power to withhold
them or to delay payment.
Baraona was to return as far as Sajkab'ch'en and await answers to
another packet of letters that the Guatemalan audiencia had sent to Ursiia
at the Peten Itza presidio, on the assumption that he was still there. The 339
packet caught up with Ursiia just one day's travel from Campeche. He
wrote thanking Sanchez de Berrospe for his generosity but could not resist
boasting of the hardship he had suffered: "I have not only spent the patrimony of my wife and children but have also risked my life, placing it
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Victims and
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in calculated dangers that followed upon nearly intolerable toil." Some

malcontents, he wrote, would of course deprecate the accomplishment,
but he was certain that the president appreciated the importance of what
he been doing in the name of God and the Crown. The principal naysayer
went unnamed, but the president would have known from earlier correspondence and from his conversations with Garcia de Paredes that this
was Soberanis.
Always as optimistic as he was boastful, Ursiia falsely assured the president that there was no danger of an Itza uprising, because the only region
the Itzas appeared to "occupy" beyond the lake was that of the Mopans,
who had already fled even further toward the east. And willing to stretch
the truth to the breaking point, he claimed certain knowledge that the
road from the main lake to Cahabon was perfectly passable. After all,
Garcia de Paredes and his party had gone across it with horses, even while
"carrying their beds." (The messenger Baraona reported to Soberanis that
he had been told that the road was virtually impassable and that Garcia
had been forced to cut through open country for much of the way.)
Ursua had been assured by Diego Bernardo del Rio, who had been along it
as far as Cahabon, that the route was passable. As for the route from
Yucatan to the lake, notwithstanding the swampy areas that appeared
during the rainy season, it was a "very good r o a d . "
65
66
67
Garcia and Ripalda had not yet returned to Campeche when Ursua
wrote to the president on June 1 2 , 1697. The Franciscan provincial later
reported that all of those who went to Guatemala had returned via Tabasco, although Ursiia had believed they were to return through Chiapas. Ripalda, at any rate, was back at the Peten presidio in his old post as
alferez real in 1 6 9 9 . Surprisingly, no information on Captain Garcia's
later activities appears in any documentation. He seems to have withdrawn entirely from the Peten Itza project, perhaps owing to illness. Because he was so deeply immersed in every aspect of the project, from its
beginnings through the capture of Nojpeten, it is difficult to imagine that
he withdrew intentionally after successfully petitioning the Guatemalan
audiencia. Nor can it be explained why Ursiia, whom he had served with
such apparent loyalty, never mentioned his ultimate fate.
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The dispensing of the monies that Sanchez de Berrospe was to have sent
to Yucatan for support of the presidio raised petty political rivalries that
we cannot fathom today. Velasquez y Valdez, the Guatemalan official, said
he would refuse to administer the funds, and the matter was still unresolved by August 1697. No money had yet been sent when the Guate-
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malan audiencia and a group of church leaders met that month to consider
whether or not they should send missionaries to Peten Itza. The president
concluded that they were under no obligation to do so and that these
should be supplied by Yucatan. No priests in Guatemala spoke the Itza
language, and he wanted no conflict over ecclesiastical jurisdiction with
the bishop of Yucatan. Guatemalan sympathy with Yucatan was strained
by the lack of a resolution to the missionary question, and Sanchez wrote
to Governor Soberanis that he had decided to send the funds directly to
Ursua for him to dispense, and that only in his absence would Soberanis be
authorized to receive them.
70
The funds finally arrived in October. Soberanis, believing that they

would be received and administered by the royal treasurer, ordered on
October 1 7 that new volunteer troops be recruited for the presidio of
Peten Itza and that muleteers with forty mules be hired from the partido of
La Costa to carry supplies. The treasurer, however, true to his word, had
refused to accept the money, which was now in Ursua's hands. Ursua,
drained of his resources and hoping to live more inexpensively, planned to
move with his family to Peto. Soberanis, however, was determined to exile
him from Yucatan. While he strategized how to bring legal charges against
Ursua, he had him placed under house arrest in Jekelchak'an, also preventing his wife and children from leaving.
71
72
The embittered Soberanis was critical of any plan to distribute any

resources whatsoever to the Peten presidio. In writing to Sanchez de Berrospe he said, "I would like to know what spiritual benefit the Indians
have received. Surely there are very few, or none at all, baptized or, in like
manner, reduced. Surely Father San Buenaventura and a Franciscan lay
religious or brother died under violent circumstances. I do not understand
how they are reduced and are receiving the Catholic faith, which is associated with solid fundamentals and which is not resisted." Soberanis was
obviously uncertain what should be done next. He expressed no ideas
about a future policy for the presidio and its relationship with the Itzas or
about the future of missionary activities.
73
"A Glorious
Task"
During the next months the issue of political control over Peten Itza became increasingly confused. Ursua continued to complain in letters to the
Crown about the impediments Soberanis placed in the way of his indepen-
dent administration of the new territories. Recognizing the dangers facing

the small garrison, he pleaded in September for Crown approval of additional forces and of families who could raise foodstuffs to support the
troops. He considered Guatemala's grant of funds to be tantamount
to giving him administrative control over the presidio. He had now, he
claimed, spent 46,300 pesos of his own and his wife's fortune and still
owed more.
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The Spanish Crown's response to Ursua's accomplishments and woes,

although delayed by the mails and the complexities engendered by political conflict in Yucatan, was overwhelmingly positive. Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, who had been assigned to read the thousands of pages
of documentation that was pouring into the court's offices, presented an
oral summary and interpretation of these materials to the Council of the
Indies in November. So favorable was his report that instructions were
thereupon drawn up to draft a cedula expressing gratitude to Ursua.
Other cedulas, the most important of which would be directed to the
viceroy and Soberanis, were to demand complete cooperation in all that
Ursua required in order to maintain the presidio and to continue reductions of the native population. Soberanis, whose objections to Ursua's
activities were completely ignored by the Council, was ordered yet again
to cooperate and assist Ursua, subject to punishment if he did not do s o .
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The Crown, recognizing that his had been "a glorious task undertaken
by your valor and zeal," finally granted Ursua's earlier request to pursue
his activities with complete independence from the governor of Yucatan.
He was granted the title and authority of "governor and captain general of
all the land and road that you might have subdued and shall subdue,
subordinate to no one other than my viceroy in New Spain." This grant of
authority, delimiting no fixed boundaries upon Ursua's territory, apparently represented the first official recognition of the vast region that was
later to become Peten. Potentially, however, the territory extended well
into present-day Campeche, because Ursua could claim that he had subdued all of the lands south of Kawich along the camino real. Less clear was
the status of Ursua's control over lands south of Lago Peten Itza, because
the lines of communication from there to Verapaz and Huehuetenango
could well be claimed to have been established by the Audiencia of Guatemala. The purpose of such a grant to Ursua seems to have been less that of
establishing a new geopolitical territory than of freeing Ursua from interference by Governor Soberanis.
The cedula, which offered no criticism of Ursua's militarism, made
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it clear that the previous policy of applying only "peaceful and gentle"
means was no longer in effect. Ursua and the president of Guatemala were
to cooperate militarily in the final "subduing and reduction" of the region.
Although Ursiia was instructed to establish a town with a fortified presidio that could be used for self-defense and against "apostates and rebels," its purpose was primarily to facilitate the conversion of the native
population. Ursua was to work toward the long-held goal of applying
only "spiritual weapons" in attracting converts, but he was granted a wide
latitude to define these limitations as he saw fit.
77
In response to Ursua's request for families to settle the newly conquered

territories, the Crown ordered Soberanis to assist in finding settlers and
granting them lands in villages on the camino real that were to serve as rest
stops along the way. The viceroy was to send "the idle and hopeless people" from Mexico City to assist in defending the presidio and to settle in
the new camino real villages. He was also to contact the governors of
neighboring provinces, who were to send families to settle in the new territory. These grandiose and impractical plans to establish colonias in Peten and along the camino real saw little action during the following years.
A few ladino families from Guatemala did move to Nuestra Senora de los
Remedios during 1 6 9 9 , and a few Sierra Mayas from Yucatan joined them
in about 1 7 0 2 . Ultimately, however, disease and intolerable living conditions caused most, if not all, of the surviving civilian outsiders to leave.
78
AjChan Abandons the Spaniards

On September 24 a soldier at the presidio, complaining that he had not
been paid, wrote that don Martin Chan had run away from the island with
"all of the Indians," who would have included his brother, his brother-inlaw, and other relatives. Ever since they had departed, every Spaniard
had been anxious, on the lookout for attacks "con la barba sobre el
hombro" with his beard on his shoulder. The surrounding Itzas went
about menacing the troops, presumably from canoes in the lake, in the
hope that they would abandon the presidio altogether. Apparently the
native population on the island had grown considerably over the intervening months: AjChan was said to have slipped away in the night, silently
and without alerting the guards, with more than five hundred people. The
loss of the Spaniards' friend Martin Francisco Chan, who had served
Ursiia, in the general's words, "as a light and guide for the capture of the
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Victims and
Survivors
principal island and as an inducement for the rest who gave themselves
up," was an ominous sign. Although the Kan Ek' cousins remained imprisoned, AjChan was now in a position to mount a major resistance
against the vulnerable presidio with the support of the eastern province
and perhaps even with new allies among the Kowojs.
80
AjChan sent a message from his old headquarters at Yalain, where he

had sought refuge, that he had not run away but rather had gone there to
wait until he learned more about a report that he and other native leaders
were to be killed by the Spaniards. The supposed authors of the rumor,
according to several Itza women who remained behind, were a group of
"Chans" (i.e., Kejaches from around Pak'ek'em) along the camino real far
north of Lago Peten Itza. A few days later some "infidels" arrived along
the mainland shore north of the island and called out to ask whether Ajaw
Kan Ek' was still alive. When the Spaniards brought him out to display
him to the visitors, "they demonstrated great happiness and began to
dance." Several of them came over to the island and were told that Ursiia
had already issued a general pardon in the name of the Crown.
81
Immediately thereafter the sole priest at the presidio, Pedro de Morales,

baptized Ajaw Kan Ek', his cousin AjK'in Kan Ek', and the others of
their family who remained imprisoned. Ajaw Kan Ek' became don Joseph
Pablo, and AjK'in Kan Ek' was given the name don Francisco Nicolas.
The purpose of the baptisms was clearly to send a message to the followers
of the Kan Ek' prisoners that their leaders had now offered their complete
submission to the Spaniards. The act may have had its desired effect.
When Captain Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi went to Santiago de Guatemala
in 1698, he reported that at the time he left Peten on January 2 1 , about
fifty Itzas from Yalain were building a house on the main island. Some of
the estimated six hundred people of Yalain were coming and going peacefully to and from the island and had supplied Zubiaur with maize meal for
his journey. The purpose of the building is unclear, because none of the
runaways had returned to stay there, and only fourteen or fifteen native
people eleven women of various ages and three or four men (the Kan Ek'
prisoners) were actually living on the island.
Morales also reported that continuing fears of the Spaniards' ill intent
had caused the inhabitants of a small mission settlement he had established on the lakeshore half a league from the presidio to run away. While
on another outing to collect foodstuffs from towns to the "north and
northeast," he found other settlements abandoned. Even the inhabitants
of nearby Ek'ixil had left their homes. In 1699, as we will see in chap82
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Prisoners of
Conquest
ter 1 4 , increased military interference in the form of forced maize requisitions led to even wider-scale flight from much of the region and Martin
Chan's disappearance from Spanish eyes.
Zubiaur Isasi Begs in Guatemala

When the twenty-two-year-old Captain Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi left for
Santiago de Guatemala in January 1698, he left behind a pathetic situation at the presidio. The garrison was all but under siege, unable to venture with safety into the surrounding native settlements. The few workers
from Yalain came and went, and that town probably supplied the presidio
with small amounts of produce. The troops that Ursiia had left behind had
not yet been replaced, and no supplies or funds had arrived from Yucatan
since the days before the occupation. Ursiia, still imprisoned in JeKelchak'an, had apparently been unable to hire the muleteers needed to deliver food, despite Soberanis's having approved the recruitment of Maya
muleteers from La Costa the previous October. With the garrison reduced to penury and hunger, and with no relief from Yucatan in sight,
Zubiaur went to Guatemala seeking supplies, additional arms, and salary
for the priests and troops. Part of his mission was to seek a shorter route to
Verapaz, and Ursiia claimed that by so doing he had reduced the length of
the trip from Peten Itza to San Agustin (located between Coban and Cahabon) to thirty-five leagues.
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85
Accompanying Zubiaur were Alferez Juan Francisco Cortes, a recently

arrived pilot or surveyor named Antonio de Carvajal, the two secular
priests (Morales and Martinez de Mora), and an undisclosed number of
soldiers and Maya carriers and road workers from Yucatan. When they
arrived in Santiago de Guatemala, they were required to record formal
depositions on the state of the presidio and the surrounding native populations. These depositions, taken in April in response to a only few pointed
questions, are among the only records on the region for this time period.
Zubiaur and Cortes both reported that although the two priests were
sufficient for the small population on the island, more would be needed
were they to "go out to catechize Indians in the places where they are
found." Father Morales stated with calculated exaggeration that even *45
sixteen missionaries would be insufficient to oversee the conversion of the
surrounding natives. Of the "great number" of these, the priests boldly
claimed, seventeen settlements, each with its "captain," had visited the
86
presidio to offer their submission. Many more had also offered submission
on the several occasions when Zubiaur had traveled in the galeota around
the lakeshore. The priests' knowledge of the surrounding area was still
vague, but they were able to locate the principal areas of settlement as
those around Yalain, Ek'ixil, the area north and northwest of the main
lake (including the territory of the Kowojs), that to the west, and those
elsewhere on the lake shore. Zubiaur estimated he had seen about five
thousand people on Nojpeten when they stormed the island and, according to Martin Chan, more than twice that many lived near the mainland
shores.
As for their present condition, Zubiaur had "heard it said publicly on
the said Peten that there is an abundant number of Indians who have
retreated to their milperias on all sides and that they are by nature deceitful, lacking permanent settlement, and untamed." Only by the use of
force, he suggested, could such people in such large numbers be successfully converted. Juan Cortes had heard from the imprisoned rulers
that many of those who had defended the island had retreated south to the
headwaters of the river on which Dolores del Lacandon was located
most likely meaning Rio Pasion.
Zubiaur clearly sought to convince the president that additional Guatemalan military support would be needed to complete the conquest and
reduction. The promised results of his mission, however stipends for the
priests, travel expenses, some road-opening costs, and some food supplieswere extremely modest. Zubiaur quickly returned to Cahabon,
where he delivered the president's orders to the alcalde mayor of Verapaz,
Diego Pacheco. With conditions worsening at the presidio, Captain Fernandez de Estenos was thrilled to receive a letter from Zubiaur on May 30
saying that the supplies would be arriving soon. Two days earlier he had
received a small shipment of beans and salt from Ursua, with a letter indicating that a larger quantity of maize flour, salted meat, and lard would
follow. Although he sent out scouts over the next two weeks to look for
the new supply train, the food never arrived. It was assumed that the muleteers had run away, abandoning their cargo somewhere along the way.
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*46
Finally, on June 25 Zubiaur and his companions returned to the presidio with the shipment of supplies from Verapaz. He wrote to the Guatemalan president that the trip had been a harrowing one. He had departed
Cahabon with 6j6 carriers and road workers, 8 5 of whom had run away
along the route, some with their cargo. Many of the carriers had sickened, and five of them died. Road conditions were terrible, forcing the
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Prisoners of
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mules and horses to swim across some rivers. Most of the maize and beans
with which they had started were delivered to the presidio, but of six
mules, one had died and two had run away. Zubiaur, exhausted and ill
from his experience, left the presidio for Campeche on July 6.
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By July, conditions at the presidio were rapidly deteriorating. Ursua had
notified Captain Fernandez de Estenos that the president of Guatemala
had agreed to pay him a monthly salary of sixty pesos and his second-incommand, Francisco Cortes, twenty-five pesos monthly. The other officers
and the rank and file soldiers, however, had been assigned no pay and
were, according to Fernandez, "very disconsolate." Worms and rats had
invaded the supplies of beans and hardtack, and the salted meat had
rotted. At most they had only a three-month supply of food.
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Fernandez, apparently having little faith that Ursua would come

through with needed assistance, wrote to President Sanchez de Berrospe
pleading directly for relief. In addition to twenty-five more soldiers to
reinforce the garrison, he needed a master mason with four assistants and
two stonecutters to build a new stone fort with living quarters for the
soldiers and a storage area for supplies and ammunition. The new building was crucial, because fire or wind and rain could easily destroy the
present thatched structures. The original Itza buildings, which they were
still using, were deteriorating rapidly as well, and by mid-1698 roof leaks
threatened the meager food supplies. The troops refused to make repairs,
stating "that they do not know how to make houses, because most of them
are maritime men, and those who are not are woodsmen."
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His list of requests, therefore, went on. He required five specialized

craftsmen, including a carpenter, two sawyers, a blacksmith, and someone
to maintain the galeota and the piragua. In addition, he would need quantities of tallow, tar, pitch, rope for the artillery, iron for making nails, nail
extractors, and woolen devices for cleaning inside the heavy artillery barrels. Finally, he asked for both riding and pack horses, in the event that
they might need to carry maize from the milpas of "rebel or fugitive
Indians." Eventually, as will be seen, the Spaniards' need to steal native
food supplies became a harsh reality.
Just as Fernandez had completed this letter he learned from a Kejach
woman who had gone to the Kowoj capital of Ketz to see her daughter
95
347
that following Captain Kowoj's execution the inhabitants had abandoned

their town and moved to Yaxja. Their new location, on Laguna Yaxha,
had not been seen by the Spaniards, who knew that it was quite far away.
Fernandez realized that he was facing a long, difficult rainy season in the
isolated squalor that now characterized the ruins of Nojpeten. With insufficient manpower to continue the conquest, surrounded by a hostile and
unknown forest filled with enemies, and short of supplies, his situation
must have seemed hopeless.
96
Threats of Rebellion
With no idea how he would be able to feed the presidio on the inadequate
supplies from Verapaz, Fernandez had already begun during June to send
troops out to the nearby settlements to search for producing milpas. Finding various towns and milpas abandoned, he went with a garrison of men
and the priest Martinez de Mora to Yalain, where AjChan and his followers had allowed a church to be constructed under the direction of Pedro de
Morales about six months earlier. They discovered that the church and
every house had been burned to the ground, and the crosses that had been
erected had been chopped with axes and burned. The town was empty of
people, but there was an ample supply of maize in the milpas, suggesting
that the inhabitants had fled quickly as they learned of the troops' approach. Morales called out to them but heard only silence. He set up new
crosses, and the troops stole from the milpas as much maize as they could
take back to the presidio on several mules.
97
Martinez de Mora had previously visited settlements toward the north

and northeast seeking food for the presidio. He later visited them again
with a few troops on a reconnaissance mission along the northern shore of
the lake
to see whether the said father could communicate with some Indians
and trade with them for some food supplies. Disembarking at the
abandoned settlements, they climbed to the top of the hill and found
a fort, industriously constructed in such a manner, they say, that they
would not be able to deal with it, even with artillery. But they found
it abandoned [to the] northeast and north. From there they went directly north to the settlements of the Couohs, which they found
completely burned. From there they went to another lake [Laguna
Sacpuy], different from this aforementioned nation, located about
half a league from this large lake, finding on its shores all the canoes
axed and with no fresh signs of the Indians. With this scene the said
father returned with the men without achieving his good intention.
98
The location of the fortification the first of several that would be discoveredcould have been anywhere along the northern shore, which had
been largely abandoned by the Kowojs for areas in the interior. Martinez
de Mora later went to Ek'ixil, again hoping to purchase food. Although he
found newly planted milpas, the town was deserted but not burned.
On June 1 5 Fernandez de Estenos wrote that he had managed to transport to the presidio some of the Yalain maize that his men had pilfered.
His hopes dimmed, however, when
99
I received news that all of the Indians of this nation were gathered
on the shores of this lake in order to come to make war against us. I
sent intelligence of this news to the said town of Yalain. When we
united ourselves on the 14th, the Indians learned of this and retreated to their dwelling places, apparently leaving [occupied] only
the parcialidad of the king. This King Canek and the other two prisoners told me that they wanted to bring the Indians together and
settle them, and, initiating what they had promised, they began to
build some houses with the help of Indians.
God was served when their evil intention was exposed to me. According to the declarations of many Indians it was not an act of
kindness but rather contained the idea of getting themselves together more quickly and uniting deceitfully in order to fall upon us.
They also told us that they were going to attack at midnight, when
it would have been darkest, and that the said prisoners had given
them this advice and had incited them, sending them a supply of derisions stating that I had worthless captains or caciques.
100
The "parcialidad of the king" turned out to be a settlement of "peten

Indians" that, we learn, the priest Morales had formed earlier in 1698 on
the lakeshore, half a league west of the main island. It may have been on
Punta Nijtun. Fearing that an attack on the small island garrison would
result in the kidnapping of Ajaw Kan Ek' and the other prisoners, Fernandez immediately sent the galeota to this community in order to release
the five Itza prisoners who had informed the Spaniards of the plot. He
gave orders to the commander that the troops were to remain on board,
not fire on or disturb anyone, and allow the five Itzas go freely to their
homes. When they arrived at the beach by the new settlement, "some
101

Indians went out to receive the Spaniards with much dissimulation," but
the Itzas were released, and the galeota returned without incident.
After returning to the presidio in late June, Morales reported that native informants and Martinez de Mora had told him that the people of this
new settlement were the instigators of the supposed plot. When they became aware that the Spaniards knew of their intentions, they abandoned
the community and had not been heard from since. After the burning and
abandonment of Yalain was discovered, all attempts to talk with people
seen walking through the forests were futile. The Itza population had
completely withdrawn, and the frustrated priest returned to the presidio
"with the knowledge that the said Indians are living in the vicinity of their
milpas and availing themselves of their m a i z e . "
After his return Morales learned more about both rumors of rebellion
and patterns of flight from a thirteen- or fourteen-year-old native girl who
had appeared alone on the lakeshore, calling to the Spaniards. She had
come, she said, with two companions in response to the news that returnees
would be well treated and because people in their settlements, separated
from their own milpas, were suffering from lack of food. The three girls had
been captured on their way by several native men whom she had overheard
saying that the uprising would not stop until they had killed the Spaniards.
Of the three girls, she alone escaped. According to her story, the inhabitants
of a town called Pop on the northern shore were living in their cultivations
along with a number of Kowojs. The people of Ek'ixil had fled directly
north to join these others. Those of Ketz, the Kowoj center, also on the
northern shore, had gone "to a hamlet called Tikal, which is directly northeast about two days by road from this peten." This is, I think, the earliest
reference to the name of the great Maya center still known as Tik'al.
102
103
104
Morales was optimistic that the rumors of rebellion would ultimately

amount to nothing. Given the ominous extent of flight from the principal native towns and rumors of attack, however, the men of the presidio
were afraid to leave the island. During a meeting on July 2, called to discuss an order by President Sanchez de Berrospe for Zubiaur to take twenty
soldiers and survey a possible road connection with Rio Pasion and from
there to Dolores, priests and officers alike spoke out against the idea. They
argued that the weather was so rainy that they would be open to attacks
by those living in the area southeast of the presidio. Arms would be useless under these conditions, and the entire garrison was needed to guard
against possible attack on the island itself. The presidio still had no constructed fortification, and the number of sentinels had been doubled.
The seriousness of the rumored threat against the Spaniards at the
105
350
106
Prisoners of
Conquest
presidio may have been exaggerated; at any rate, nothing came of it over
the next weeks and months. People from the surrounding region continued to come and go, primarily to talk with the Kan Ek' prisoners. The
officers placed no restrictions on this communication, apparently believing that they were still able to counteract any plot that might be hatched in
these meetings and that they would only worsen the situation by prohibiting free exchange among the Itzas. On the other hand, they remained
fearful of venturing far from the main island and made no effort to search
for, round up, or resettle people living in the forests. The rest of 1698 and
the first months of 1699 were spent in a standoff between the Mayas and
the Spaniards, the former remaining hidden, and the latter, all too visible,
afraid to venture far beyond the confines of their island prison.
On August 1 1 Martinez de Mora set out once again with a military
escort and an "Indian guide" for Laguna Quexil (Ek'ixil) "to see whether
he could pick some spiritual fruit." Captain Fernandez reported the incident that occurred when they reached Laguna Quexil, offering it as testimony of the Spaniards' total failure in befriending the local population:
107
Having reached the said lake, in view of the peten, they saw an
Indian in a canoe, whereupon the said father hid himself with the
infantry. He told the guide to call to him, and because he saw that
[the guide] belonged to his nation, he responded to the call, although with suspicion, asking if he had Spaniards. He answered no,
saying over and over that the Spaniards were good people, that they
had good hearts, and that the fathers loved the Indians very much.
He answered from the canoe with a thousand opprobriums against
all the Spaniards, especially with a thousand insults against the
padres. Finally, on a spit of land, the guide having secured the canoe, the padre went out to embrace him. But he left the canoe and
jumped into the water, not wishing to hear the padre.
108
109
Two soldiers chased him in the canoe, but he managed to grab the paddle
from them and swim to safety on the island. The priest, oblivious to the
implications of the event, continued to call out to whoever might be on the
island that they should bring canoes and take the Spaniards over to visit
with them. Although it was now obvious that people had returned to settle
Ek'ixil, the Spaniards had no idea how to make friendly contact with them.
Nor did the priests have much luck in communicating with the Itzas
who came every day to visit the main island. They tried to talk with them,
but, as Fernandez wrote, "it goes in one ear and out the other. They come
only to see the king and the imprisoned priest, and for the machetes and
351
knives that the soldiers give them. There is no means by which they can be
well settled [here]. They tell us that they will do it, but that day never
c o m e s . " The Kan Ek' prisoners, probably fully aware of the Spaniards'
desperation, perhaps counseled their visitors to be patient. Fernandez
wrote in late October that "the Indians of these forests are undoubtedly
believing that we must leave these lands and that we must abandon this
place, [since] they are not coming to us." He was also certain that "the
king and priest have counseled the Indians not to come [to the island] but,
to the contrary, that they should retire to the forests. On other occasions
they have counseled them that they should all come, but in order to make
war against us and to kill us. Thus it shall be appropriate to remove them
from here, because they are empowered by the devil and must be the cause
of the Indians' not having been pacified."
110
111
Contrary to the Spaniards' belief, Ajaw Kan Ek' and AjK'in Kan Ek'
probably had little direct influence on the behavior of the surrounding
population. Their power had been weakened even before the storming of
Nojpeten, and they were not in a position to effect policies among the
many people who had little interest in or respect for them. Nonetheless,
their continued imprisonment must have had an empowering symbolic
value that gave some Itzas hope.
For the Spaniards to kill the Kan Ek' leaders would have been to risk
serious attack. Had they wished to do so, the Itzas could have set fire to the
guardhouse and the food supplies, which by now had been moved to a
separate building. Such a fire would have consumed the densely packed
thatch-roofed houses, leaving those who survived with neither food nor
shelter. As long as the Kan Ek' prisoners were alive on the island, even
their enemies seemed loath to take such extreme measures.
Only outside settlers, additional priests, and, above all, military reinforcements could break this stalemate. By the end of 1698 the troops had
been in residence on the island for nearly twenty-one months, with no
hope of replacement. Ursua and President Sanchez de Berrospe finally
reached separate solutions to the crisis in early 1699, the outcome of
which signaled the final conquest of the region. I will take up this last
phase in the next chapter.
352
Sex, Work, and Marriage

Sanchez's patience with Ursua's failure to take care of the presidio's needs
was wearing thin. He insisted, despite the rains and Ursua's imprison-
Prisoners of
Conquest
merit, that Ursiia go to the presidio himself before the task of even finding,
much less rounding up, the surrounding population became impossible.
As for requests forwarded by Zubiaur for salary money for the languishing troops, he refused to provide any money until Captain Fernandez de
Estenos sent him a complete list of the men in question, with details on
their rank, health, and previous salary payments. Among the issues that
the priests had brought to the president was the moral turpitude that beset
the isolated presidio society. Writing to Fernandez he gave precise instructions on the matter:
112
With regard to the governance of that peten, I have felt strongly

that proper care has not been taken in separating the Indian women
from the infantry, both because of the offenses against God that can
result from this proximity as well as the hindrance in the reduction
of the Indians, this ardor filling them with anger against the Spaniards. This imprudence is not a good method of proceeding with so
many and such good Catholics.
Therefore, Your Mercy is to remove immediately, instantly, however many Indian women there might be in the guardroom and to
prohibit them from going in there. Your Mercy is to determine a location where they might grind [maize] and work and to post a fully
satisfactory sentinel, [informing] him that he must have no communication with them. Your Mercy is to punish him who might harass them, and, if he does not mend his ways, Your Mercy is to send
him to Campeche. Your Mercy is to understand that I will bring a
most serious charge against you if I learn of any failure in this matter, believing that I cannot know about it. Your Mercy is to publish
a proclamation in that presidio in my name so that this, so great a
harm, might be avoided.
113
It is hardly surprising that among fifty young soldiers, at least some had
taken sexual advantage of the eleven Itza women held as virtual prisoners
and separated from their husbands or families. The circumstances under
which they were "employed" under terms known as "servicio personal" at
the presidio are not known, but we can be certain that they were kept
against their will.
Fernandez later reported that he had carried out the president's orders
almost completely. Because he had no building other than the guardroom
that was large enough to store maize, he and the priests had agreed on a
plan that would allow the women to grind maize in the guardroom during
the day and to sleep and eat under guard in another house. Defending
353
Victims and
Survivors
himself against the president's charge that he had neglected his duty in
allowing the women to sleep in the guardhouse, he stated that they were
by nature mischievous and fickle and disliked living among Spaniards. In
fact, they had very nearly managed to run away when they had been
allowed to live elsewhere on an earlier occasion.
He had thought it better to keep his maize grinders in the guardhouse,
where no one had any privacy, than to risk losing his primary source of
tortillas. Food production was a far more critical issue than sex. His
proposed solution was to replace local female labor with twenty-five native married couples who would be brought in to maintain the presidio,
the men planting maize and beans and their wives preparing meals. If that
were impossible, he suggested that the president could send fifteen black
slaves "with their wives" for the same purpose. And if that option were
unacceptable, could the president please send half a dozen Maya men or
women to grind maize?
114
Pedro de Morales, the priest, solved some of the problems of cohabitation later that year by performing seven marriages that joined Itza women
with soldiers. By December, he claimed, news of how well the women were
being treated had been so positively received in the forests that five families
and three unmarried women had arrived at the presidio. Anticipating still
more marriages and the arrival of more women, he asked the president to
send him fifty huipiles (long overblouses) and fifty lengths of cloth in order
to make skirts. In addition, he asked for thirty axes and machetes so that
"some infidel Indians who wish to be reduced" could plant a milpa that
would, in part, feed "some Indian women besides these, who, unless they
are given a ration, are accustomed to leaving for the b u s h . "
115
354
Morales thus revealed a daunting logic. Because the Itza women wished
to marry the soldiers, he could attract an increased number of them to the
presidio by demonstrating that they would be presented not only with
husbands but also with food. The families of these women would accompany them, resulting in an increase of the work force, the food supply, and
the number of Christian converts. Immorality among the soldiers would
be reduced by their marriages to the Itza women, and these men would be
attracted to the option of remaining there as part of a nucleus of Europeanized settlers. Marriage was the magic glue that could initiate the pacification, Christianization, and economic stabilization of the new province. It was also the beginning of the "mestizoization" of Peten and would
ultimately play a crucial part in the transformation of the region.
Sanchez de Berrospe had suggested to Zubiaur that the troops themselves be put to work making a milpa. After Zubiaur returned to the
Prisoners of
Conquest
presidio he raised the question and met refusal in the form of excuses,
including complaints that farm work, as well as the duties of gathering
firewood and paddling piraguas, was "incompatible" with the duties of
sentinels. The men, of course, would welcome the arrival of native men
and women from Guatemala who could carry out such work, but they
would have no part of i t .
116
255
chapter
fourteen
RECONQUEST,
EPIDEMIC AND
WARFARE
wJy the end of 169 8 the "conquest" was in a state

of collapse. All around Lago Peten Itza people were abandoning their
towns. Itzas and Spaniards suspected each other of ill intentions. The missionaries, overwhelmed by their task, had made no headway in attracting
settlers to new missions. Their attempt to establish a church at Yalain, long
believed to be the town most sympathetic to the Spaniards and most receptive to Christian indoctrination, had failed. AjChan, the Spaniards' longtime "friend," had fled the presidio, taking his followers with him to
Yalain. In mid-169 8 the inhabitants of Yalain had burned down the church
and their houses, axed the crosses, and disappeared into the forests.
Other towns within easy reach of the Spaniards, who had depended on
them' for food, had moved inland from locations near the lakeshore.
By the end of the year virtually all Itza settlements along the shores of
the major lakes were abandoned. Food shortages at the presidio persisted,
and morale among the tiny Spanish population deteriorated. Although
supplies reached Nojpeten occasionally from Guatemala, the poor condition of the road from Verapaz and the high cost of transportation made
shipments sporadic and undependable. Ursiia, under house arrest in Jekelchak'an, was virtually powerless to remedy the dismal situation. Governor Soberanis, who had opposed the project from its inception, did little
to accommodate the presidio's needs.
Finally, after lengthy deliberations, the Audiencia of Guatemala decided
to send a group of Spanish families to the presidio as settlers. Accompanied
by troops under the command of the aging general Melchor de Mencos
who would reinforce the beleaguered men from Yucatan, the settlers arrived in March 1699 following an arduous journey from Verapaz. They
found Ursua, recently released from house arrest, already at the presidio;
he and Melchor de Mencos temporarily assumed joint governance of the
territory.
1
Reconquest,
Epidemic, and Warfare
The new settlement was a failure, and many of the settlers died in
a devastating epidemic brought with them from Verapaz. The soldiers
themselves turned to a combined strategy of bartering for food in nearby
villages and pillaging the Itzas fields and food stores. The Itzas responded
by burning and abandoning their settlements. Many of the soldiers sickened and died, and the lethal epidemic quickly spread to the indigenous
settlements, killing many people. Within a few months the sick and starving Guatemalan troops withdrew from the presidio.
Nonetheless, the pattern of dual colonial control over Peten that was to
characterize the governance of this area for decades to come was now
established: Guatemala provided the military government, and Yucatan
supplied the missionaries. Over the next several years troops and secular
clergy worked hand in hand to force much of the surrounding population
to return to the lakeshore and other nearby places where it could be
controlled. Several new mission towns were established, usually at the
locations of preconquest settlements, containing several thousand inhabitants altogether. Even these were unstable, not only in the sense that
people frequently abandoned them but also in that they provided the Itzas
an opportunity to plot rebellion. The decision by Ursua and Mencos to
send Ajaw Kan Ek and his imprisoned kinsmen to Santiago de Guatemala
at the end of April 1699 had little effect in reducing the strength of Itza
enmity toward the Spaniards its intended goal. Indeed, circumstances
were building toward a brief but violent indigenous rebellion.
5
Reconquest
Failed
The Council of the Indies, which was aware from the outset of Ursua's
inability to govern the territories he had "conquered," forwarded cedulas on January 24, 1698, to both President Sanchez de Berrospe and
Governor Soberanis. The cedula to the president ordered him to join in
the effort to pacify and reduce the populations around Lago Peten Itza,
whereas the one addressed to Soberanis demanded that he provide full
assistance to Ursua in support of the same enterprise. Letters went back
and forth between Ursua and the president during this period, indicating that their plans were well coordinated. Ursua even suggested that
the Guatemalans send a secret advance escort to Peten Itza in order to
take Ajaw Kan Ek' and AjK'in Kan Ek' to Santiago de Guatemala, dressed
in Spanish clothing as a disguise. Ursiia wrote to Sanchez that he intended to depart for Itza territory at the beginning of January. There
2
357
he would meet the party of troops and twenty-five families of settlers

from Guatemala.
4
THE GREAT TRAIN F R O M VERAPAZ
On November 1 4 , 1 6 9 8 , Sanchez de Berrospe called a general meeting that

included clergy and military, in addition to audiencia members, seeking advice on how best to fulfill the terms of the cedula. Suffering from ill health,
he wished to avoid making the strenuous trip himself. In this he was supported by several people, including Fray Diego de Rivas, who argued that
the president should not visit the region until the population was reduced
and Christianized. Rivas wrote critically of Ursua's violent methods of
conquest and cited the inherent dangers of any entrada that would confront what he believed to be an extremely large population of unconverted
natives. Shortly thereafter Sanchez decided to absent himself from the
entrada to Peten Itza.
5
Rivas himself had only recently returned to Santiago de Guatemala,

having earlier in the year attempted twice, unsuccessfully, to reach Lago
Peten Itza via Ixtatan and Dolores del Lacandon. Rivas's failures and his
dismal assessment of any potential road between Dolores and Itza territory must have been a decisive element in the president's decision to route
the troops, settlers, and muleteers through Cahabon and the now-deserted
town and presidio of Mopan. This was the long, arduous route followed
by earlier parties of Guatemalans seeking Lago Peten Itza and by messengers sent from the presidio to the Guatemalan capital.
The president ordered on December 2 that one hundred soldiers be recruited to go to Peten Itza. Two days later he announced that the seventyfour-year-old Melchor de Mencos y Medrano, then commissary general of
the cavalry and until recently governor of Chiapas, was to be commander
in chief of the troops. Mencos's captains were to be Marcelo Flores
Mogollon, Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa, and Marcos de Avalos;
Estevan de Medrano y Solorzano was named sergeant major. Mencos's
son, Juan Bernardo de Mencos y Coronado, accompanied him, bearing
the title of aventurero, an unsalaried, voluntary position. Their route at
first was, as noted, to be through Dolores del Lacandon, not Verapaz, but
by the beginning of January the president decided that the bulk of the
troops, which by then had increased to two hundred, should go via Verapaz with the families of settlers, while a company under Medrano y
Solorzano were to attempt the Dolores del Lacandon route.
6
558
10
According to Villagutierre, the train that traveled through Verapaz

contained, besides the troops and the twenty-five families of intended
Reconquest,
settlers, a large number of Maya carriers and workers (indios de servicio);

eight missionaries; much baggage and many supplies, arms, and ammunition; tools for masonry construction, carpentry, and ship caulking, and
the craftsmen who would use them; gunsmiths; a forge and tools to repair
the heavy weapons; and tools to make canoes. There was also a surgeon,
an apothecary, and a supply of "simple and compound" medicines, as well
as the obligatory supply of beads (chaquiras) and trinkets (chucherias) for
the natives. They also took more than twelve hundred head of cattle and
horses, including breeding stock, along with seeds and farming tools.
Finally, they carried the overdue pay for the Yucatecan troops and priests
at the presidio.
11
The missionaries, the supply master, the troops, and presumably the
families departed from Santiago de Guatemala on January 1 0 , arriving
twelve days later in Cahabon, where food supplies would be purchased and
local workers and muleteers recruited; Mencos arrived some days later.
One of the missionaries who participated in this massive undertaking,
Bachiller Joseph de Lara, wrote a despairing and eloquent message to
Mencos at Cahabon on February 2 about the disaster he perceived to be in
the making. Pondering his title of "missionary conqueror," he worried
that too few supplies were being assembled too late to avert the starvation
of the infantry at Peten Itza and even that the pending reconquest of the
Itzas was fundamentally immoral and wrong: "The reflection that I provide Your Mercy not only touches me but also breaks my heart with
p a i n . . . . With what [little] has been provided to maintain the men (some of
them, for a few days) . . . what will Your Mercy do when you see your
soldiers exhausted from hunger and stressed by want, heading out to those
forests, killing Indians with balls in order to take their poor sustenance
from them, destroying their plantings and pillaging the milpas of those
miserable people, and Your Mercy being unable to remedy all of this
because hunger is the crudest enemy?"
12
13
Lara feared most, of course, that if the troops had to plunder in order to
obtain food, the native inhabitants would run away and the missionary effort would have been in vain. "In two words," he concluded, "with the
present supply of provisions the conquest is not only difficult but impossib l e . " Mencos apparently heeded Lara's warning, delaying the party's
departure until more food supplies could be obtained. Nonetheless, food 359
shortages plagued the massive entrada itself and continued to cause serious
difficulties after its arrival at the presidio. Indeed, everything the priest
feared ultimately came to pass.
In Cahabon, authorities counted thirteen Guatemalan "families" who
14
15
TABLE
14.1
Comparison of Three Censuses of Guatemalan Settlers Who Went to Peten,

Indicating Effects of Epidemic Disease, 1699
No.
February
1699 (Cahabon)
Couples:
1
Don Nicolas de Lizarraga
Spouse
2 children
2
Don Gaspar Gonzalez

Spouse
Don Domingo Leon de

Moratalla
(No spouse listed,
assumed error)
4 children
May 4 1699 (Peten Itza)
September
Don Nicolas de Lizarraga''

Dona Francisca Lobo de Vargas
2 sons''
Living
Died August 9
2 Living (ages 3, 5)
Don Gaspar Gonzalez Donis

Dona Juana Lizarraga
(daughter of no. 1)
Died July 10
Living
Don Domingo de Moratalla

Antonia de la Trinidad
6, 1699 (Peten Itza)
Living
Died August 21
3 daughters ^
1 (Josefa) died July 2 0
Diego Barrejo
Spouse
2 children
Diego Barrejo, silversmith

Maria de Vargas y Castillo
2 daughters
Living
Living
Alejandro Burguete
Spouse
1 child
Alejandro Burguete, barber

Maria del Socorro y Acufia
Living
Living
Died (no date)
Nicolas de Illescas
Spouse
6 children
Nicolas de Illescas, saddler

Apolonia de Ardon
2 daughters, 2 sons,
1 unidentifed^
Living
Died July 2 6
1 daughter living (age 4)
2 sons living (ages 13, 14)
1 daughter (Micaela) died
July 7
1 unidentified died
Diego Marroquin
Spouse
2 children
Diego Marroquin, saddler

Magdalena de la Cruz
1 daughter, 1 son
Living
Living
2 living (ages 2, 8)
Antonio Gomez {sic)

Spouse
4 children
Antonio Gonzalez
Bernarda Sanchez
4 children
Died June 5
Died August 21
4 children died (no dates)
Simon de los Sanchez (sic)

Spouse
1 child
Simon de los Santos, tanner

Isabel Maria
Living
Living
1 living adopted orphan son,
age 4 , child of no. 12
10
Diego Martin
Spouse
Diego Martin, carpenter

Dionisia de la Rosa
Living
Living
11
Nicolas de Cabrera
Spouse
1 child
Nicolas de Cabrera
Nicolasa Sanchez
1 daughter (Maria)
Died July 2 6
Living
Died July 17
TABLE 1 4 . 1
(continued)
No.
February
1699
(Cahabon)
12
Simon de Alvarado
Spouse
2 children
Simon de Alvarado, tailor

Maria Ambrosio (deceased)
2 sons
Died July 14
Died April 30
1 died July 2 0 ; see no. 9 for
other son, adopted
13
Andres Vasquez
Spouse
Andres Vasquez
Living
Living
Others:
Not specified (child of
couple 3)
May 4,1699
(Peten Itza)
September
6, 1699 (Peten Itza)
Francisca de la Cruz Bobadilla

Living
Francisco de Leon
Not specified (child of

couple 6)
Gertrudis de Illescas
Living
Not listed
Not listed
Josefa Lorente, living '
Not listed
Not listed
Antonia de la Cruz ("negra"),

died May 5
Demographic summary:
13 adult males
14 adult males
10 adult males (4 died after

May 4)
15 adult females
15 adult females (1 died

30 April)
10 adult females (6 died after

May 4)
25 children
2 1 children (2 died after

February census)
12 children {9 died after

May 4)
50
32
Totals:
53
SOURCES: February 1 6 9 9 : AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 20, Memoria de las familias de los trece pobladores que se
hallan en este pueblo de Cahabon para pasar al Peten, n.d. (February 1 6 9 9 ) , ff. 3 i i r - 3 i 2 r . May 4,
1 6 9 9 : G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Razon de las familias que hay en el Peten, 4 May 1 6 9 9 , ff. 1 3 5 ^ 1 3 6 V . September
6, 1 6 9 9 : G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Memoria de las personas que . . . se hallan en esta isla y presidio del Peten Ytza
de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, 6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 , ff. 5 i v ~ 5 7 r ; G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Memoria de
las personas que han muerto en este presidio desde el mes de abril hasta la fecha de esta, 6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 , ff.
57V-59V.
"Lizarraga, the head of the settler families, was in Cahabon seeking supplies at the time of the May 4
census. In several cases full names are reported only in the September 6 census,
The May 4 census counts "hijos" as daughters and/or sons but designates the children as "hijas" if
the couple has only daughters. The designation in this column does distinguish living sons from living
daughters, on the basis of more complete information in the September 6 census.
T h e fourth child was Francisco de Leon (see no. 1 4 ) , who married Gertrudis de Illescas, daughter of
couple no. 6.
T h e sixth child was Gertrudis de Illescas (see no. 1 4 ) , who married Francisco de Leon, the son of
couple no. 3,
Josefa Lorente, listed only on September 6, "came among the settlers."
Ântonia de la Cruz is listed only among the deceased on September 6.
/;
awaited the departure for Peten (see Table 1 4 . 1 ) . These were married
couples, all with Spanish surnames, ten of whom had children with them,
numbering from one to six per couple. In all there were fifty-three persons,
including two single women. Each family received minimal rations one
pound of dried beef and one pound of hardtack (biscocho) per person
which must have been consumed long before their departure. Each also
received a tiny sum of cash, in most cases a total of one and a half reales
for husband and wife plus half a real for each child.
The origins of these families is unknown, although they were probably
from Santiago de Guatemala. Three of the men, along with the wives of
two of them, bore the titles don and dona, indicating that they were
considered to be Spaniards; the rest, presumably, were ladinos or of another casta. Two single women, one a "negra" and presumably a servant,
eventually joined the group on the trek to Peten Itza. In a census taken of
these families on May 4, after their arrival at the presidio, we learn that
among the men were a silversmith, two saddlers, a barber, a leather tanner, a carpenter, and a tailor. The leader of the group was don Nicolas de
Lizarraga, who spent much time during the months following their arrival
in Peten attempting to procure food supplies from Cahabon. Lizarraga's
daughter and son-in-law also joined them, and two children of other
couples had married one another before the May 4 census was taken.
Several other individuals with the same surnames may also have been
related to each other. As we shall see later, the settlers did not fare well in
Peten, where many of them died.
URSUA'S RETURN
362
It was apparently widely known in Yucatan that the Crown had instructed
Governor Soberanis to support Ursua's return to Peten Itza, where he
would join the Guatemalans under Melchor de Mencos. Not until November 1698, however, did Soberanis issue a public proclamation announcing the royal cedula of January 24 of that year and encouraging
volunteers to join Ursiia as settlers in the newly conquered lands. The
announcement, issued in the plaza of Campeche with military trumpets
and drums, offered whoever would be willing to go whether Spaniard,
mestizo, mulatto, or Maya sufficient farmland to feed himself and, presumably, the military garrison as well.
Ursua left Campeche sometime during January 1699, taking with him
some fifty people, including various relatives, unidentified volunteers, and
twelve Maya laborers from Campeche. Among Ursua's accompanying
relatives was Bernardo de Aizvan y Ursua, whom he appointed as chief
16
Reconquest,
Epidemic,
and
Warfare
commander of the presidio during his stay there. South of Tzuktok'

Ursiia found the Franciscan missions virtually abandoned and made desultory attempts to find some of the runaways in the vicinity of Pak'ek'em.
At B'atkab' a messenger brought a letter from the president of Guatemala,
dated January 8, with the first details of the supplies and people being
sent from Verapaz and the troops coming to Peten Itza from Dolores del
Lacandon.
Ursiia finally arrived at the presidio on February n , 1699, disappointed to find that the Guatemalans had not yet arrived. He found the
troops' quarters in a state of disrepair and was himself forced to live in one
of the barracks, which was repaired after his arrival. He sent the twelve
Mayas he had brought with him to the mainland to cut wood and palm
thatch for a new building to house Mencos and the Guatemalan officers
and priests. The rest of the Guatemalans, including the families of settlers,
were to be housed in the by-now-dilapidated palaces of Ajaw Kan Ek' and
AjK'in Kan Ek', which workers also set about repairing. Reconstruction
of the crudely built church would have to wait until Guatemalan laborers
had arrived.
During the month while Ursiia awaited the arrival of the Guatemalans,
numerous Itzas came and went from the island, their intentions not only
to assess the new situation but also to sell produce to the troops. He sent
two of them to Rio Pasion to notify Fray Diego de Rivas and Sergeant
Major Estevan de Medrano, who were to follow that route from Dolores
del Lacandon, of his arrival. Messengers sent to look for the Verapaz party
found them on March 5 at the Savannah of San Pedro Martir, where they
had arrived the previous day.
At this savannah Mencos's officers announced their refusal to go any
further, citing the shortage of food. Mencos managed to convince them to
continue the march after less than a day's rest by arranging a redistribution of their scarce resources. The troops finally neared the lake on
March 1 4 , where they were greeted a league from the southern shore by
Ursiia and his officers, who had taken the galeota across the short distance
of water. The boat carried the most important of the newcomers to the
island, where they were greeted by a spectacular salute of gun and heavy
artillery fire. The settlers, who had straggled along behind, arrived two
days later. They had suffered almost no mortality two children at the * 6 *
most (Table 1 4 . 1 ) . Medrano de Solorzano and his company finally arrived
on April 1 with the Mercederian Fray Diego de Rivas and Rivas's companion, Fray Simon Galindo, after an difficult overland journey from Dolores
del Lacandon.
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Villagutierre described an amusing series of polite interchanges that
supposedly took place between Mencos and Ursua the day of the former's
arrival. According to his description, the two men each insisted that the
other should be the general in command, and only after several such backand-forth exchanges did Ursua finally resolve the problem by leaving the
royal flag and posting the presidio's company in front of the house built
for Mencos and then retiring to his own quarters. Even following this action, well-meaning exchanges spoken and on paper over who should
be in charge continued into the next day. Villagutierre used this example
to demonstrate Ursua's and Mencos's generosity and goodwill; what better men could have been chosen to carry out the delicate ongoing task of
conquering the Itzas? Although Mencos's own description of this exchange confirms the tenor of Villagutierre's account, the final resolution,
he wrote to the president, was their decision to share power equally until
Sanchez de Berrospe gave Mencos specific orders.
24
25
R E D U C T I O N , T R A D E , T H E F T , AND V I O L E N C E
Mencos and Ursua jointly occupied the presidio for less than two months,
a period during which promised supplies from Verapaz never arrived.
Hunger and sickness forced the troops to seek food from surrounding Itza
milpas, which in turn fostered increasing animosity and violence among
the local population. The documents of this period portray conditions
that, as they worsened, took on nightmarish proportions.
One of the first acts ordered by the generals was the preparation of
a large cultivation, later known as the "king's milpa." The felling of
the forest, probably with the labor of the Campeche Mayas, began on
March 1 7 . Because the field would have had to dry, be burned, and
be sowed, no crop would have been harvested for at least another four
months. By then most of the troops had returned to Guatemala.
2 6
The two generals and the purveyor general of the Guatemalan troops,
Alejandro Pacheco, who was stationed at San Pedro Martir, exchanged a
flurry of correspondence concerning why the mule train carrying the food
supplies, payments for the Yucatecan troops at the presidio, and metal
tools and other barter items for the Itzas had still not arrived from Verapaz
by March 1 8 . On March 22 Pacheco reported that many of the Verapaz
muleteers had run away and many of the mules had been left to wander
with their cargoes. Although he wrote that he would send on to the presidio what he could, no supplies had appeared by the end of the month.
On March 26 Mencos and Ursua called a planning meeting of their
principal military officers, except for Captain Marcos de Abalos y Fuentes,
2 7
364
28
Reconquest,
whom they had sent to Laguna Sacpuy four days earlier to search for food
and runaway Itzas. The issues were several: where the principal settlement and fortification should be located; how many troops would be
needed for defense; how the road from Verapaz should be routed; and how
continuing native labor for the king's milpa, which would someday feed
both troops and settlers, should be provided in the absence of forty Maya
families who had so far failed to arrive from Guatemala.
In their written opinions the officers agreed, surprisingly, that in order
to avoid transporting people and materials to the island, the settlement
and fortification should be on the mainland, at the location of present-day
Santa Elena. This plan would ultimately turn out to be impractical and
was never put into effect. The number of permanent troops needed would
be eighty, forty of whom would be stationed at the presidio, with the rest
employed in subjugating the surrounding population. As for the road,
Captain Abalos should be sent to survey a shorter route, along which
settlements, bridges, and canoes would be stationed for ease of travel. Finally, the question of labor for the milpa, which still had not been burned
(much less sowed), would be solved temporarily by putting to work on it
fifty Itzas who had been brought to the presidio.
None of these suggestions, however, could solve the principal problem
of immediate food shortages that faced the presidio. By the end of March,
half the troops were engaged in searching for produce and runaways in the
surrounding areas, while the rest remained at work on the main island,
improving the fortifications, the church, and the plaza. The Spaniards
were already running out of trade goods, having bartered nearly all of the
available machetes and axes, the most popular trade items; little choice
was left but to take food by force of arms. Ayudante General Juan Francisco Cortes reported fears of attack, citing an earlier event probably
from before the arrival of Mencos and Ursua as evidence that the Itzas
intended "to kill all of the Spaniards on this island and in Yalain." One
night, when a number of Itzas were visiting the presidio, a baptized Itza
woman warned the commander that the visitors meant harm. The commander thereupon ordered that three artillery pieces be fired, and the
visitors quickly departed. "Proof" of their ill intentions was found in some
cudgels or clubs (macanas) that they had dropped as they fled.
During the last days of March, Ursua and Mencos sent out three sepa- 365
rate military parties to the countryside to the western Itza province, to
the Yalain region in the east, and to the Kowoj province in the northeast.
The experiences of these three groups are detailed in a series of letters from
the field that provide details not only about their efforts to secure food but
29
30
31
32
Victims and
Survivors
also about the natives' responses to rapidly increasing threats to their

autonomy and subsistence,
FORAY TO T H E WESTERN P R O V I N C E
On March 2 1 Mencos and Ursua sent out the first of the three parties, led
by Captain Abalos y Fuentes and accompanied by General Mencos's son
Juan, the Yucatecan priest Pedro Morales y Vela, and the head of the Guatemalan mission, the Mercederian Fray Gabriel de Artiga. They went west
and on the twenty-second visited the island town of Sakpuy in the lake of
that name, naming it Santa Maria de Sakpuy. There they were "well received," despite having told their hosts that they were there because their
leader had not yet visited the presidio to offer submission. Their real
motive, of course, was to procure maize, which they received in some
abundance in exchange for knives, machetes, axes, silver coins, and salt.
33
Abalos and his group continued to scour the countryside, finding "many
and large settlements and milperias." Some of the houses were newly
constructed, indicating that these areas had recently been populated by
people who had fled their original towns. Appearances of friendly reception at these places turned out, however, to have been prematurely judged.
On the night of March 26 the "cacique" of Joyop, on the southeastern
shore of Laguna Sacpuy, "ran away . . . with great dissimulation, with all
his Indians, his son-in-law Tebalam following him, setting all of the fields,
granaries, and houses on fire, retiring to the west of Hoyop, the fire spreading everywhere." Ursua and Mencos responded by sending Abalos an
officer with a reinforcement of twelve soldiers, along with extra powder
and ammunition, forty baskets for the maize they had obtained, thirty
metates, and thirty "Indians" who were to grind the maize on the spot. The
maize that Abalos had already sent was found to be rotted and full of
worms; soldiers apparently knew little about shopping for produce.
34
35
366
On April 1 Abalos y Fuentes set out in search of the Joyop incendiaries,

with the help of a guide named Kanek' who had been sent from the
presidio along with the troops. They found the road toward the southwest
blocked by a pile of palm fronds and recently cut green branches but
passed beyond these to discover "a great many milpas and granaries that
they say belong to a settlement called Chulte." The town itself was abandoned, but their scouts saw several people at a distance; at half a league
beyond the town they came across a small lake where they camped that
night. The next day a scouting party of four men found a cluster of
houses "hidden in the bush." They managed to capture three women and
36
Reconquest,
three small children, while the men in the hamlet ran off yelling into
the forest.
The women, whom they sent off to the presidio, claimed to be from
Nojpeten. One of them, who had scars from old wounds on both arms,
resisted and bit her captor. She said that she had received the wounds at
the time of the storming of Nojpeten and that she was the aunt of the "Indian youth Canek,' " the guide said by Abalos to be the nephew of Ajaw
Kan E k ' . He believed that this was the principal refuge area for those
who had fled Nojpeten. According to his captives, even IxChan Pana, the
wife of Ajaw Kan Ek', had passed that way.
The three captive women and their children were sent to Joyop, where
Spanish soldiers was overseeing the shelling of the maize. All but nine of
the thirty Itzas sent from the presidio to assist in this task had run away.
The small garrison, who nervously watched smoke signals in the distance,
feared attack. They recognized their vulnerability, because all signsthe
many milpas, granaries, roads, and hamlets indicated that they were
surrounded by a large population. By April 6 Abalos had given up his
attempt to find the incendiaries, although he did meet and converse with
four Itza men on his return via Laguna Sacpuy. Three of these claimed to
be the husbands of the captured women, but the captain refused to believe
them. He left the four men alone but took the three women as prisoners to
Ch'ich', where he waited on April 6 for the piragua to take them to the
presidio. Women, who could grind corn and provide sexual services,
were the only desirable prisoners.
37
38
39
40
41
FORAY TO T H E Y A L A I N P R O V I N C E
While Abalos y Fuentes was scouring the western province in search of

maize and arsonists, Captain Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa, with
thirty soldiers and three Itza prisoners as guides, was searching for AjChan,
Chamach Xulu, and other leaders of the Yalain province to the east of the
lake. They had left the presidio on March 27 with orders from Ursua to
resettle those whom they could capture at the now-abandoned town of
Yalain. Their axes and machetes already spent, the only gifts the Spaniards
could now offer were beads. If they were unable to capture anyone, they
were to take whatever maize they could find and send it to the presidio.
They were accompanied by Manuel Chayax, AjChan's sister's husband, 367
and were to be assisted by twenty-one Tipujans and two "men," presumably Spaniards, who had apparently sent messages that they would be
coming along the road from Tipuj. Manuel Chayax had been held prisoner
Victims and
Survivors
at the presidio for two years; fearing that he would try to escape, his captors
had him bound and leashed with a lasso.
Captain Mendia apparently found no one in the vicinity of Yalain and
marched east until he arrived on March 3 1 at IxTus, a settlement of fifteen
houses just to the west of Laguna Yaxha. Manuel Chayax, who was the
son of the principal head of the town, climbed a hill and called for people
to come out of hiding. A number of them then appeared, bringing gifts of
tortillas and atole. These people said they had been in hiding for eight days
as a result of being told by the leader, "Panub" (Pana?), that their women,
like several who had been captured by "the two young men from Campeche" would be taken off to the presidio where "they would serve" the
Spaniards. This man had been particularly angry, because one of the captured women was his wife. Clearly, several parties of Spaniards had been
scouring the countryside for female captives; this could not have been the
group captured by Abalos's men; they were taken prisoner on April 2 .
42
43
So frightened were the inhabitants of IxTus that before escaping into

the forest they had destroyed their milpas and even broken their pottery
vessels so that the Spaniards would have nothing in which to transport
maize. Even as the inhabitants began to return, conditions at IxTus appeared like those of a refugee camp, with as many as twenty-five children
and adults living in one house. IxTus was clearly a place of last refuge from
the Spaniards for the people of the Yalain area, and food supplies were so
scarce that the troops were unable to find enough to eat. One of the
women there was the wife of Juan Chayax, perhaps the brother of Manuel
Chayax; she was put to work making tortillas. Manuel Chayax's father,
the leader of IxTus, was reported to be deeply upset by seeing his son "tied
up with a lasso."
At IxTus the Spaniards also learned that the inhabitants of Chinoja
(also called Nojchija), located five leagues to the east, probably on Laguna
Sacnab, had also abandoned their town and that their leader was probably AjChan. AjChan's brother Pedro Miguel (Nikte) appeared at the Spanish camp with his wife and family, claiming, inexplicably, that he would
help the Spaniards capture AjChan and take him to Ursua. Captain Mendia sent six soldiers and two men from IxTus to round up the runaways
from Chinoja, including AjChan, and to meet up with the Tipujans who
had been sent from the presidio. On April 3 the party from Tipuj found
that Chinoja had been deserted and burned four or five days earlier, although some maize remained in the yards. The inhabitants had fled further east and were reported to be still on the move; nothing was known of
AjChan's whereabouts.
44
368
45
46
Reconquest,
The troops at IxTus complained of increasing sickness and hunger as

more refugees arrived. By April 4 there were about two hundred of them,
mostly children and a few old people. Although they protested the captain's suggestion that they relocate at Yalain, he was heartened by signs
that "the Indians . . . desire the faith." He wrote: "The day we set up a tall
cross was the first [sign]. The Indian don Manuel soon ordered an Indian
to carve two crosses in his arms, with no little pain and blood. And whenever the rosary is said they very quickly kneel down." Although a prisoner,
don Manuel still had sufficient influence among his people to convince this
man to inflict customary self-mutilation, now expressed in an innovative
fashion, to convince the Spaniards of his Christian sympathies. Mendia y
Sologastoa wrote that he regretted that he had no priest with him who
could take advantage of these presumed signs of faith.
47
Ursua and Mencos responded on April 8 to the captain's dismal reports

by sending reinforcements and a small amount of beans; his sick men were
to return with the local natives who carried the beans. They instructed
Mendia to punish the Itza men, by unspecified means their crime having
been to run away after previously offering submission. The women and
children were to be held under close custody, and every effort should be
made to capture AjChan, Chamach Xulu, and, additionally, AjK'ixaw
an odd object for this chase, because AjK'ixaw had not previously been
associated with these leaders. In what seems to have been an irrational
strategy under the circumstances, the generals also ordered Mendia to "set
fire to all the maize found in granaries and milpas," because the milpas
were the source of sustenance for those who sought refuge in the forest.
48
Aided by men from IxTus, Mendia's soldiers captured Chamach Xulu,

"with much peace," somewhere in the vicinity of Chinoja; he was taken to
see the captain at IxTus. Chamach Xulu's wife was later sent to join him
from Chinoja. On April 1 2 Mendia went to visit Chinoja himself but
discovered that the Tipujan party had given up its search for AjChan and
returned home; he had no more leads to follow, He expected another of
AjChan's brothers, the unbaptized Tz'ib'it Chan, soon to join his wife at
Chinoja. The inhabitants rejected all of the captain's efforts to convince
them to move back to Yalain, and he restrained himself from forcing them
to do s o .
Before leaving IxTus the captain questioned Chamach Xulu and Pedro 369
Miguel (Nikte) Chan as to the cause of their flight and the arson. He was
told that "an Indian from the peten named Kali Canek, the brother of the
large Indian who is imprisoned on that island, told them that he was
running away because the Spaniards had come firing many gunshots and
49
50
that they had come to kill them. Therefore, they fled and set fire to their
houses." 1 suspect that Kali Kan Ek' and his brother were both Kit Kans,
sons of the former ruler. Mendia could not explain this report, because he
had come in "total peace" and had punished no one, notwithstanding the
generals' orders. As we shall see presently, other groups of Spaniards who
had not behaved with such restraint were likely the cause of these fears.
51
One of the Guatemalan Mercederian friars, Simon de Mendoza y Galindo, ventured out from the presidio with a companion in search of the
troops, finally arriving at Chinoja on about April 9 after seven days of
walking. They had first passed by IxTus, which he named San Jose and
where he confirmed the population estimate of two hundred souls. He
described Chinoja, which he designated Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, as
"very pleasant and attractive," its three hundred inhabitants living on a
small lake with houses all along the shore and with cultivations, including
cacao, nearby. The inhabitants were distressed by threats that they would
be moved closer to the main lake but expressed their willingness to submit
to Spanish authority. He was particularly struck by a "very well decorated
cross" that he saw in the house of one of the "caciques" a house in which
he found both the cacique and some children sick. This was the first report
of an illness, apparently spread by the Spanish troops, that would ultimately claim many native lives.
52
Still unable to locate AjChan, Mendia asked permission to return to the

presidio, but Ursua and Mencos refused his request on April 1 9 , listing the
names of various persons who the native messengers from Chinoja reported still remained in the forest with their families. He was to remain
until everyone had been accounted for, and when he returned to the presidio he was to bring with him Chamach Xulu, don Pedro Miguel (Nikte)
Chan, one Felipe Puk, and all of the other leaders of IxTus and Chinoja.
The captain must have disregarded the orders that he remain until everyone was rounded up, for he was back at the presidio by April 29. He did
manage to bring Chamach Xulu and fourteen others with him. AjChan
was still at large.
53
54
55
FORAY TO T H E K O W O J P R O V I N C E
370
The third, last, and quickest of these military entradas departed from the
presidio in the galeota on April 2. Captain Marcelo Flores Mogollon was
to take forty men to the port of Saklemakal at the east end of the lake and
search on land for settlements, people, and cultivations associated with
that town. From there they were to carry out their major mission: to
56
Reconquest,
Epidemic,
and
Warfare
discover the whereabouts of one Kulut Kowoj and his followers and,
presumably, bring him to the presidio. Kulut Kowoj, also known as
Captain Kowoj, was probably the son of the Captain Kowoj whom the
Spaniards had executed at the presidio in July 1697 (chapter 1 3 ) . The
Spaniards continued to regard the Kowojs as a particularly dangerous,
well-organized group, in contrast to people of the Yalain province, whose
Christian sympathies and pacific dispositions they seemed to admire.
57
The energetic, boastful Captain Flores landed at Saklemakal and immediately began a march extending more than twelve leagues inland. By the
next day, April 3, he was back at Saklemakal, which now bore the name
Puerto Nuevo de San Antonio del Itza. At the first of the settlements that
he and his men passed during their march they captured Kulut Kowoj's
son, merely a boy. Along the road he claimed to have garnered more than
ten thousand fanegas of maize and other produce to send to the presidio,
with no indication that he paid anything for what was taken. He described
the road as a well-traveled trade route that connected the region with far
distant places as far, in fact, as the Rios Pasion and Usumacinta to the
west and Coban, Sacapulas, and San Agustin in Verapaz to the south. So
many natives were there in the region that their numbers alone justified
"having captured the peten."
58
Flores now explored the area around Saklemakal, "enjoying a location

on the shores of the lake." He described an extensive region of settlement: "[F]rom the vestiges and ruins of houses it is known that it was a
very extensive and large town, as I was made more certain when I landed
at this place and marched inland with thirty men; I marched fourteen
leagues toward the southeast and in three crossings noticed many milperias and thatch or palm houses." His path then apparently followed a
loop, beginning around Saklemakal, curving toward the northwest, and
finally returning in a southwesterly direction toward the lakeshore, where
he arrived at "Abujon" (probably AjB'ujon, also known as B'oj and
Tib'oj). Because this town was probably at Playa Blanca, about fifteen
kilometers (just over four leagues) west of Saklemakal, I believe that
Flores had rapidly explored the entire northeastern coastal and interior
region the heartland of the Kowoj province. After returning to the presidio he reported that all of the shoreline settlements were abandoned, but
he commented on the large number of settlements in the interior that had
been hurriedly constructed by those who had fled.
59
60
61
62
Captain Flores Mogollon and his men concentrated their brief efforts
on stealing food, not collecting and resettling people. He failed to capture
171
Kulut Kowoj or any important person other than Kulut Kowoj's young
son. It would be several years before the Spaniards would "pacify" the
Kowoj province.
M A L N U T R I T I O N , SICKNESS, AND D E A T H
Ursua and Mencos called another general meeting on April 9, including

both missionaries and military officers. Although the principal alarm was
the growing shortage of food, the generals used the meeting to administer
a brief questionnaire designed to solicit information about the region's
potential for settlement and agriculture, the past and present savagery of
the Itzas, and the number and extent of the surrounding population. The
replies were recorded over a period of twelve days as the priests and
officers dragged in from their forays into the countryside. They provide,
notwithstanding their redundant rhetoric on cannibalism and human sacrifice, valuable information about Itza culture and economy
Ursiia and Mencos collected this information in full awareness that
they would have to evacuate the bulk of the troops quickly in order to
avoid mass starvation and mortality. Continued correspondence from the
purveyor general at San Pedro Martir indicated that supplies from Verapaz were nowhere in sight, and conditions at the presidio were already
desperate. On April 8 Mencos had written to President Sanchez de Berrospe that the troops at the presidio had subsisted on half rations since
their arrival, while those who went out on forays had to subsist on what
they could barter or pillage. Finally, on April 23 Mencos and Ursiia
called another meeting of all military and religious personnel at which
they proposed an evacuation of troops back to Guatemala, leaving only
the families of settlers and enough men to maintain a small garrison at the
presidio. The retreating army would take with them Ajaw Kan Ek', his
son, AjK'in Kan Ek', and the other Kan Ek' prisoner. The officers, secular priests, and Mercederian missionaries all concurred.
63
64
65
According to the Yucatecan priest Jose Francisco Martinez de Mora,

most of the two hundred troops on the island were by now sick and starving. Six men had already died, and he had given last rites to at least six
others who were on the verge of death. The surgeon, Teodoro O'Kelly,
had earlier reported that eighty-eight men were sick, two had died, and he
himself was so ill that he needed to leave in order to seek medical assistance. Captain Jose Fernandez de Estenos also requested permission to
go to Guatemala for treatment, complaining that he had been extremely
ill for some days. Although O'Kelly, he wrote, "has performed various
evacuations on me, I have great gastric putrefaction with extremely life66
67
Reconquest,
Epidemic,
and
Warfare
threatening humors." His symptoms might be interpreted as an extreme

form of diarrhea, an ailment from which others were probably also suffering and that ultimately accompanied the deaths of those who were most
weakened.
68
Although Mencos initially opposed the withdrawal, on April 28 he and

Ursua jointly ordered the evacuation of the Guatemalan troops before the
increasing rains made their return trip impossible. The four Kan Ek' prisoners would accompany them the fulfillment of Ursua's long-standing
desire to see these leaders, whom he regarded as the fundamental cause of
native rebellion and unrest, bodily removed from the presidio. On the
same day Alferez Ramon de Abalos y Fuentes, the brother of Captain
Marcos de Abalos y Fuentes, also died. Two days later Juan Francisco
Cortes was named chief commander of the presidio, replacing the ailing
Fernandez de Estenos.
69
70
On May 5 the galeota carried Mencos and his troops to the mainland
shore, and they began their march that day, leaving Mencos's second-incommand, Sergeant Major Estevan de Medrano y Solorzano, at the presidio to bring up the rear guard within a few days. On the next day Ursiia
ordered that the Kan Ek' prisoners be turned over to Medrano y Solorzano. The exchange of prisoners took place on the island at about four
o'clock in the afternoon and was recorded in a formal, witnessed "receipt"
that described them in unemotional detail as "the persons of the reyezuelo
Ah Canek, named don Joseph Pablo Canek, with two pairs of secured
shackles; and likewise his son Canek with another two pairs of secured
shackles; the false priest and cousin of said reyezuelo named don Francisco Nicolas with a pair of shackles; and another named don Francisco
Antonio Canek, also cousin of the said reyezuelo, with another pair of
shackles."
Preparations for the withdrawal of the final company of Guatemalans,
who waited on the lakeshore with Captain Abalos y Fuentes, stretched on
for several days. Food became so short that Captain Cortes had to plead
on May 9 that they leave as soon as promised supplies were received at
Rio de los Dolores, along the road to the Savannah of San Pedro Martir.
At six o'clock on the morning of May 1 1 , Cortes and Medrano y Solorzano boarded the galeota with the four royal family members, who were
tied with ropes. They crossed the short distance of water and delivered the
prisoners to Captain Abalos y Fuentes. Alferez Manuel de Tapia, who was
to serve as their guard, received the eight pairs of shackles, which he was
to place on them each night along the long march ahead.
71
72
73
Ursua left Peten shortly after the Guatemalans' departure; he was back
Victims and
Survivors
in Campeche by June 20. Governor Roque Soberanis y Centeno had died

in office earlier in the year, and Ursua assumed the governorship upon his
return to Yucatan.
74
The Fate of the Royal
Prisoners
Nicolas de Lizarraga, the Guatemalan settler who had been placed in

charge of the other families of settlers at the presidio, wrote in about 1708
that the four persons taken as prisoners from the presidio were "King
Canek, the two princes, and the Pope [Papaz, i.e., AjK'in Kan E k ' ] . "
Although Lizarraga considered both "princes" to be the king's sons, from
the previously cited list of prisoners and other sources it appears more
likely that one of them was the second known cousin of Ajaw Kan Ek',
Francisco Antonio Kan E k ' . Lizarraga commented that AjK'in Kan Ek'
"burst out in anger upon seeing that they had taken him from the forest.
Manuel Tapia, I don't know why, ordered that the prince don Juan be shot
with two balls to his body. On this retreat many soldiers died of hunger."
The "don Juan" whom Tapia ordered executed was probably Francisco
Antonio Kan Ek'; Lizarraga may simply have been mistaken in calling him
"Juan." Although Lizarraga did not say that the soldiers killed AjK'in Kan
Ek' as well, we learn from other sources that he, too, died before reaching
the capital. As we see later, other evidence confirms that of these four, only
Ajaw Kan Ek' (Joseph Pablo) and his son (later baptized Francisco IxK'in)
survived the journey to Santiago de Guatemala.
75
76
Villagutierre either knew nothing of these two deaths or chose to ignore

such information. Fortunately, however, he had access to a report that
described the reception given to the two survivors, first in Verapaz and
shortly afterward in the Guatemalan capital. Undoubtedly elaborating on
the information in this report, he wrote,
When the Guatemalan troops arrived at the settled area of Verapaz,
news of the prisoners who had been taken from the island generated great interest as a result of the continuous rumors about what
had happened to them over the preceding years and because they all
wanted to see the personages created by such scandal and rumor in
those forests.
They came out from all of the towns to see them, and many even
followed the troops from town to town in order to slow them down
and to see, wherever they stopped, the respectful and gentle treat-
Reconquest,
merit given to them, which conformed to the orders that the generals had issued, ignoring their natural inconstancy, disposed [as
they are] to live in the idolatrous freedom of their forefathers
except that, although barbarians, theirs had been the best blood
among them, and they had occupied the highest ranks during their
gentility.
Even larger was the concourse that came out to see them in the
city of Guatemala, reflecting the large population [of that city], everyone wanting to be first and all succeeding; having entered the
city, the prisoners were taken to the houses of the same General don
Melchor de Mencos, where they were lodged, dealt with, and attended with every exactness and propriety
7 7
Melchor de Mencos y Medrano recorded in 1 7 0 1 that many of his

soldiers, including his own son, had died in the retreat from Peten Itza,
"and among them two of the four Indians, who were the great priest of the
said infidels and the cousin of the said reyezuelo." He said nothing of the
circumstances of their deaths. Mencos had arrived on June 4 at Cahabon,
where, nearly dead himself from illness and exhaustion, he received last
rites. The two surviving royal family members must have been kept with
him there until his health improved. Finally he set off with them for Santiago de Guatemala, arriving there on June 28 forty-nine days after
Ajaw Kan Ek' and his son had crossed Lago Peten Itza for the last time.
Mencos, despite the fact that Ajaw Kan Ek' had already been baptized
at the presidio, arranged for both men to be further instructed "in the
mysteries of our holy faith." He had Ajaw Kan Ek' rebaptized and his son
baptized for the first time in the city's cathedral on October 4, 1700.
Doctor Gregorio Carrillo and Licenciado Pedro de Eguaroz Fernandez de
Ijar, both oidores on the royal audiencia, served as their padrinos. Why
the son was allowed to keep his Itza name, IxK'in, rather than receive a
Christian name is still unclear.
Captain Marcos de Abalos y Fuentes also confirmed that two of the
four people named Kan Ek' placed under his charge on the trip from Lago
Peten Itza died before reaching Santiago de Guatemala, but that Ajaw Kan
Ek' and his son survived the trip and lived for some time in his own house.
There he observed that although Ajaw Kan Ek' spoke Spanish well, he had
little knowledge of Christian doctrine. If a person of such importance had
been so poorly instructed, he concluded, the rest of those baptized in Peten
must have understood almost nothing about the meaning of the faith.
78
79
80
Joseph Pablo Kan Ek' and his son, Francisco IxK'in Kan Ek', were

shortly transferred to a boarding house in the capital operated by Antonio
de Andino y Arze. In late 1 7 0 4 or early 1 7 0 5 Andino claimed that he had
been providing them meals, room, and instruction in religion and reading
and writing for the past six years, at his own expense until the past five
months, when the audiencia began to cover his costs. One day Andino was
called upon by a constable who took him before the audiencia, apparently
in response to complaints of mistreatment expressed by Joseph Pablo.
Andino recounted the precipitating event, in which Joseph Pablo had
insisted that he be joined at mealtime by another resident of the house who
he said was his first cousin (primo bermano); nothing more is known of
this person's identity. He usually stayed at the royal hospital and was
apparently living at Andino's boarding house temporarily. When Andino
refused the request, Joseph Pablo (who, he confirmed, spoke Spanish fluently) abused him verbally, and an angry exchange followed that led to
Andino's brief apprehension.
81
Andino, who said that a total of six Itzas lived in his house, complained
that neither Joseph Pablo nor Francisco IxK'in, both of whom he addressed as "don," took his Christianity seriously, having forgotten most of
what he had known and refusing to pray even once a month and then
only with angry reluctance. The two had behaved well, he said, for six
years and had only recently begun to abuse him verbally. N o w Joseph
Pablo insisted that they be allowed to make a trip outside the city, for a
destination that Andino did not specify. Andino suggested that their behavior could be improved by sending father and son to the Colegio de
Cristo Crucificado for several days of what would have amounted to
"sensitivity training."
82
Andino's guests enjoyed considerable freedom to come and go, and

Joseph Pablo Kan Ek' and Francisco IxK'in Kan Ek' must have been
familiar faces on the streets of Santiago de Guatemala. In 1 7 0 2 Fray Diego
de Rivas, at his quarters in the Mercederian convent, interviewed the two
of them and "other boys," who may have been the four other Itzas staying
at Andino's boarding house. The circumstances of the subsequent removal of other Itzas to the capital are poorly known. All that can be added
is that in 1 7 1 7 two secular priests testified in Merida that by then the
native population in Peten had suffered a major decline owing to more
than one smallpox epidemic (see chapter 1 5 ) and to the removal of "many
other natives" to Guatemala and "other areas" by the officers who had
been governing the presidio.
This is all that is presently known of Ajaw Kan Ek', his son, and the
83
376
84
Reconquest,
other Itzas who were removed to Santiago de Guatemala. Future documentary research will likely produce additional information about them.
The Epidemic of 1699

As we have seen, illness, combined with malnutrition, had already taken a
considerable toll on the Spaniards by the time of the May 1699 retreat of
the Guatemalan forces. More troops died on the return march, and over
the next several months an epidemic though we do not know precisely
what disease it involved took an even greater toll at the presidio itself.
Evidence indicates that it also had a devastating effect on the indigenous
population in the surrounding areas.
According to two memorias dated September 6, 1699, f
sixtyseven soldiers who had been formally enlisted to continue serving the
presidio on May 1 0 , six had died between the end of May and September
5. Five of these were Guatemalans; the other was a Campechano. Between
April 5 and May 1 1 , the day on which the last company of Guatemalans
departed, ten other Guatemalan soldiers had died. Twenty-seven Guatemalan soldiers remained behind, too ill to make the trip. Of these, ten had
died, the last on August 1 1 ,
t n e
8 5
Because the total number of Guatemalan troops who had initially arrived at the presidio is unknown, the significance of these figures cannot be
calculated. But because all sources agree that many more men died on the
return trip to Verapaz, we can assume that loss of life among the Guatemalans was high. In contrast, the Yucatecans apparently suffered very few
deaths.
The Guatemalan settler Nicolas de Lizarraga later wrote that while
Mencos's troops had waited for two months for supplies in Cahabon prior
to advancing to Peten Itza in March 1699, "most of his men" had died of
hunger and sickness. On the march itself, Lizarraga claimed, 2 1 4 soldiers
and 3 1 9 "Christian Indian tributaries" died before reaching Lago Peten
Itza. Although these figures appear to be exaggerated, they indicate that
the Guatemalans brought the epidemic with them from Cahabon.
As for the settlers themselves, on May 4, the day before Mencos's
departure, Captain Diego Bernardo del Rio, the official notary, carried out
a full census of the families of nonindigenous Guatemalans who were then
residing at the presidio. It revealed that one married woman among the
original group had died only a few days earlier (on April 30) and that at
86
377
Victims and
Survivors
some point two children had also died (see Table 1 4 . i ) . Fortunately for
historians, yet a third census was made on September 6, allowing a full
analysis of the mortality that had occurred between February and September. Because a full list of those who had died was included in the third
census, the accuracy of the figures is extremely high.
Between February and May 4, two of the twenty-five children counted
in Cahabon had died; two others had married each other, changing their
status to that of "adult." Until April 29, all of the adults were still alive.
Between April 29 and September 6, twenty of the forty-nine persons who
had survived the trip had died, including four adult males, seven adult
females, and nine more children. In other words, of the original twentyfive children listed at Cahabon, nearly half had died. The frequency of
deaths at the presidio increased during the second half of July and tapered
off during August. Not included in these figures is the death on June 2 1 of
a Cahabon Maya settler named Joseph, married to Juana K'ek. Because
the number of native settlers is not known, his death cannot be included in
the calculation of total mortality.
The settler families had probably camped apart from the troops at
Cahabon and had made the trip to the presidio behind the main body of
soldiers. The epidemic apparently struck the troops first, with the first
wave of deaths beginning at Cahabon in March and continuing unabated
through the march back to Verapaz in May. Although the settlers may also
have contracted the disease at Cahabon, they suffered the highest mortality during the months following their arrival at the presidio. Surely,
more died after the September 6 census. Four years later, of only four remaining families of Guatemalan settlers at the presidio, three were headed
by remarried men whose spouses had died during the epidemic. An unrecorded number had been allowed to return to Guatemala.
87
Mortality was high among the Mayas at this time, too. Fray Simon de
Mendoza y Galindo, as noted earlier, had reported finding a cross in the
house of one of the "caciques" of Chinoja as early as April 1 0 , 1699. The
cacique was ill, as were small children in his house; the cross, by implication, had been set up to ward off further infection or death. The illness
had probably been introduced by troops who had arrived at IxTus, six
leagues to the west, on March 3 1 ; from IxTus the disease would have been
carried by local inhabitants to Chinoja. Although this is the earliest indication of the epidemic in an indigenous local community, it probably
had also been carried to the western Itza province, where troops had
already been in close contact with local residents. Local intersettlement
movement of infected individuals would have spread the disease quickly
88
378
Reconquest,
throughout the entire region. Although burning and abandoning their

houses may have been primarily an Itza response to Spanish incursions,
the possibility that they were also attempting to destroy infected places
cannot be discounted.
On September 6 , 1 6 9 9 , twenty-seven baptized Itza female workers and
children (their own and others) were living at the presidio, some of them
captives from the western Itza province. In addition, there were male
Maya cooks and four male Maya "forced" laborers from Campeche. Unfortunately for us, Captain Cortes, commander of the presidio at this
time, did not record how many such inhabitants of the presidio died
during the epidemic.
That Itzas were affected by the epidemic, however, is confirmed by
additional information provided by Cortes. On July 5 thirty-nine Itza men
were brought from an unspecified location to the presidio as laborers; they
had presumably been captured. Six of them died while there, and fourteen
became too ill to work. Those who remained healthy accompanied the
troops on several maize-pilfering trips to the mainland to the north and
east; they also went three leagues inland from Ch'ich to cut palm for the
presidio jail. On August 18 the twenty healthy Itzas, and presumably the
sick ones as well, escaped their captors.
On August 2 2 , 1 7 0 0 , Fray Diego de Rivas, who was still at the presidio,
responded to a letter from President Sanchez de Berrospe that complained
of Ursua's lack of sympathy for the widespread deaths that had occurred
in Peten. Ursiia, Rivas wrote, "does not see the justification with which the
Christian piety of Your Lordship weeps lamentations over the deaths that
have occurred along these roads, nor that Your Lordship, in whom resides
the obligation to look after the Indians, must lament with greater compassion." Not only had the epidemic spread "along these roads," a metaphor for the wider region, but it also continued to devastate the population of the presidio. Rivas was "disquieted and afflicted," he wrote, by the
"continued deaths of this peten" and thanked God for having remained
healthy so that he could attend to the sick and dying.
The epidemic also affected the two Choi reduction towns far to the
southwest, Dolores del Lacandon (or Sakb'ajlan) and San Ramon Nonato. There the population had risen from 700 when counted by Rivas in
October 1696 to about 800 in early 1 6 9 8 . By 1 7 0 1 the number had 379
dropped to 460, the rest, according to Fray Antonio Margil de Jesus,
having died. Although Margil attributed only some of these deaths to the
1 6 9 9 - 1 7 0 0 epidemic, the period over which this 42.5-percent population decline occurred fell squarely within its worst phase. The loss of
89
90
91
92
93
population is close to that experienced by the Guatemalan settlers during

mid-1699, about 40 percent.
Far to the northeast of Lago Peten Itza, the epidemic also made itself
felt at the Franciscan mission of Santa Rosa de la Pimienta, located at the
town of Chanchanja. In June 1 7 0 0 Franciscan officials complained to the
Crown that the inhabitants of Chanchanja were running away both because they were compelled to provide beeswax for illegal repartimientos and because they were experiencing the effects of the epidemic ("la
peste"). Chanchanja, unlike Dolores and San Ramon, was not under
military control, so they could choose flight as one means of escaping both
forced labor and disease. It was a poor strategy for avoiding contagion,
however, for its effect was to spread the disease beyond its place of origin.
The appearance of the epidemic at Chanchanja by mid-1700 suggests that
this was precisely how it arrived there that is, carried by people fleeing
ever farther from the regions north and east of Lago Peten Itza.
94
This was not, it will be recalled, the first epidemic to strike the native
populations of Peten. Itzas visiting the presidio as early as June 1697
only three months after the capture of Nojpeten asked the military officers, in the absence of a priest, to baptize their severely ill and dying
children, wives, and husbands. Although the nature and degree of impact of this earlier epidemic are not known, it probably resulted in considerable mortality. We might guess that by 1 7 0 1 the Itza population had
been reduced to less than half its preconquest size.
95
Other than the brief symptoms noted by Fernandez de Estenos ("great

gastric putrefaction with extremely life-threatening humors"), the only
description of the illness was produced by Nicolas de Lizarraga, who
sickened during a return trip from Cahabon, where he had gone in May
1699
obtain supplies for the starving presidio population. He had
left Cahabon on August 7 with seventy-five carriers from that town and
twenty-five from San Agustin. A number of the carriers sickened, and the
rest ran away, leaving the cargo in the forest; Lizarraga was left alone with
only one companion, a boy named Gaspar Cho from Cahabon.
He and the boy carried what they could to an unidentified rancho,
where, he wrote, they both became ill. His own symptoms were those of a
severe upper respiratory ailment, in which "I came down with a facial
affluxion which affected my nostrils so much that from my eyes to my
mouth it became a rotten sore, as is widely known." He was still suffering when he arrived at the presidio on August 26, where he discovered that
his wife and his daughter's husband had both died in the epidemic. On
September 7, when he wrote to President Sanchez de Berrospe of these
t o
aso
96
97
Reconquest,
Epidemic,
and
Warfare
circumstances, his two small sons were "very ill," and his own illness had
become so serious that he considered requesting permission to go to the
capital for medical treatment.
These descriptions of the illness or illnesses that so severely affected the
populations in Peten are inadequate to identify the disease. It might have
been a form of influenza, in which case the most susceptible individuals
children, those most weakened by fatigue and hunger, and those with no
previous exposure to the virus would also have been the most vulnerable to secondary infections that resulted in pneumonia and, for some,
death. Those who survived underwent lengthy periods of convalescent
rest. Such a scenario would account for the high mortality among the
exhausted and underfed Guatemalan troops, the settler women and children, and the indigenous population as a whole. The Yucatecan troops
and officers, the Guatemalan officers, and the missionaries, on the other
hand, weathered the epidemic quite successfully. The Yucatecan troops
were in reasonably good physical condition when first exposed to the
disease, and the Guatemalan officers and missionaries were presumably
better fed than the infantrymen.
Internecine
Warfare
During the three years following the May 1699 departure of the bulk of
the Guatemalan troops, the Itzas in the surrounding regions suffered not
only severe mortality from a relentless epidemic but also a high degree of
internal violent strife. Open warfare among various groups killed more
people, further displaced communities and individuals, and broke down
already weakened political alliances. Although the full complexity of this
intergroup violence eludes us, new and old factions among those who
sought accommodation with the conquerors and those who pursued antiSpanish strategies appear to have been the important factors.
The Spaniards remaining at the presidio on Nojpeten, who by June
1699 had given up their efforts to "reduce" and relocate the indigenous
population, first learned of this intergroup strife during their continuing
trips into the countryside to barter or pillage for food. The presidio commander, Captain Juan Francisco Cortes, wrote in early September that
since the departure of the Guatemalans in May he had already sent out
several groups of troops and laborers most of whom were local captives five times to Chacha in the western Itza province, once to Tzunpana, probably north of Yalain, and once to the Kowoj province. The
*si
Victims and
Survivors
results of these missions were poor, with only eighty-one fanegas of maize
obtained by barter around Chacha and none at all in the other areas. The
populace, except for those who were willing to trade for the few goods the
Spaniards had to offer, was now planting most of its milpas well beyond
the reach of scavengers.
The trip to Kowoj territory resulted from a lead offered by a captive
from the area, who said that he could take them overland to milpas that
were about four leagues inland from Saklemakal. When they reached the
area, however, this guide signaled to a party in hiding, which ambushed
them with volleys of arrows from both sides of the path. Two Spaniards
and a Maya from Coban were wounded; the guide escaped. Hand-tohand combat followed, but the attackers shortly fled, leaving behind arrows with points made of iron, stone, and fire-hardened w o o d . Intelligence resulting from this encounter enabled Cortes to draw this portrait
of a united, fiercely anti-Spanish Kowoj province: "This nation of the
Couohs is allied with the Ketzes, Poopes, and Saclemacales, and subjugating them would mean the reduction of the entire wilderness, as these
are the most powerful [people] in any part of it. They are so rebellious
that they have never let themselves be seen, apart from peace messengers
whom they have s e n t . "
98
99
100
101
102
The Kowojs, however, were no more united and warlike than were the
followers of the war captain B'atab' Tut of the northern province. Some of
them made an armed visit to Chacha on September 6, 1699, for the reported purpose of removing the town's inhabitants to their own territory.
When some resisted, fighting broke out, leaving one inhabitant dead and
another wounded. Over the next three years B'atab' Tut gained a reputation as a vicious fighter who roamed far and wide attacking Itza towns.
One of his principal allies was his famous brother AjK'ixaw, the leader
who was captured by Juan Diaz de Velasco in 1 6 9 5 , released in 1696,
and blamed for the subsequent murders of his Guatemalan kidnappers.
B'atab' Tut sometimes made his headquarters at Kontal, which was probably located on Laguna Oquevix, south of Lago Peten Itza.
103
104
382
The followers of the native war captains apparently concentrated their

attacks on groups that demonstrated friendliness toward the Spaniards.
Chacha, for example, not only sold food to the presidio but also, from its
location near Laguna Sacpuy, maintained close social relationships with
the troops. Several Chacha women actually married soldiers at the presidio, and some of their relatives and acquaintances ultimately went to live
there. By 1 7 0 2 B'atab' Tut had extended his range of attack all the way
to Mumunti, a Mompana town northeast of the eastern end of Lago Peten
105
Reconquest,
Itza evidently because Mumunti had several months earlier established

friendly relations with the Spaniards.
Fray Diego de Rivas confirmed in August 1 7 0 0 that some Itza groups
remained cooperative with the Spaniards and were even willing to help
convince others in his Christianization efforts. His efforts were hampered,
however, by "the other opposed Indians, because this wilderness is divided. Some want [Christianity], and others do not. These go about making war [against] them, because they have the Spaniards' friendship. . . .
Those who are [our] friends have recently been attacked by enemies, and
some have been killed. It appears that this type of opposition among them
will facilitate the subjugation of a l l . " That is, left to their own devices,
the indigenous people, already devastated by the epidemic, would eventually reach exhaustion and give themselves up willingly.
106
107
This model of Itza warfare anti-Spanish groups pitted against

friendly, peaceful ones may account for much of the violence, but it is
probably both too simple and too Eurocentric in its perspective. By all
accounts, intergroup violence was widespread and devastating, and some
Spanish observers believed that it involved questions of regional political
control and succession. The secular priest Bachiller Francisco de San Miguel described the warfare as that of king against king. Nicolas de
Lizarraga assembled a long list of Itza towns and groups of allied communities, describing each of them briefly in terms of their warlike or peaceful
disposition. His underlying purpose in doing so seems to have been to
assess who were friends and who were enemies of the Spaniards. Yet the
large number he described by phrases such as "risen up in revolt" (alzado)^
"rebel people" [gente rebelde)^ "warriors" (guerreros), "bold and bloodthirsty" (osado y carnicero), "restless" (andariego), and "feared by all"
(todos los temen) indicates a region at war not so much with Spaniards as
with itself. Of the forty-four lake-area groups on Lizarraga's list, twentynine bear such descriptions, whereas only six are typed as friendly; the
remaining nine are either unclassified or accorded an intermediate status.
108
109
In several cases Lizarraga indicated that groups were at war internally

or with others, and he specified others that had established or were seeking wider intergroup alliances. Of the five such groups that he listed, the
most important had its headquarters at a placed called Chun Ajaw ("Seat
of the K i n g " ) . This place had "the major portion of forest people, as it 383
was there that the king and pope and their priests were crowned." It had
never been seen by Spaniards.
110
111
Another name for this place may have been Chun Mejen ("Seat of the
Son of the Father"), and it was here the new Ajaw resided. Although he
112
Victims and
Survivors
was said to be the "brother" of Ajaw Kan E k ' , there is no other record
that the ruler had a brother. Therefore, the new Ajaw may have been the
exiled ruler's father's brother's son, in which case he was probably one of
the three brothers, each an Ajaw B'atab', who bore the titles Kit Kan and
Tz'o Kan. These three, I proposed in chapter 3 , were the sons of the
previous ruler, who was possibly the uncle (father's brother) of Ajaw Kan
Ek'. Reference to a "pope" surely meant a new co-ruling high priest,
whose identity is not known.
113
Several years later (about 1 7 1 0 ) Lizarraga wrote that "this Chumexen

was the first who was crowned king after the imprisonment of Canek, and
he created in his territory a new Jerusalem with his pope, although the rest
were opposed to the crown, making war against him, and each one was
being crowned in his own province. But he always continued his Jerusalem and pope where they all go to consult their priests as they did before
during the time of King C a n e k . " This new ruler's two principal caciques, he wrote, were Joyop and Sakpuy, which he noted had already
been discovered. Apparently he meant that these were the towns where
the principal caciques had their headquarters. Sakpuy was surely located
on Laguna Sacpuy, and Joyop, as suggested earlier, was on the southeastern shore of the same lake. The new Ajaw's headquarters may have
been north of Laguna Sacpuy, perhaps at B'alamtun.
114
115
The four other newly created or recreated provinces that Lizarraga

mentioned in this later document, which is the legend for a now-lost map
that he had prepared, were "El Tute," "El Chan," "El Mompana," and "El
Cobox," that is, Tut, Chan, Mompana, and Kowoj. The Tut province was
marked with a black line "and borders upon the south and west with the
provinces of Verapaz and Huehuetenango, letters D. C , and it includes a
large portion of the Lacandons from the hills to Huehuetenango. The
leaders and caciques that have been discovered are Chachulte, Chans,
Buenavista, Chatoco, and Yxmucuy." Except for "Chans," these were all
names of towns, not leaders, as in the previous case. The region controlled
by AjTut could not have been this extensive, but it is likely that it did
include the area between the main lake and Rio Pasion.
384
Lizarraga's Chan province, demarcated by the eastern border of his

map and by a green line, "borders upon the entire Gulf coast, letter B, and
with the mountains of Verapaz, and he who is crowned as king is don
Martin Chan, nephew of the king Canec, who had been a Catholic from
Tipu (and he who deceived don Martin de Ursua as ambassador of the
said King Canec), who apostated and was crowned as a very powerful
king. He includes in his territory the Mopans and Chols of the Gulf Coast,
Reconquest,
Epidemic,
and
Warfare
and he has as leaders and caciques Muquixill, Paliac, Oaxal, Chacha,

Quejaches, Yalayn, Sinoxa, and Ystus [Muk'ixil, Paliak, Waxal, Chacha,
K'ejaches, Yalain, Sinoja, and I x T u s ] . " AjChan had become the ruler of
what is today southern Belize; Paliak is known to have been a Choispeaking town in that region, probably on Rio Grande. Ich Tutz, possibly
another rendering of IxTus, was the name of a seventeenth-century village
that Thompson believed to be on the Sittee River, then called Xoyte.
"Oaxal" or Waxal is possibly a mistranscription of Yaxal, which was the
name of the Moho R i v e r .
116
117
Mompana, marked by a purple line, bordered on the north with the

province of Campeche (i.e., Yucatan). Its principal towns were Mumunti,
Balamtun, and Chanchanja, and the people were known collectively as
"Monpanaes." 1 suspect that the name Mompana or Monpana was from
Moan Pana, presumably the principal leader or ruler of the region.
Despite Lizarraga's tendency to exaggerate, it is difficult to disregard
such specific references to the formation of new and redefined independent political territories, to the appearance of new rulers, and to intergroup warfare over issues that must have included political succession and
territorial control. His accounts are particularly plausible when viewed in
light of evidence, discussed in earlier chapters, of a war between Ajaw Kan
Ek' and Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante in 1695 d 1696- Indeed, these later
wars were likely an extension and regionwide expansion of that conflict,
during which the ruler's uncle apparently enlisted AjKowoj to set fire to
Nojpeten and to terrorize the Yalain province.
Some towns constructed large fortifications that, under the circumstances, were as likely to have been defenses against attacks by other
indigenous groups as defenses against Spaniards. In 1698 Spaniards discovered in the hills above the northeastern shore of Lago Peten Itza a fort,
presumably made of wood, that was said to be capable of withstanding
even artillery fire. Another was described by the Yucatecan captain
Pedro de Navarrete, who saw and occupied it in April 1702, while he was
opening a new road from Chanchanja to Lago Peten Itza. According to
him, it was a "very strong fortification of slender stakes in the form of
an O, with very astutely constructed entrances and e x i t s . " Navarrete
found that all roads from the town toward the lake had been closed or
camouflaged for a distance of two leagues. Navarrete told juan Francisco 385
Cortes that the stockade was large enough to hold five hundred m e n .
The stockaded town, which belonged to the Kowojs, was located about
three leagues from the port of Saklemakal, probably in a northeasterly
direction. Navarrete, who had twenty-two soldiers with him, claimed that
a n
118
119
120
Victims and
Survivors
after running away the inhabitants returned voluntarily, bringing gifts of

food and promising to obey whatever they were ordered to do. He took at
least two leaders back to the presidio to offer their formal submission.
If Navarrete is to be believed, not a shot was fired when the troops occupied the town the result of strict orders from Ursua. The inhabitants
had run away as the Spaniards approached, making no use of the circular
stockade. To all appearances, the stockade was a defense against native
attack, not against the firepower of the Spaniards. Although Cortes and
Navarrete seemed to think that the roads toward the lake had been closed
because of the Kowojs' fears of Spanish attack, they probably had more to
fear from the followers of B'atab' Tut, who would also have approached
them from the south, passing by the eastern end of the lake.
Although the stockaded town was reputed to be in one of the most rebellious areas of the wilderness surrounding the Spaniards, it had fallen without a whimper. The presidio commander, Cortes, feared that groups
were plotting a nighttime attack on the island, but there is little evidence
that the surrounding population contemplated any large-scale action
against the Spaniards. At this time they simply were too weakened,
divided, and exhausted from disease and internecine warfare to mount an
attack on the heavily armed island presidio.
In 1 7 0 4 , however, continuing rumors of pending attack on the presidio
very nearly materialized in an abortive rebellion by missionized Itzas and
Kowojs. As we will see, this final expression of hostility against the Spanish occupiers was too late and too little. It resulted in little more than
stepped-up security measures that further separated the handful of Spanish troops at the former Itza capital from the remote hinterlands where so
many of the "conquered" towns continued to seek refuge.
121
122
123
386
chapter
fifteen
MISSIONS,
REBELLION, AND
SURVIVAL
e establishment of mission towns around

Lago Peten Itza by the secular clergy of Yucatan had been long delayed as
the presidio, soon known by the shortened name of Los Remedios, struggled to survive. At last, in the early years of the eighteenth century, the missionaries, aided by troops stationed at the presidio, began to make intermittent headway. According to Spanish reports, many Itzas and Kowojs,
already devastated by epidemics and internal warfare, at first offered little
resistance to being relocated. In 1704, however, scarcely two years after
the founding of the first mission, an anti-Spanish rebellion broke out, in
which several soldiers died. The immediate cause of this uprising was fear
that a census of the towns heralded the imposition of tribute payments;
evidence suggests that this was a justifiable worry and that it was Ursua,
now governor in Merida once again, who hoped to benefit from the tribute income. Threatening the very existence of the small garrison on Nojpeten, this rebellion, had it succeeded, would have resulted in the native
recapture of the Itza capital. Its failure left the Spaniards at the center of a
region over which they still had little control.
The 1704 rebellion ended in the abandonment of most of the original
mission towns, but renewed military activities rounded up many among
the refugees, as well as new souls who were herded into both old and new
mission towns. During the years that followed, the presidio commander
forced captured runaways, both men and women, as well as men judged
guilty of participating in the rebellion, to work as virtual slaves at Los
Remedios. The population of the mission towns quickly increased, only to
be cut in half later in the first decade of the century, primarily by a devastating smallpox epidemic.
The closing years of the conquest were less a time of celebration in
colonial circles than a period of discouragement, dismay, and disagreement over how to govern what little had been gained. In the final pages of
1
Victims and
Survivors
this chapter we meet yet again a man who appears to have been AjChan,
who, following repeated capture by and escape from the Spaniards, served
in his old age as cacique of San Luis, formerly Mopan. He had most
recently been "king" of independent Mayas in southern Belize, but he was,
apparently, captured one last time and forced to live up to the commitments he had made as a young man in Merida at Christmastime 1695.
The First Missions,
1702-3
By mid-1701 the only missionary left at the presidio was the Yucatecan
secular priest Pedro de Morales. The Guatemalan friars had left not long
after the Guatemalan troops in 1699, d Fray Diego de Rivas had returned to Santiago de Guatemala in early 1 7 0 1 . Morales became ill and
left for Campeche along the camino real in mid-1701; he died along the
road at Nojb'ekan on June 23, many leagues from his destination. A new
head of the Itza missions, Bachiller Francisco de San Miguel, finally arrived at the presidio on February 1 1 , 1 7 0 2 . His partner, Bachiller Marcos
de Vargas Dorantes, joined him later that month to minister to the needs
of the presidio. The intrepid Rivas returned in late 1 7 0 2 or early 1 7 0 3 .
Although Rivas's health was failing and he apparently accomplished little
over the next year or so, San Miguel was a man of great energy who
claimed much of the responsibility for establishing the first successful Itza
missions during 1 7 0 2 and early 1 7 0 3 .
a n
388
The missionary successes of this period, however, would have been

impossible without an even more energetic Yucatecan, Captain Jose de
Aguilar y Galeano. In early 1 7 0 2 Governor Ursua appointed him to carry
out a dual mission: first, to travel to Chanchanja, then to Tipuj, and from
there to the central coastal area of Belize, where he was to round up native
apostates. Once he had accomplished this, he was to return to Chanchanja
and set out for Peten in order find and capture AjChan, who had run away
from the Spaniards in 1698 and been in hiding ever since. By means unknown, Aguilar handily accomplished the first of these tasks by April 25,
capturing thirty-eight apostates in Belize and delivering them to the Franciscan friar at Chanchanja. He then went to Los Remedios, arriving on
May 20 with twenty-one troops and more than twenty Maya "warriors"
from Chanchanja. He had just captured not only AjChan but also his wife
and children. AjChan told Aguilar that he had run away from the Spaniards for the second time because he had heard rumors that Ursua planned
6
to execute him. Since his escape from the presidio he had become the
leader of the sizable Yalain province, which since 1699 d been nearly
spared from Spanish aggression.
Ursua agreed with Aguilar's suggestion that AjChan be pardoned for
his errors and that, given the long history of their relationship, this prodigal godson should be sent to Merida to live with him, lest AjChan inadvertently set off new unrest in the Peten wilderness. By December, unaware
that AjChan had attempted to escape yet again, Ursua had reconsidered
the matter, thinking it might be better to send AjChan to live with Melchor
de Mencos or in another household in Guatemala.
At this time the governance of the presidio was in disarray. The presidio
commander, Juan Francisco de Cortes, had failed to pacify the Itzas and
had barely managed to feed and support his troops, receiving virtually
no assistance from either the Guatemalan or the Yucatecan government.
Ursua now took matters into his own hands, instructing Cortes on December 1 5 , 1 7 0 2 , to cooperate with Captain Aguilar and Father San Miguel in what was to be a nonviolent reduction of the native population
into mission settlements. Aguilar, however, with Ursua's obvious prior
blessing, had already initiated this undertaking, although using armed
military, not peaceful, tactics to capture indigenous leaders.
The two surviving accounts of the process by which Aguilar and San
Miguel succeeded in establishing the new missions during 1 7 0 2 and 1703
were written independently by the two secular priests San Miguel himself and Vargas Dorantes. Their "certifications" differed markedly. San
Miguel, the missionary, emphasized the importance of his own role as a
gentle and persuasive missionary, giving credit to Aguilar for little more
than his assistance in settling people in the mission towns. Vargas, the
presidio's parish priest, gave no credit at all to San Miguel's missionary
efforts and produced instead a paean to Aguilar's military valor and his
successes in capturing native leaders and settling them into the mission
towns. The following narrative attempts to make sense of these two contrasting accounts, noting where their differences are especially striking.
Because Vargas, in contrast to San Miguel, made no attempt to downplay
the military aspects of mission formation, I tend to place somewhat more
credence in his version of history when the two writers differ. The locations of these early missions, as well as later ones, are indicated, some 389
precisely and others less so, on map 1 0 . In chronological order of their
founding, the new missions were Arcangel San Miguel, Nuestra Senora de
la Merced, San Jose, San Jeronimo, San Martin, San Antonio, San Andres,
7
n a
10
11
1 2
Victims and
Map 10.
Survivors
Early eighteenth-century missions in the vicinity of Lago Peten Itza.
San Francisco, San Juan Baptista, San Pedro, Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, and Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria.
ESTABLISHING THE MISSIONS
J9o
In early May 1 7 0 2 , Francisco de San Miguel, the missionary, proposed to

Captain Cortes that they together establish a mission on the lakeshore
near the presidio where they would attract people running away from
internecine warfare. Three such families arrived at the presidio during
these discussions, their heads named B'ak Tz'ib', Nikte Tz'ib', and Tanche
Pana. San Miguel and Cortes agreed to locate the mission a "musket shot"
north of the main island, where they built four houses for the newcomers
with the help of Spanish and Itza residents of the presidio. They were given
maize, axes, and machetes as inducements to clear and plant a milpa.
Forty-one additional families, unidentified by name, were later "acquired," placed in twenty-four additional new houses, and given similar
inducements. San Miguel began giving them religious instruction, oversaw the building of a church, and on Easter Sunday baptized and married
some of the residents. He "founded" the town as Arcangel San Miguel on
May 1 2 , which he said was the customary date of celebration of that

saint. San Miguel remains today the name of the shoreline community
directly north of Flores.
When Aguilar y Galeano arrived on May 20 he already had AjChan
and his family in his possession. They were immediately placed in San
Miguel, where AjChan was made "cacique" as a means of attracting others to join him. This was a rational choice, considering his identification
with Yalain, the probable origin of the first families to arrive. All but six or
seven of the forty-four original families, however, had already run away,
and AjChan immediately disappeared with everyone else on May 23.
Aguilar chased them all down again and brought them back, including
AjChan, presumably leaving them under heavier guard.
13
14
Sometime later Aguilar went with his Spanish troops and Chanchanja
archers to capture the infamous B'atab' Tut, who was living under constant guard at Kontal, eight leagues away. The crafty war captain evaded
capture, but Aguilar imprisoned his wife, children, and brother, who were
sent to live at San Miguel. This was an odd choice for their settlement,
because B'atab' Tut and AjChan were old enemies. San Miguel, which
must still have been heavily guarded, could not have been a happy place.
15
On June 1 2 Captain Aguilar left the presidio to find and capture

AjK'ixaw, the brother of B'atab' Tut, who was in hiding at Petmas, said to
be twenty leagues away. He chased AjK'ixaw and captured him along
with one hundred of his followers. According to Father Vargas's account,
AjK'ixaw was imprisoned at the presidio, and the rest were forced to settle
at a new lakeshore mission called Nuestra Senora de la Merced. Father
San Miguel made no mention of this mission, whose location Vargas did
not reveal. Its captive inhabitants probably escaped soon thereafter; the
mission is never heard of again.
Father San Miguel wrote that the next mission, San Jose, was founded
at the end of July and was populated by twenty-one families brought by
Aguilar from Kowoj territory. Vargas's report noted that these people
were from a town called Kitis that had recently been viciously attacked by
allies of Kulut Kowoj. Aguilar convinced them that they were in danger of
being attacked again and should relocate voluntarily.
According to Father San Miguel, these families asked that they be settled on the lakeshore and that their town be named for "their saint"
implying that at some point they had come into possession of an image of
San Jose. The place chosen for them was "about one musket shot" southwest of the main island and "as much more" from San Miguel probably
on the eastern side of the peninsula that protrudes from present-day San
16
17
391
Victims and
Survivors
Benito. This is not the location of the later mission known as San Jose
Nuevo, which has been a community along the northern main shore of the
lake, east of San Andres, since at least 1 7 5 0 .
In late September, according to San Miguel, sixteen families from settlements whose principal inhabitants were named Tzin came to the presidio to tell him that they had been attacked by other Itzas and wished to
be settled on the lakeshore; they knew of twelve other families who wished
to join them. Before the conquest B'atab' Tzin had been the second ruler of
the eastern province (see chapter 3), and it appears that his followers had
fled west following the capture of Nojpeten. Cortes and San Miguel took
them to settle on "a point that protrudes into the lake one league from
the island in the area toward the west." This description suggests that
the new mission, named San Jeronimo, was located on Punta Nijtun. By
about 1 7 3 4 , however, it had been moved to a location a short distance
west of another mission, San Andres. The date of the town's founding was the day of San Jeronimo (Doctor), which is celebrated on September 3 0 .
1 8
19
20
21
Other groups from distant settlements continued to visit San Miguel at

the presidio, according to his account, and he sent them back with messages promising that all would be well treated and pardoned for their old
crimes against the Spaniards. His messages bore the threat, however, that
if they did not come voluntarily they would be attacked. The result of his
entreaties, he claimed, was the arrival on November 1 1 , the day of San
Martin Obispo, of eighteen families from the Kowoj settlements and as
many more from the settlements identified with the name K'ixab'on. They
were taken to the location they requested, on the northern shore three
leagues from the island, and it was named San Martin for the day of their
arrival.
22
23
392
The "real" story of the establishment of San Martin, however, may

have been quite different. According to Vargas, Captain Aguilar had set
out to capture the principal Kowoj leader, Kulut Kowoj. After ten days of
searching he caught Kulut Kowoj asleep at midnight, along with two of
his brothers and their wives, children, and other relatives seventy persons in all. He released all of these except Kulut Kowoj and his wives and
children, whom he took back to the presidio, where he kept Kulut Kowoj
a prisoner. He exhorted the others to settle on the lakeshore (at an unspecified location). Cortes released Kulut Kowoj after four months on the
condition that he bring his followers who were still in the forest to settle
on the lakeshore. It was this group that settled at San Martin.
After Kulut Kowoj was settled at San Martin, according to Vargas's
account, he brought a group of K'ixab'on families to relocate at a spot

next to that mission. Once they were settled, Vargas wrote, they "built a
church in imitation of the settlers [who were already there] so that in it
they could be instructed in the law of G o d . " From events that transpired
during the rebellion of February 1704 it is apparent that this mission,
immediately adjacent to San Martin, was known as San Antonio. Most
later reports failed to mention the new San Antonio as a mission separate
from San Martin.
24
The next mission to be founded was that of San Andres. San Miguel
wrote that on the day of the Apostle San Andres (November 3 0 ) , some
thirty families from the Chanchanja settlements arrived on the lakeshore
at a spot about one league northwest of the main island. They made their
settlement there, and this has remained the location of San Andres ever
since. In later years San Andres was populated primarily by people with
Itza and Kowoj names and become the principal mission on the northern
shore of the lake.
In January 1 7 0 3 , according to San Miguel, fifteen families from another settlement of Kowojs came out of the forests. They were settled one
and a half leagues east of San Martin in a mission called San Francisco,
apparently named for Saint Francisco de Sales, whose day of celebration is
January 2 9 .
Vargas reported that after Kulut Kowoj was transferred to San Martin
he went to the place where one of his relatives was hiding in the forest in
order to convince him to relocate with his numerous followers. All of
them did so and became the first settlers of San Francisco.
Also during January nine families appeared from a settlement of people
named Tz'ib'. They were settled at a place about one league east of
San Francisco. The town's avocation, San Juan Baptista, "appeared by
chance," not on either of the saint's celebration days.
In late February some Itzas from a settlement of people with the patronym Pana appeared on the lakeshore one league east of the main island, apparently near their original location. San Miguel named it in honor of his
personal patron, San Pedro, whose solemnity is celebrated on June 2 9 .
In early March some twenty families from settlements identified with
the surname Chab'in were placed on the two islands of Laguna Sacpuy
and assigned the name of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe. The Laguna 393
Sacpuy region was the new headquarters of the successor to the Itza
throne, who may have been a Kit Kan (see page 384). This mission, far
from the reach of the presidio and in a region particularly hostile to Spanish control, is never mentioned again and may have been soon abandoned.
25
26
27
28
29
30
Victims and
Survivors
One final mission, Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria, was mentioned by

neither San Miguel nor Vargas. Rivas, however, reported that it was in
existence, with seventeen houses, by June 1 7 0 3 . Established one league
along the shore from San Jeronimo, it was probably situated on the southern shore of the western arm of the main lake, four kilometers west of the
tip of Punta Nijtun, near the place today called Candelaria.
3 1
32
EARLY DEMOGRAPHY OF THE MISSIONS
Fray Diego de Rivas had returned to the presidio on May 1 7 , 1 7 0 3 , with

instructions from the Guatemalan audiencia to prepare a report on the
current condition of the Itza reductions. His June 20 report provided the
number of houses in each of nine identified mission towns. Of the original
twelve missions, Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe and Nuestra Senora de la
Merced had already ceased to exist, and San Martin and San Antonio
33
TABLE 1 5 . 1
Numbers of Mission Families at Founding (Late

Early 1703) and of Mission Houses in June 1703
Mission
Number of
Families
Number of
Houses
17
N. S. de la Candelaria
20
N. S. de la Merced*
20
San Andres
30
63
San Francisco
15
28
San Jeronimo
16
36
San Jose
21
24
32
San Martin/San Antonio
36
42
San Miguel
44
31
San Pedro
Total
211
CO
N. S. de Guadalupe
San Juan Baptista
394
iyoi-
281
SOURCES: For mission families at founding, AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 5 ,

Certification of Br. Francisco de San Miguel y Figueroa, 1 July 1 7 0 3 , ff.
5 r - 8 r , and no. 2 8 , Certification of Bachiller Marcos de Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 , ff. i 8 r - n r . For houses in June 1 7 0 3 , EC 3 3 9 B , no.
28, Certification by Fr. Diego de Rivas, 23 Dec. 1 7 0 3 , ff. 3 4 ^ 3 5 r .
Vargas Dorantes estimated the total population that was moved to
Nuestra Senora de la Merced at more than one hundred. The estimate
of twenty families is based 011 a 5:1 ratio of total population to number
of families.
11

TABLE
15.2
Reconstruction of Mission Population Growth,
Source and
No.
Families
Date
1702-3
No.
Houses
Total
Population
220
83
Rivas {June 1703)
750
281
3 J 50
Rivas {Dec. 1 7 0 3 )
800
300
4,000
Varaya (Dec. 1703)
800
300
4,000
San Miguel/Vargas (late 1 7 0 2 - e a r l y 1703)
1,100
SOURCES: For late 1 7 0 2 - e a r l y 1 7 0 3 , AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 5 , Certification of Br. Francisco de

San Miguel y Figueroa, 1 July 1 7 0 3 , ff. 5 r - 8 r , and no. 28, Certification of Bachiller Marcos
de Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 , ff. i 8 r - 2 i r . For June 1 7 0 3 , EC 3 3 9 A , Consulta de Fr.
Diego de Rivas y Capitan Alejandro Pacheco, 20 June 1 7 0 3 , ff. 142V-152V. For December
1 7 0 3 , EC 3 3 9 B , no. 28, Certification by Fr. Diego de Rivas, 23 Dec. 1 7 0 3 , ff. 3 4 ^ 3 5r, and
no. 26, Gaspar Reymundo de Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1 7 0 4 , ff. 7r-ior.
NOTE: The documented total of founding families is shown in Table 15.1 to be at least
2 1 1 . The larger estimate of 2 2 0 given here incorporates an additional estimated number
for the uncounted towns of Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria and San Pedro. Reconstructed
data are in italics.
were considered to be a single community. When Rivas's figures are compared with rather different data provided by San Miguel and Vargas, it
appears that most of the towns had grown, some considerably, since their
foundation (Table 1 5 . 1 ) . Rivas observed that a number of settlers had
only recently been added and that many of the houses contained three or
four "families," including many children.
In late December 1 7 0 3 Rivas reported that there were ten mission
settlements on the lakeshore with a total population of about three hundred "families." He apparently extracted this figure from a complete
census ordered that month by the new presidio commander, Captain
Aguilar y Galeano, which accounted for at least four thousand persons,
including eight hundred "families," who were "already reduced" in eleven
mission towns. This marked difference in the number of "families" (300
versus 800) suggests that Rivas had inadvertently substituted "families"
for houses or households.
Table 1 5 . 2 compares and extrapolates from information provided for
the missions by Rivas, San Miguel and Vargas, and Gaspar Reymundo 395
Varaya, an officer at the presidio who took a census in December L703.
Calculating from this information, the ratio of total population to number
of families appears to have been 5.00 to 1; the ratio of total population to
number of houses 1 3 . 3 3 to 1; and the ratio of families to houses 2.67 to 1.
34
35
36
Extending these ratios back to the earlier censuses enables us to estimate

the total population of the missions at the time of their founding in late
1 7 0 2 and early 1703 (approximately 1,100) and in June 1703 (approximately 3,750). During 1 7 0 3 , therefore, the mission population had quadrupled in size.
The large size of individual households (averaging more than thirteen
people) confirms Rivas's observation that houses contained multiple, presumably extended, families. Such a high average number of household
members is predictable under the existing conditions, in which large numbers of people would have been squeezed into a few newly constructed
houses. While large extended-family households were the norm prior to
the 1697 conquest, the rapidity with which these missions were constructed suggests that the houses were smaller than earlier ones had been
and that the populations suffered from overcrowding.
THE PROCESS OF MISSION FORMATION
Although Father San Miguel emphasized that most of the missions were
settled voluntarily, it is clear from Vargas's report that Aguilar and his
troops had captured many of the settlers, forcing them into the towns
militarily. The captain's use of force seems to have been aimed primarily at
those whom he considered the major anti-Spanish leaders still at large:
AjChan, AjTut, AjK'ixaw, and Kulut Kowoj. As he scoured the countryside, fear of attack must have led other, smaller groups to decide voluntarily to move to the lakeside and accept Spanish protection before they
were attacked themselves.
Although other Itza leaders seem to have been lower on Aguilar's "most
wanted" list, he captured at least three of them Kali Kan Ek', Tz'ib'it
Kan Ek', and Tzutz Masa apparently hoping to discover in their possession the chalice of the Yucatecan friars who were murdered in 1 6 9 6 . He
not only captured them and found the chalice but also extracted confessions from them that they had participated in the killings.
Nearly all of the groups that moved to the missions, either voluntarily or
involuntarily, comprised "families" from a single hamlet or "rancheria."
Each rancheria and its inhabitants, in turn, was usually known by the name
of its leader, presumably the head of the dominant lineage. The Spaniards
apparently did not place these kinship groups haphazardly in randomly
located towns. To the contrary, they often asked the returnees where they
wished to settle and allowed them to exercise that choice. With the exception of Arcangel San Miguel and San Jose, which were situated next to
the presidio for obvious security reasons, the missions were probably all
37
38
396
located on or near the sites of towns abandoned only three or four years
earlier.
Certain of the missions grew rather quickly, probably drawing in former residents of the abandoned towns. Other missions disappeared, their
members either joining relatives in nearby larger missions or escaping
back to the forests. The process of mission formation entailed, at least for
a short time, the reconstitution of previous, abandoned towns through the
reassembling of their scattered parts. It must be assumed, however, that
this process could not have operated perfectly. Spanish officials undoubtedly forced mission communities to accept undesired or unrelated refugees and may have forced others to join larger towns for purposes of
administrative convenience. The decline in the number of mission towns,
as we shall see, indicates that freedom of locational choice declined significantly as time progressed.
The Rebellion of 1704

The immediate risk that the Spaniards assumed by initiating the reconstitution of Itza society was that the leaders of towns would seek to repair
and restructure intertown political alliances that had been weakened by
years of warfare and physical displacement. This risk manifested itself in a
short-lived but dramatic rebellion that broke out on February 7, 1704,
resulting in the deaths of six Spanish soldiers, the execution of six important indigenous leaders, and the flight of most of the recently settled mission inhabitants back into the forests.
Sometime in January 1704 the presidio commander, Captain Juan
Francisco Cortes, resigned his post and left Los Remedios with his two
daughters and an escort of six soldiers for a brief stay in Merida. Following the death of his wife during the 1699 epidemic, he had married the
widow of one of the Guatemalan settlers who had also perished.
39
40
Fray Diego de Rivas had returned to Los Remedios on May 1 7 , 1 7 0 3 ,

with instructions from the Audiencia of Guatemala to assess the state of
the Itza reductions. He returned to Guatemala the following January
with an escort of six more soldiers from the presidio and Nicolas de
Lizarraga, the original head of the small band of Guatemalan settlers. By
this time only four families of settlers remained at the presidio, three of
them headed by remarried men whose first spouses had died during the
epidemic. Several others had been allowed to return to Guatemala.
By the end of January 1704 the departure of these two escorts had
41
42
43
397
temporarily reduced the presidio garrison of fifty soldiers by twelve. In

addition, four others had gone to Yucatan to bring back a group of Maya
laborers who were to carry out repairs on the camino real. A few soldiers,
perhaps three or four, were routinely posted to guard the royal milpa
and the estancia, which had about two hundred head of cattle and forty
horses. At this time, therefore, no more than about thirty soldiers were
in residence to guard the presidio itself. In addition, Francisco de San Miguel had also returned to Yucatan, leaving Marcos de Vargas as the only
missionary. Although several other Spaniards on the island also owned
firearms, the presidio was clearly in a state of defensive vulnerability when
Captain Aguilar y Galeano assumed command at the beginning of 1704.
44
Sometime during January Aguilar decided to bring to the presidio a

number of Maya men from each of the missions for a general meeting. At
this gathering he announced that work was about to begin on the construction of a new church that would replace the existing small, dilapidated building. Each town was expected to procure timbers and palm
thatch, which would be picked up at the beaches in canoes sent from the
presidio. In addition, each town in rotation would provide laborers for
two or three days at a time to frame, roof, and prepare the lime for
plastering the structure.
In his speech to this assembly, apparently delivered in Maya, he emphasized that because there would be many workers, neither their work in
providing materials nor their contribution to the construction itself would
exhaust them. Although he later claimed that the men had unanimously
and with great willingness agreed to these tasks, they clearly had little
choice in the matter. He also claimed that he had offered to wait eight days
before beginning the work so that they could plant their milpas. The men
replied, however, that they would rather complete the work for the church
before beginning their planting. Aguilar apparently did not understand
that, given the time of year, they had probably not finished cutting the
forest for their milpas, much less burned them in preparation for planting.
Therefore, they would supply the timbers and palm leaves from the forest
that they were already in the process of cutting.
398
As they departed, Aguilar handed out salt, beads, and other unspecified
gifts. The dates of each community's labor shift, as well as the general
deadline for supplying the building materials, had been announced. When
the villages sent notification at the beginning of February that the materials were ready, he sent every available canoe from the presidio to pick
them up. The canoes were few, however, and it soon became apparent that
three or four trips would be required.

On February 7, according to Aguilar's accounts, he sent the galeota
with ten soldiers and the boat's captain to San Martin, located on the
northern shore of the lake, in order to pick up the first scheduled labor
crew and to load timbers that had not yet been transported. Maya oarsmen must also have been on board, but their presence or subsequent
behavior is not acknowledged in any of the reports. From San Martin the
loaded boat went to San Antonio to advise its inhabitants when their labor
shift would begin.
45
In a later report, the officer Gaspar Reymundo Varaya offered a different account of the crew's February 7 itinerary. According to him they
went first went to San Juan and San Francisco to pick up the workers, who
included Kulut Kowoj and members of his family. The soldiers asked the
galeota's captain to stop at San Martin in order to purchase some food
items, which he did. This was in fact the case; Aguilar himself complained in describing the events of this day that when his soldiers visited
the towns they habitually asked for such items as plantains, camotes, and
"other delicacies" (otras golosinas).
If Varaya's is the correct account, Kulut Kowoj had moved or been
moved from San Martin, where Aguilar had first sent him after his release
from imprisonment in 1 7 0 2 . San Juan and San Francisco were located
along the shore east of San Martin, indicating that the galeota first
beached or anchored at the farthest mission, San Juan, before turning
around and stopping again at San Francisco. The troops apparently
picked up the intended Kowoj workers from both towns.
In either event, the descriptions of what followed are in essential agreement. When the galeota reached the twin community of San Martin-San
Antonio, the inhabitants called to the crew, offering them fresh produce.
Five of the soldiers accepted the invitation and were escorted by townspeople to five different houses, where, apparently, they had been told that
they could pick up their foodstuffs. The soldiers' foolishness in allowing
themselves to be separated, Aguilar noted, amounted to "allowing themselves to be deceived like children" and was in disobeyance of all prior
orders.
The five other soldiers and the captain stayed on board with Kulut
Kowoj, the other workers, and, presumably, the oarsmen, waiting for
them to return. Other townspeople attempted to lure these Spaniards to a 399
nearby house, offering them food as well, but they wisely rejected the
offers and remained on board. From this vantage point they saw twenty or
so townsmen simultaneously enter each of the houses to which the five
trusting soldiers had been taken. Quickly disarmed and overpowered, the
46
47
48
Victims and
Survivors
soldiers screamed for help but were killed immediately. At some point another group of attackers ran toward the galeota, yelling loudly. A fight
ensued, in which the others on board may have joined against the Spaniards. All five soldiers were seriously wounded by arrows and had to defend themselves with their machetes, because their guns would not fire.
During what must have been a vicious battle, the Spaniards inexplicably managed to recapture their vessel. They returned immediately to the
presidio, presumably manning the oars themselves, and reported to Aguilar that their five companions were dead. Although none of the accounts
explicitly considered what the attackers' goals had been, it seems obvious
that they intended to kill all the Spaniards and seize the galeota. The loss
of the boat, which probably still carried at least one heavy artillery piece,
would have crippled all efforts to control the mission towns and would
have made further reductions virtually impossible. In possession of the
galeota, a combined Itza-Kowoj force would have been able to mount a
credible attack on the presidio. That the Maya attackers failed to achieve
fully what they had intended enabled the Spaniards to put a quick end to
the rebellion.
49
On the same day, Aguilar had sent a canoe with three Spaniards to San
Martin, precisely where these events were unfolding. These three included
the son of Juan Francisco Cortes, the former presidio commander; Nicolas
de Lizarraga, son of the principal Guatemalan settler of the same name;
and Sergeant Diego de la Garza. Upon arriving at the town, unaware of
what had happened, Garza and one the others disembarked and walked
up the beach toward a group of men whom they assumed to be a greeting
party. Garza was immediately struck by an arrow and attacked from
behind, his gun wrested away. Then, according to early reports, another
attacker struck him in the neck with a machete that severed his head. A
later report stated simply that after he was hit by the arrow a large number
of men fell on him, finishing him off.
50
51
400
Seeing his companion felled, the other Spaniard mortally stabbed the
attacker with his bayonet. The third defender quickly jumped out of the
canoe and shot and killed another attacker. In the ensuing scuffle other
Mayas were also wounded. The two surviving Spaniards quickly boarded
the canoe and returned to the presidio, by which time the survivors from
the earlier attack had already returned in the galeota.
Shortly thereafter, probably late the same day, Aguilar sent twenty or
twenty-five troops and their commanding officer to San Martin and San
Antonio, where they were to observe conditions and bring back the bodies
of the dead. He did not go himself, because he did not wish to leave the
presidio without command. There was little left to command, however;
six of the thirty or so soldiers left at the presidio were now dead, and five
more were wounded. The scouts returned a day later, reporting that they
had found the towns completely deserted and had been unable to capture
anyone. They brought back all six bodies, which had stab wounds to the
hearts. The deceased were later buried at the presidio.
On the day after the attacks Aguilar reported that four other towns had
also joined the rebellion. Two of them must have been San Juan and San
Francisco, and we later learn that the other two were San Jose and San
Jeronimo, both located near the presidio. Even though these were said not
to have been involved in the murders, most or all of their inhabitants
abandoned their towns. Bachiller Bernabe de Herrera, who arrived from
Merida on March zz to take up his duties as "provincial vicar and ecclesiastical judge of these forests," wrote on April 3 that by then twentytwo of the runaway families had returned voluntarily. When interviewed
they stated that they had fled out of fear that they would be punished for
or be accused of the acts committed at San Martin and San Antonio.
Herrera hoped that others would continue to come back, although there
appeared to be little chance that those from San Martin and San Antonio
would do so.
Within a few days Aguilar sent ten soldiers with two light cannons to
guard the "king's milpa," after receiving intelligence that the Itzas planned
to burn the maize stored there. The milpa lay four leagues from the presidio, probably along the road toward the south. One night attackers
shot three arrows at the soldier on watch in the sleeping quarters. They
apparently missed him, and the guards responded by charging them and
firing the cannons. The attackers fled, and no Spaniards were wounded.
52
53
54
55
56
IDENTIFYING THE CONSPIRATORS
About twelve days after the attacks Aguilar apprehended the "cacique" of
San Jeronimo, don Pedro Tzin, who was believed to be one of the conspirators. The Spaniards had considered Tzin, he wrote, to be "one of the
good Indians," "the best liked of them a l l , " but they now realized that he
had deceived them all along. Aguilar imprisoned Tzin along with others
from San Jeronimo. Following his questioning of Tzin, Aguilar wrote, it
was determined that he, along with the unnamed cacique of San Jose and
four others from that town, was the initial conspirator who had called
together the other towns in order to plan and coordinate the attacks. As
57
58
401
a result of Tzin's testimony, other suspects were apprehended and interrogated, although how and when this was done appears in none of the
reports of the rebellion.
Varaya later wrote that it had been determined that the principal organizer of the uprising was Kitam Kowoj, who had been captured in 1 7 0 2
and appointed cacique of San Jose; Pedro Tzin, the San Jeronimo cacique,
was determined to be his principal co-conspirator. Aguilar sentenced both
men to death by shooting. He also ordered that four others be executed in
the same manner. The three of these who were identified were Kulut
Kowoj himself, the K'ixab'on cacique, and the unnamed cacique of San
Antonio. The K'ixab'on leader was probably the cacique of San Martin.
Although they also questioned don Martin Chan (still cacique of San
Miguel), as well as individuals from San Andres, these were found innocent of any prior knowledge of the murders and were set free.
59
Nothing else is known about Kitam Kowoj, the San Jose cacique, although the first families brought to San Jose were from a settlement identified by the Itza surname Kitis that had recently been attacked by Kulut
Kowoj for responding positively to Spanish overtures. Some people named
Kitis, however, had lived well within Kowoj territory and were allies of the
Kowojs. Considering their location, people from San Jose may well have
been those who attacked the king's milpa shortly after the attacks at San
Martin and San Antonio. Two of the other three named conspirators
Kulut Kowoj and the cacique of San Martin were from Kowoj territory,
and the K'ixab'on cacique might have been associated with the Chak'an
Itza province, which was allied with the Kowojs at the time of the conquest. Pedro Tzin, whose lineage name had been associated with the Itza
eastern territory, probably did not belong to a group that had been part of
the preconquest alliance between the Kowojs and Chak'an Itza.
60
402
The identities of the bulk of the rebellion's leaders, therefore, indicate

that the 1704 rebellion had important roots in the conquest-period alliance
between the Kowojs and the rulers of the north. The net effect of the vicious
civil war among hostile Maya parties described in the previous chapter
may well have been to set the stage for the rebellion by eliminating, insofar
as that was possible, any sentiments by either Itzas or Kowojs to submit
peacefully to Spanish control. The civil war's most important leader, as we
learned earlier, was AjTut, the B'atab' of the north. The Spaniards considered AjTut to be their principal enemy, but they had been unable to capture
him and had to satisfy themselves with capturing his brother AjK'ixaw and
placing numerous K'ixab'on followers in the missions.
Except for a few families from the Yalain region, most of the early
missions were populated by Kowojs and Itzas affiliated with the former
rulers of the north. Some, we are told, came willingly, while others were
captured. Those who came willingly may well have been encouraged to do
so by the newly installed Itza ruler in the hope that once native presence
had been reestablished on the lakeshore, it would be only a matter of time
before the Spanish forces could be attacked, defeated, and even annihilated. At that point Nojpeten could be reclaimed by the Kan Ek' rulers,
and a new era of anti-Spanish military cooperation with the Kowojs could
begin. If this was indeed the new ruler's plan, the organization for the
upcoming rebellion was already under way in 1 7 0 2 as the missions were
first being formed.
If such a widespread conspiracy existed, the first stage would have been
to kill all ten soldiers who had gone to San Martin. The Mayas would then
have held the galeota, its armaments, and the soldiers' weapons and ammunition. Had this been successful, the next obvious step would have
been to kill the guards at the king's milpa and capture their weapons,
ammunition, and the two light cannons in their possession. At this point
fewer than twenty regular troops would have been left to defend the
presidio. They could have been easily overcome by surprise attack at
night, and the rest of the small Spanish population could have been massacred. A sufficient number of Mayas had probably observed the firing of
the heavy armaments to enable them to operate them and, consequently,
to mount a defense against any future Spanish attempts to recapture the
island.
Aguilar wrote that throughout their questioning the accused leaders
told him repeatedly that they had intended not to leave a single Spaniard
alive, including the mail couriers, whom they intended to ambush as they
came or went along the roads to Yucatan and Guatemala. Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes, the Guatemalan captain who had participated in the
disastrous 1699 entrada, wrote that one of his soldiers who had remained
for some time at the presidio used words like these to describe the state of
the mission towns prior to the rebellion: "He answered me that they are
growing weary. Indeed the same Indians say they do not want the Spaniards to settle in. [They say,] 'So we will be here. In the meantime they go
or we kill t h e m . ' "
Although neither claims such as these nor the hypothetical scenario just
sketched demonstrate conclusively that the rebels intended to annihilate
the Spaniards and recapture Nojpeten, such an intent offers the only satisfactory explanation for why they risked their lives at San Martin and San
Antonio on February 7. Had they succeeded, Nojpeten would have be61
403
come the capital of the new Itza political order. The long-held wish of the
rulers of the north and their Kowoj allies to win control over Nojpeten
during K'atun 8 Ajaw would have at last been accomplished.
OTHER PRECIPITATING FACTORS IN THE REBELLION
Spanish explanations of the rebellion omitted any mention of such political aspirations on the part of its leaders. During the trials, Aguilar
wrote, the defendants offered two related "reasons" for their decision to
rebel. First, a rumor had spread that the Spaniards intended to remove
them all to Guatemala and Yucatan. Second, they feared that they would
be subjected to the same tribute demands and heavy labor requirements
(tequio) that they knew natives in those areas had to pay. Varaya reported that the second rumor had resulted from the census of the mission
towns carried out some weeks earlier by Aguilar, the priests, soldiers, and
other officials. Censuses had always been the colonial method by which
tribute requirements were determined, and the indigenous population was
well aware of it. This census had been ordered by Ursiia, who had
received a royal cedula, presumably at his request, authorizing that it
be taken.
62
63
The fact that four years later Ursua petitioned the Crown for an annual
rent of four thousand ducats (equal to fifty-five hundred pesos) to be paid
by the reduced natives of Peten confirms that the rumor connecting the
census with tribute was well founded. This tribute was of the same
magnitude as the population counted in the census: about four thousand
souls of all ages. Although his petition was never approved, it would have
been most unusual to assign tribute amounts on the basis of total population rather than the number of able-bodied adults.
Captain Aguilar suggested yet another reason for the rebellion that
the eight towns in question resented that the Spaniards were still holding
the "lords" (senores) of their lands as prisoners at the presidio. Although
we do not know who, other than K'ixaw, these nobles were, Aguilar
insisted that the imprisonment of potential troublemakers among the regional leaders was the only solution to future anti-Spanish uprisings. In a
letter to the president of Guatemala, in which he pleaded for fifty more
soldiers and additional weapons and ammunition, he also made a case
for increased restraints for future prisoners. He asked for "two hundred
chains one vara in length, with large foot rings with which we will secure
the family heads and leaders and especially some that have a parted
opening." His confusing but vivid rationale for chaining prisoners paints
a grim picture of the treatment they had probably already received:
64
65
404
66
The vices of killing one another while drunk are very inveterate,
having three or four wives apiece, something to which we cannot
consent. What is worse is that they [the wives] are sisters to each
other, and in separating them they are sorry and then become angry.
And [when] they [the men] are at their word, they stay or they
leave, and by having them imprisoned we can be masters of their
persons and wills, and they will be indoctrinated at pleasure and
with complete security Thus restrained they will be taken to make
their milpas and houses, because they are lazy and do not wish to
work, even for themselves.
67
High-ranking Itzas and Kowojs who were almost certainly unaccustomed

to manual labor were now treated as forced laborers, a practice that
continued for at least several more years.
Workers and Captives

Over the next several years Aguilar y Galeano continued to retain certain
captives as prisoners at the presidio, holding them for a period of time
before releasing them to live in the mission towns. Some of these had been
runaways, whom he punished with whippings as well as confinement. As
late as 1709 he still held as prisoners twenty to twenty-five Itza men who
had been captured after the 1704 rebellion and found guilty of participating in the murders of the Spanish soldiers. He had sentenced them to two
years of personal service, which consisted primarily of carrying stones,
shoveling soil, and burning lime probably for the construction of the
church. For a while they assisted in dyeing thread, which Aguilar apparently sold for his own income.
68
In 1709 Aguilar reported that it was not unusual for him to have
twenty or thirty Itza women working in his kitchen, grinding maize;
women who were "idle" [de baldio) he put to work spinning cotton and
weaving. For the most part these women had been married to captives,
who had from three to as many as seven wives; some co-wives, as he had
indicated, were sisters. When he freed a male prisoner, he allowed him to
take with him only his "first and legitimate wife," retaining the others as
workers.
69
Shortly before the 1704 rebellion Aguilar and the resident priest, Marcos de Vargas, had clashed over the treatment and assignment of Itzas who
worked in their respective households. In one case Vargas objected to the
captain's decision to release a young man from duty as a cook in Aguilar's

kitchen. The youth's uncle, who lived at the mission of San Jose, asked
Aguilar to allow him to return there in order to help him in his milpa.
When Aguilar agreed, Vargas reacted angrily, claiming that the youth
should remain so that he could continue to be taught the Christian doctrine. When, during a heated argument over the matter, Vargas threatened
to excommunicate Aguilar, the captain replied (as he recalled saying), "I
was here at war, with weapons in my hand and the enemy in sight, [and]
that his mercy could not excommunicate m e . " The young man, presumably, went to live at San Jose.
70
Vargas himself, according to Aguilar, retained individuals at the presidio for reasons other than religious instruction. He required two women
to make a tablecloth for him in the elaborate Itza style of weaving, forcing
them to carry out the work in his own house without supplying them
sufficient thread. Another Itza woman, whose husband was required to
work for the Spaniards, accused Vargas of dragging her from her house by
the hair to serve for a week as his live-in cook despite the fact that she
had broken her arm and was unable to grind maize. Vargas, who had a
vicious temper, once punished Aguilar's male and female Itza workers for
failing to attend evening prayer sessions at his house. He and Aguilar
argued over their respective rights to the labor of boys and girls whom
they employed shelling maize and working in their kitchens.
71
New Reductions
406
During the few years following the 1704 rebellion the Spaniards at Los
Remedios not only succeeded in recapturing many of those who had run
away but also managed to increase substantially the numbers of "reduced" Itzas. Almost no details of how this was accomplished appear in
the documentary record, which is exceedingly thin for this period. Summary census figures, however, indicate a steady rise in the mission population, as indicated in Table 1 5 . 3 .
These figures indicate that in 1706, two years after the 1704 rebellion,
the total mission population was still less half what it had been just before the rebellion, and the size of a "family" had declined precipitously
from an average of 5.0 persons in 1703 to 2.4 persons in 1706. The small
sizes of families, which were customarily identified as married couples and
their children, suggests both a high proportion of widowed or absentee
parents and a significant decline in the number of children. The best expla-
T A B L E
15.3
Population Change in the Mission Settlements,

No.
Towns
Date
No.
Houses
ij03-16
No.
Families
No. Baptized
Persons
Total
11
83
220
1,100
June 1703
281
750
3,750
Dec. 1 7 0 3 "
300
800
4,000
March 1 7 0 4
300
1,500
Founding
O c t 1706
700
320
1,686
June 1 7 0 7
1,200
2,600
5,000
Dec. 1707
3,161
5,360
/?
4,972
6,000
1711
3,027
May 1 7 1 2
16
2,677
3,728
1715'
18
4,423
18
+5,000
+1,167
+1,471
Oct. 1717
1766*
rf
CO
9
15
Oct. 1 7 0 8
S O U R C E S : For founding, AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 5 , Certification of Br. Francisco de San Miguel y

Figueroa, 1 July 1 7 0 3 , ff. 5 r - 8 r , and no. 28, Certification of Br. Marcos de Vargas Dorantes,
1 0 July 1 7 0 3 , ff. i 8 r - z i r . For June 1 7 0 3 , EC 3 3 9 A , Consulta de Fr. Diego de Rivas y
Capitan Alejandro Pacheco, 20 June 1 7 0 3 , ff. 1 4 2 V - 1 5 2 V . For December, 1 7 0 3 , EC 3 3 9 B ,
no. 28, Certification by Fr. Diego de Rivas, 23 Dec. 1 7 0 3 , ff. 3 ^ - 3 j r , and no. 26, Gaspar
Reymundo de Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1 7 0 4 , ff. 7 r - i o r . For March 1 7 0 4 , EC
3 3 9 A , Informe del Capitan Jose de Aguilar Galeano, to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 28 March 1 7 0 4 , ff. 6 7 ^ 7 3 1 - . For October 1 7 0 6 , EC 3 39B, no. 27, Ursua to Crown, 1 2
Oct. 1 7 0 6 , ff. i r - 3 v . For June 1 7 0 7 , M 889, Jose de Aguilar Galeano to Crown, 26 June
1 7 0 7 , and EC 3 3 9 B , no. 27, Br. Bernabe de Herrera to Crown, 25 Oct. 1 7 0 7 , ff. 5r2D6r. For
December 1 7 0 7 , EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Ursua to Crown, 24 Jan. 1 7 0 8 , ff. i 2 r - i 5 - For October
1 7 0 8 , EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Jose de Aguilar y Galeano to Crown, 9 Oct. 1 7 0 8 , ff. i 9 r - 2 i v . For
1 7 1 1 , G 1 8 6 , Consulta by Consejo de Indias, 5 July 1 7 1 6 . For 1 7 1 2 , G 2 2 4 , no. 1 9 , Certificacion del Br. D. Bernabe de Herrera, 1 7 May 1 7 1 2 . For 1 7 1 5 , M 7 0 2 , Memorial del Lie. Luis
Coello Gaytan al Rey, no date. For 1 7 1 7 , M 1 0 3 2 , Autos and testimony on the state of the
reductions and doctrinas of Peten Itza, administered by the secular clergy of Yucatan, Oct.
1 7 1 7 . For 1 7 6 5 , G 859, Testimonio de los autos seguidos sobre el pre de dos reales diarios
que se dan a los presidarios del castillo de Peten Ytza, 1 7 7 1 .
N O T E : Reconstructed data are in italics. See text for explanation.
Rivas noted that there were ten towns, although he listed only nine. One of these, San
Martin, apparently included San Antonio, which is not listed separately. Varaya noted eleven
towns, possibly in error.
The five lakeshore towns were Jesus Maria, San Jose, San Jeronimo, San Miguel, and
San Andres. The other two towns were Nuestra Senora de los Dolores and San Francisco
Xavier, located on the southern road to Guatemala.
'The source of this information, Lie. Luis Coello Gaytan, presented his memorial directly
to the Council of the Indies, which first reviewed it on Feb. 5, 1 7 1 6 . A secular priest who had
been serving in Peten, he claimed that the reduced population had been as high as eight
thousand but was cut in half by an epidemic of smallpox, a disease that, he surmised, was
previously unknown to the region.
^Smallpox epidemics, it was reported, had reduced the population.
'These eight towns include San Luis and a number of cattle ranches. The total is based on
the reconstruction of the indigenous population explained in the text.
rt
/;
nation for these phenomena might be epidemic disease, although the earliest source referring to epidemics after 1 7 0 2 did not appear until 1 7 1 5 ,
when priests who had worked in Peten noted that over previous years
smallpox and other epidemics had taken a high toll among the indigenous
population.
The growth of the population to a total of six thousand by October
1708 indicates that more than three thousand persons had been "reduced"
during 1 7 0 7 and 1708. At least thirteen hundred of these were Mopans
who had twice been forced to relocate. In about 1706 Guatemalan troops
rounded up Mopans who had fled eastward into Belize, settling them in
the towns of San Luis, Dolores, Santo Toribio, and San Francisco Xavier,
located along the camino real. In 1 7 0 7 Miskito slave raiders, known then
as "Sambos," acting as mercenaries for British slavers along the eastern
coast of Honduras, attacked these newly reduced Mopan settlements. In
response to this new threat, in August 1 7 0 7 Aguilar forced the approximately thirteen hundred already reduced Mopans to relocate yet again,
nearer the lake, with the assistance of forty armed troops and four hundred Itza archers. This last move, however, seems to have been short
lived, because the original reduction settlements were soon reestablished.
Another reduction during this period was precipitated by Ursiia, who
in September 1707, in preparation for leaving Yucatan to become governor of the Philippines, wrote to the king requesting that Captain Jose de
Aguilar y Galeano be granted the title of governor and captain general of
the Itza territories. One of his duties was to remove the population of
Tipuj to a new settlement in the vicinity of the presidio. Tipuj had already
been attacked by the English, who captured some of its inhabitants as
slaves, Before the end of 1 7 0 7 it had been attacked again, this time by
"Musuls," referring to Mopans, who killed the "cacique" of Tipuj, his
"lieutenant," and as many as fifteen town leaders. Aguilar sent twenty-five
soldiers and about two hundred "reduced" Itzas to capture the aggressors,
whom they apprehended as they were returning yet again to Tipuj. At this
time the troops apparently brought the remaining Tipujans back to Peten
Itza. By early 1708 there was already a settlement somewhere near the
presidio known as the town "of the Tipujans" (de los Tipues). Its location
and fate, however, are unknown,
The pace of such reductions apparently slowed over the next few years;
further increases were slight. The 50-percent drop in population between
1708 and 1 7 1 1 was probably caused primarily by a smallpox epidemic,
along with other, unspecified epidemic diseases. One missionary reported that the total mission population had reached more than eight
72
73
74
75
408
76
thousand before smallpox wiped out nearly half of it, explaining why
there were only 4,423 mission inhabitants in 1 7 1 5 . Increases in the rate
of flight from the missions may have contributed to these losses as well.
Moreover, the priests complained that "many other natives" had been
removed to Guatemala and Yucatan by various governing commanders.
The most detailed census of the native population for this period was
produced by the priest Bernabe de Herrera in 1 7 1 2 (Table 15.4). Of the
sixteen towns in this census, including the presidio, the six lakeshore
missions comprised 61.7 percent of the Maya population. Several of the
towns on the roads to Yucatan and Cahabon still had high percentages of
adult catechumens who were not yet considered ready to take communion, indicating that these communities had only been recently reduced.
Although the number of Spanish-controlled rural towns in Peten was
reported in about 1 7 1 5 to be eighteen four of them recently reduced
only six of these had resident secular clergy; these were San Andres, San
Martin, San Xavier, San Pedro, San Antonio, and Los Dolores. Of these
six, however, only three had town councils and churches; these would
have been San Andres, San Martin, and Jesus Maria. Jesus Maria, which
I have not seen in earlier sources, appears on one map just east of San
Martin, which had been relocated to the mainland immediately north of
the presidio. This was not the same San Martin shown on Table 15.4
along the road to Yucatan.
7 7
78
79
80
The Political and Religious Governance of Peten

On January 24, 1698, the Crown had granted Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi the title of governor and captain general over the newly conquered
Peten territories, with responsibility to the viceroy of New Spain and none
to then-governor Soberanis of Yucatan. Ursua never returned to Peten,
however, except for the several months during 1699 when he and Melchor
de Mencos resided and governed jointly at Los Remedios. As time passed,
it became apparent that Ursua was more interested in furthering his career
elsewhere and in obtaining monetary and political rewards for his role in
the conquest than in governing the conquered territory.
Some rewards came to him quickly. In 1700 he was awarded a knight- 4 0 9
hood in the Order of Santiago, and in 1705 the new Bourbon king, Felipe
V, who had taken office in 1 7 0 0 , granted him the title Conde de Lizarraga,
a town in his native Navarra. According to Robert Patch, Ursua had
purchased the title with profits from his repartimientos. In 1 7 0 1 or 1 7 0 2
81
82
83
TABLE
I5.4
Census of the Maya Population of the Colonial Towns of Peten, xyiz

Adults
Christians
Towns
Lakeshore towns:
San Andres
San Jeronimo
San Miguel
San Jose
Jesus Maria
San Bernabe
Subtotal
Presidio:
Peten del Itza"
Married
13
Children
Catechumens
Single or
Widowed
Married
Single
Unspecified
Fupils
Total
Adults
Total
Children
Total
536
363
273
257
237
160
83
1,373
370
149
153
135
79
43
929
733
422
410
372
239
126
2,302
Others
324
236
218
186
132
62
1,158
36
37
35
30
26
11
175
0
0
0
0
0
4
4
0
0
0
0
0
6
6
3
0
4
21
2
0
30
138
52
72
46
51
34
393
67
20
12
65
99
69
168
232
97
81
89
28
Towns on Cahabon road:

San Juan
Santo Toribio
Dolores
San Francisco Xavier
San Luis
Subtotal
18
34
68
32
74
226
3
12
46
35
21
117
6
4
24
30
12
76
6
10
34
42
16
108
0
0
0
0
0
0
5
18
39
51
26
139
4
10
11
19
27
71
33
60
172
139
123
527
9
28
50
70
53
210
42
88
222
209
176
737
Towns on Yucatan road:

San Martin
San Antonio
Conception
San Pedro
Subtotal
122
28
16
10
176
26
12
7
9
54
14
0
0
64
78
6
0
0
51
57
0
0
0
0
0
87
0
0
0
87
6
11
10
42
69
168
40
23
134
365
93
11
10
42
156
261
51
33
176
521
1,627
366
158
171
42
684
680
2,364
1,364
3,728
Total
SOURCE: AGI, Guatemala 2 2 4 , no. 1 9 , Certification del Br. D. Bernabe de Herrera, vicario provincial y juez eclesiastico de la provincia del Peten, 1 7 May 1 7 1 2 .
*The original document lists married couples as "familias cristianas" to describe converted married couples or "familias catecumenas" to classify married
couples who were presumably "reduced" only recently and were not yet baptized. The number of married individuals is calculated by doubling the number of
familias.
^"Pupils" are labeled in the original document as "muchachos y muchachas de doctrina," or children who were receiving religious instruction.
'This row includes, among the married Christians at the presidio (identified as "Peten del Itza"), 4 1 females identified as "mujeres de ladinos," presumably
the recognized wives of Spanish troops or other non-Mayas.
he petitioned the Crown for the title of Castillo, receiving it in 1705 as

well. By 1 7 0 6 , while still governor of Yucatan, he had been named
future governor of the Philippines, and he requested that his governing
authority over Peten be turned over to Captain Jose de Aguilar y Galeano,
who had actually commanded the presidio since 1 7 0 4 . None of these
titles satisfied his desire for immediate financial rewards, which he requested from the Crown in the form of the title "adelantado of the new
province of the Ytza," which would be accompanied by tribute payments
from the conquered subjects in the annual amount of four thousand
ducats. Receipt of this title, with its origins in the sixteenth-century New
World conquests, would have amounted to a lifetime income. As we have
seen, his plan to request tribute payments had already begun four years
earlier, when he authorized a census of the mission towns.
84
85
86
Within three days of penning and mailing his bold request, Ursua must
have come into possession of a letter sent the previous October by the
vicar of Peten Itza directly to the king. In this letter, Bernabe de Herrera,
who clearly knew of Ursua's intentions, recommended that Peten natives
be freed of tribute obligations for ten years following their baptism. He
explained that the people were poor and had to buy proper clothes to wear
at religious services. Furthermore, freedom from tribute would make
them realize that the Spaniards were there to save their souls, not to profit
from them. Faced with payments that they had no way of making, the
natives would respond by running away to the forests. Recognizing that
his proposal was doomed, Ursiia immediately wrote again to the king, this
time echoing the vicar's request. To the best of my knowledge, the matter
of tribute was never raised again, and the Peten Mayas remained free of at
least that form of colonial exploitation.
Captain Jose de Aguilar, left in full and virtually independent command
over the presidio following Ursua's departure for the Philippines in early
1708, soon found himself in serious trouble with the government of New
Spain over accusations of monetary fraud and mistreatment of both the
presidio soldiers and the reduced native population. Complaints about
Aguilar's behavior by Toribio de Cosio, who had recently become president of Guatemala, resulted in the viceroy of New Spain's decision in
1 7 0 9 , pending final royal approval, to place the governance of Peten directly under the Audiencia of Guatemala.
Soon after this change in governance took effect, Aguilar attacked an
"English" encampment, probably somewhere along Rio Mopan. Reportedly, the foreigners were handing out arms to local native inhabitants
whom they paid to capture "other Indians" who were to be sold as slaves
87
88
89
90
411
Victims
and
Survivors
in Jamaica. There were even rumors that Miskito mercenaries employed

by the slavers planned to attack Los Remedios, He captured nineteen
English men and one woman, ten black slaves, and six "indios." Of the
English prisoners he released all but two, one of whom was Catholic and
the other of whom claimed a desire to convert. These and the other prisoners he took back to the presidio. With additional soldiers sent by the
president of Guatemala, Aguilar later attacked the English encampment
again and this time took fourteen English prisoners to Los Remedios.
91
Despite Aguilar's successes against the British slavers, complaints

about his autocratic and corrupt behavior increased to the point that
Toribio de Cosio decided to remove him from office. His replacement,
field marshal (maestre de campo) Juan Antonio Ruiz de Bustamante, was
to send him to Guatemala or some other distant place. No sooner had
he arrived at Dolores, however, than Ruiz learned that Aguilar had already fled to Yucatan with his family and the black slaves whom he had
captured.
Aguilar's departure from Peten closed the final chapter on Ursua's direct political legacy there. From now on Peten would be governed by
political-military appointees from Guatemala, whereas Yucatan would
have virtual control over the religious affairs of the province. The Crown's
decision in 1 7 1 6 to give the secular clergy of Yucatan continued rights
to administer at least some of the Peten missions followed upon an official visit to the Council of the Indies in Madrid by Bachiller Luis Coello
Gaytan during the previous year. Coello, who had served as second-incommand under the vicar of Peten Itza for the past ten years, bore instructions and a letter of introduction from the secular clergy's ecclesiastical
council in Merida, which had long opposed any other group that sought
to preach the gospel in the newly conquered territory. Its principal opposition, apparently, was to a royal cedula issued in 1 7 1 3 that would have
turned the Peten missions over entirely to the Jesuit order, which had
representatives in both Guatemala and Yucatan.
92
93
94
412
The outcome of Coello's representations left matters in an ambiguous

state. In its advice to the king, the Council of the Indies noted that the
bishop of Yucatan had earlier opposed the presence in Peten of Dominicans from Guatemala but that the Crown had ordered him to cooperate
with them. By 1 7 1 6 Dominicans had been forced out of Peten by the
bishop of Yucatan, and Coello now proposed that civil governance and
religious authority over the province be shifted to the governor and bishop
of Yucatan, respectively. As to the 1 7 1 3 cedula, he offered the compromise
that the three secular priests then serving in Peten should administer the
95
Missions,
Rebellion,
and
Survival
six missions located near the main lake, whereas members of the Jesuit
order should serve the twelve other towns and villages scattered at considerable distances away from the presidio. The council's advice, which may
or may not have resulted in a follow-up cedula, was to grant the secular
clergy only three missions and to distribute the other fifteen among Jesuits, whose salaries would be paid by the Guatemalan government. The
Franciscans of Yucatan had long ago given up any hope, or perhaps even
desire, of preaching the gospel in Peten.
Four Jesuits were ready to leave the Guatemalan capital for Peten in
August 1 7 1 6 , long before any outcome of the Council of the Indies' recommendations could have been received. The secular clergy of Yucatan
reacted with dismay at the Guatemalan president's order that they withdraw their priests, and even the Guatemalan governor of Peten considered
the plan to be a mistake. By October 1 7 1 7 Jesuits still had not arrived in
Peten, and the ecclesiastical council collected formal testimonies in Merida from secular priests who had worked there, an action designed to
counter accusations that they had been so inept that they needed to be
replaced.
At least one Jesuit did work in Peten. This man, Antonio Valtierra,
trained Itzas to preach the gospel at two towns, one of which was San
Francisco Xavier on the camino real. As late as 1 7 5 5 the matter was still
being discussed, the archbishop of Yucatan recommending to the Crown
that Jesuits be sent to Peten in place of the secular clergy. The secular
clergy of Yucatan, however, continued to serve in Peten until at least the
end of the colonial e r a .
96
97
98
99
100
101
Renewed Resistance,
iyjo-66
The first recorded instance of renewed native resistance after the rebellion
of 1704 occurred around 1 7 5 0 at Santo Toribio. It consisted only of a
purported plot to murder two priests and certain ladinos during mass on
Holy Thursday night of Holy Week. Five or six years later another,
more ominous plot was discovered, reported by the vicar of Peten in 1766:
102
Sergeant Major don Joseph Citcan of the town of San Joseph arrived at this headquarters, taking every precaution, in order to report that an Indian named Couoh from the town of San Bernabe
had called together all of the towns of this district to revolt during
Holy Week of that year, on the pretense of coming down to this
Victims
and
Survivors
headquarters in order to celebrate. With this news the said castellano [Francisco Garcia de Monsabal] and the vicar [Bachiller
Pedro Meneses] went to the town of Santa Ana to apprehend
[Couoh], finding him there pursuing his calling of people together.
They in fact manacled him and took him prisoner. Upon confirming
what had happened, they punished him publicly in this headquarters, leaving out of the question other [future] revolts, which, as I
have learned from the old settlers, they had attempted in previous
years and had not carried out due to respect for this garrison.
103
104
Plots such as these may have been exaggerated inventions, but there is a
ring of truth in this report of an intended attack on the inhabitants of the
presidio. That the plot was reported by an Itza named Kitkan, whose
name (from Kit Kan) suggests association with the royal matrilineage of
Nojpeten, in order to implicate a Kowoj suggests that old Itza-Kowoj
wounds were still festering more than half a century after the conquest.
The same vicar who reported these incidents also made the questionable but interesting claim that the Campeche Maya (later known as Jacinto Kanek') who led the Kisteil rebellion in northern Yucatan in 1 7 6 2
had lived in San Andres two years earlier. There he had attempted to convince the inhabitants, who kept him hidden, to rebel demonstrating, according to the vicar, that they were not to be trusted. The vicar feared that
more than five hundred refugees from Kisteil, whose ears had been cut off
as punishment for participating in the rebellion, were reportedly living in
the vicinity of the camino real to Yucatan. These, it was believed, might at
some time organize a rebellion among the local native inhabitants.
105
Not all indigenous leaders received harsh treatment. Those who assisted Spaniards in rounding up other Mayas fared best, receiving modest
rewards for their efforts. For example, a title granted to don Bernardo
Chata as governor of San Andres in 1 7 1 3 indicates that as "cacique" of the
town he had accompanied colonial troops to the Kejach region over the
past several years in order to capture rebel apostates. His duties as governor included working with the town council, seeing to it that children and
adults attended mass and religious instruction, overseeing subsistence
cultivation, and making certain that "in their houses the natives have
images, rosaries, clothing, and fowls, and that they have separate houses
with no more than two married persons living in each house . . . and that
among them they not engage in concubinage, vices, idolatries, or other
public sins . . . and also that they take care to attract and bring together the
pagan Indians that wander scattered and fugitive in those forests."
106
The marriage registers for San Andres (which include nearby San Jose
and adjacent San Jeronimo) for the period between 1 7 5 1 and 1766 confirm that up to this time few who were not Peten natives lived in this
cluster of communities. A handful of the names appear to be of Mayas
from Yucatan, and another handful are Spanish. All but two of these latter
are men, some perhaps soldiers from the presidio who married local Maya
women but others probably criminals or political prisoners sent from
Guatemala to live in exile in the Peten forests.
107
108
Population Decline
In December 1765 the alcalde mayor of Chiapas ordered a detailed report
on the state of Peten. In response, the "castellano" (presidio commander)
of Peten Itza submitted the following year a set of individual reports by the
five secular clergy (the vicar and four priests) who were then working in
the a r e a . Each of them had carried out censuses of towns and cattle
ranches under their authority (Table 15.5). Because most children were
omitted from these padrones, the total nonpresidio population of 1,450
(from Table 1 5 . 5 , 1,865 niinus the 4 1 5 for Peten Itza) is too low. For the
towns in which children were counted, however, we see that the ratio of
indigenous children to adults was low indeed: 1 to 1.8 for San Andres, 1 to
1.6 for San Jose, 1 to 1.6 for Dolores, and 1 to 1.3 for Santo Toribio or a
ratio of 1 to 1.6 for the combined populations of these four towns. At the
presidio, which would have been almost entirely nonindigenous, the ratio
was even lower (1 to 3.0), in part owing to a subpopulation of unmarried
soldiers. Even taking into account that some small children went uncounted at San Andres and Dolores, these figures indicate that the Peten
population was in a state of severe decline. They suggest in particular that
infant and child mortality had been very high high enough to account
for most of the precipitous population decline over the past half century.
109
Assuming a conservative overall child-to-adult ratio of 1 to 1.6 among

the indigenous population of Peten (based on the average for the four
previously mentioned towns) and a total adult indigenous population of
9 0 5 , there would have been about 566 children in 1 7 6 6 , and a total
indigenous population of about 1 , 4 7 1 . Based on these calculations, the 415
"mission" population of Peten would have declined 75.5 percent in fiftyeight years, from a peak of about 6,000 in 1708 (See Table 15.3). Following a substantial population recovery by 1 7 1 7 , to a total of about 5,000,
the population had again dropped this time by 70.1 percent in a space of
1 1 0
1 1 1
TABLE
15.5
Population of Peten Towns and Cattle Ranches,

Leagues
from
Presidio
TownlPartido
Adults
Peten ltza
San Bernabe
0.5
312
37
Santa Ana
9.0
San
Andres
17
San Andres ranches

San Andres ladinos
San Jose
San Jeronimo
Dolores
Dolores ladinos
Santo Toribio
f/
Indigenous subtotal
Ladino subtotal
Total
103
Total
186
164
+92
+256
2.5
1.5
68
24
68
21
+68
+24
+110
+21
+42
180
18.0
29323
79
15
40.0
25.0
61
Cattle Ranches
(Leagues from
Presidio)
415
+37
1.5
Sto. Toribio ladinos

San Luis
Children
ij66
473
+23
140
+15
Nisam (1)
Dolores (3)
Sapote (2)
Sumb'ob' (4)
IxKoxol (3)
Cholo (5)
Ain (4)
Muknal (6)
Chachaklum (5)
San Juan de Dios (6)
Chiionche (8)
San Pablo (8)
Petenil (7)
Gwakut (Kwakut?) (9)
Sakluk (9)
Yalkanix (4)
Yalxut (9)
Pachayil(8)
Santa Rosa
San Felipe, Hacienda
del Rey (20)
97
+730
374
+375
+103
+1,388
+477
+1,104
+478
+ 1,865*
SOURCES: AGI, Guatemala 859, Testimonio de los autos seguidos sobre el pre de dos reales diarios que
se han a los presidarios del C a s t i l l o de peten Ytza . . . , 1 7 7 1 .
NOTE: Town/partido names in italics are parish headquarters. Distances from the presidio of Peten Itza
are as given in this document. Numbers in italics indicate nonindigenous (i.e., "ladino") populations.
"There were probably a few adult female Mayas living at the presidio. In a 1 7 4 4 census of the
presidio, eighteen such women were counted, o f whom all were married to non-Mayas (AGCA, Padron
remitido a esta capitama general por el gobernador del presidio del Peten de Itza de las familias avencidados en el [y los] solados de su guarnicion, 1 7 4 4 . Genealogical Society of Utah, Microfilm Roll 9763 388).
San Andres had 9 2 children "de confesion," not including an unspecified number of younger
children. The same comment applies to children listed for San Jose.
These were "personas de comunion" and probably included individuals not yet married.
^The figures for Santo Toribio include the ranches. The 79 in the first column were "personas de
comunion." The 6 1 in the second column included 30 "personas de confesion" and 3 1 "parvulos."
*The grand total of 1,865 is greater than the sum of the rows, owing to the absence of breakdowns
for either adults or children from Santa Ana.
/?
forty-nine years. Not since 1 7 0 6 - 7 , just after the rebellion, had the indigenous population dipped below 3,000.
There are indications that the indigenous population of Peten stabilized
after 1766. A 1 7 7 8 census of Peten records the indigenous population as
1 , 3 5 8 , out of a total population of 1 , 6 0 4 . Because this number did not
include small children (parvulos), we might conjecture that the total indigenous population was somewhat more than 1,500, a marginal increase
over the 1 , 4 7 1 estimated for 1766. Unfortunately, later censuses did not
distinguish indigenous and nonindigenous persons. The total population
in 1 8 2 3 was said to be 2,555. How much of this growth reflected increases, if any, in the indigenous population is unknown. By 1845 the
total population was 5,203, of whom 4,178 lived in rural areas outside
Flores; this number was little changed as late as 19 2 1 , when the rural
population was 6 , 1 0 1 .
112
113
1 1 4
Not until the 1950s did Peten experience rapid population growth, a
phenomenon due almost entirely to migration from other areas of Guatemala. Although the total estimated population of the department was
three hundred thousand in 1986, the population that could still be identified as "Itza" the descendants of the original natives had declined to
only a few dozen families, mostly at San Jose.
In 1 7 5 0 the bishop of Yucatan, Fray Francisco de San Buenaventura,
carried out an official inspection visit to Peten, where he learned that small
numbers of natives from the mission towns were continuing to escape to
the forests. He was especially perturbed by reports that the military government at Los Remedios was preventing local Maya officials from chasing after runaways from San Martin and Dolores. His continued complaints resulted in a 1 7 5 3 royal cedula demanding a full accounting from
the Guatemalan president on the state of the Peten reductions. The president in turn ordered the governor of Peten, Jose Monzabal, to investigate
the matter. The final report, apparently completed in 1758 and spurred on
by an additional cedula written in 1 7 5 6 , included reports of testimonies
taken by Monzabal as well as information from a number of different
sources,
115
116
Much of the report concerns flight and reduction in the Choi regions of
Verapaz, southern Peten, and Belize. Monzabal admitted that people had
run away from San Martin on Lago Peten Itza, including 140 families who
deserted the town in 1 7 4 6 and were now living on Rio Usumacinta in
Tabasco where he had no authority to recapture t h e m . Despite the
extensive nature of the accompanying testimony, witnesses reported few
instances of flight and offered little indication that large uncontacted or
117
4t7
apostate Mopan or Itza-speaking populations lived in the Peten forests.

Monzabal, however, had every reason to make it appear as if the Peten
reductions had been successful. For this reason, we might assume that the
numbers of runaways and apostates were much higher than the report
indicates.
The governor and the secular priests of Peten reported in 1766 that
some Mayas still lived independently in the forests, but they were unable
to estimate their numbers. One priest had heard rumors of two towns of
"barbarian Indians" north of the main lake and of others around Rio
Usumacinta. Another reported seeing signs of others fires, pottery
vessels, comals for cooking tortillas, and "idols" in the nearby forests.
Since 1 7 3 9 , however, only twenty-five forest dwellers had been captured,
all of whom had earlier run away from the missions. Such information,
although vague and inadequate, suggests that by the mid-seventeenth century the forest population was smaller than that under colonial control.
118
119
AjChan, King and Cacique

What, during all these years of Maya reduction, resistance, and waning
fortunes in Peten, had become of AjChan, the nephew and former emissary of Ajaw Kan Ek and the on-again, off-again ally of the Spaniards?
Recall that not long after being absolved of any wrongdoing in the 1704
rebellion AjChan had deserted the Spaniards yet again, renouncing his
position as cacique of San Miguel and reassuming his role as a leader of
Mayas living beyond Spanish control. What subsequently happened to
him can be only partially reconstructed, but even the bare outlines that the
documents provide tell an evocative story.
Between 1705 and 1 7 1 0 Nicolas de Lizarraga produced a multicolor
map of the "forest of Peten Itza." The map itself has been lost, but his
detailed legend, written on a foldout folio, has survived. In one section
of this legend he describes a native "province" that he calls "El Chan,"
where don Martin Chan, alias AjChan, had been made king over Mopans
and Chols. He undoubtedly had Itzas among his followers as well. Lizarraga's geographical description of El Chan clearly identifies it as the southern coastal plain of Belize, a region known to have been occupied by Chols
and Mopans.
Apparently AjChan had been accompanied to this region by his followers. On a 1 7 7 0 map, across the region between Verapaz and the Belize
River, is written the phrase "Tierras yncultas havitadas de Yndios Gen5
120
418
Missions,
Rebellion,
and
Survival
files Ytzaes" ("uncivilized lands inhabited by Gentile Indians, I t z a s " ) .

AjChan would therefore have been the leader of a multiethnic population
comprising Itzas, Mopans, and Chols. These were people who had apparently put aside any previous enmities, perhaps convinced by AjChan himself that their only hope for continued independence was to join forces in
this relatively remote region.
121
In a memorial written to the king in 1708 Lizarraga wrote that forty

leagues from Los Dolores there were two towns founded by five native
youths from Peten. Melchor de Mencos had taken them with him to
Santiago de Guatemala when he left Peten in 1699 and had kept them in
his own home to teach them Christian doctrine. They had been baptized,
and he arranged that they be taught to read and write under the tutelage of
a Jesuit, Antonio Valtierra. One of the pupils was named Juan Chab'in,
indicating that he was an Itza; his companions must have been Itzas as
well. Chab'in was so talented that Valtierra started to offer him instruction in grammar, and all five learned how to take confession and offer
communion in the absence of a priest.
122
In 1 7 0 7 these five young men, according to Lizarraga, sought and

received government permission to teach the gospel among their "companions" in the forest. Mencos and Lizarraga gave them money to buy
religious instructional materials, and the Jesuits presented them with images of Nuestra Senora del Carmen and San Francisco Xavier. Their mission, as it turned out, was twofold: named as captains, they succeeded in
rounding up seven hundred families to settle in two communities, and as
missionaries, they taught the reduced settlers something about the gospel
and saw to the construction of portions of two churches. Their military
mission, moreover, had another facet: they led battles against "the rest of
the forest Indians, in particular with don Martin Chan, apostate and
Prince among t h e m . "
According to Lizarraga, the two towns founded by these Christian Itzas
were forty leagues from Peten Itza, a few leagues north of Mopan or San
Luis. One of them was surely San Francisco Xavier, which according to reports was established when military raids caused Mopans to flee east into
Belize. Because the "battles" that led to their establishment were with
AjChan, his headquarters must have been in this area when they occurred.
Lizarraga told only part of the story, and his motive for doing so was to 419
assert that he had helped, along with Mencos, in contributing the instructional materials that the young missionaries used in the field. These
1 7 0 7 reductions were probably part of a larger Guatemalan effort to
"protect" the Mopan population of southern Peten and Belize from Mis123
124
125
Victims
and
Survivors
kito raids by gathering them into defensible towns. The young men were
probably also participating as minor functionaries in a wider Guatemalan
effort to reduce and convert those Mopans, Chols, and other Itzas who
were under the influence of AjChan, their king "apostate and Prince
among them."
In October 1 7 5 7 a sixty-year-old Mopan named Francisco Sumkal
("Sun-Kal"), identified as the cacique of San Luis, testified at Los Remedios that about ten years earlier, while hunting wild pigs, he had seen signs
of "infidels" (infieles) near his town. He said simply and no more that
although the San Luis cacique of that time, one Martin Chan, "intended to
follow the said signs, he never did i t . "
126
Spaniards had estimated AjChan's age in 1697 to be about thirty. He

would therefore have been about eighty when the event described by
Francisco "Sun-Kal" occurred. This Martin Chan, who refused "to follow
the said signs," may have been the same AjChan who had spent his adult
life tortured by personal conflicts over his loyalty to his own people versus
their conquerors. At some point in his middle or old age, Spaniards and
their native allies had, we might infer, captured him one last time and
placed him once again in a position of authority in a native mission town,
this time San Luis. As an old man in about 1 7 6 7 , one of his last acts as an
Itza leader over his Mopan, Itza, and Choi subjects and allies may have
been to ignore the signs indicating that others among his people still enjoyed their independence.
The mission towns established in Belize in 1 7 2 4 had been largely abandoned, their populations apparently removed by Spaniards to San Luis
and other towns along the Verapaz road. Mopans, Itzas, and Chols probably continued to live in small numbers in the Toledo District, but, if so, we
have no record of them at this time. We do know, however, that the
eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century inhabitants of San Luis bore a
mixture of Mopan and Itza names, which is exactly what we would expect
had AjChan and his followers reestablished themselves there. One of
the most common of these names was Chan.
127
420
In 1883 a group of families from San Luis, "irked by constant taxation

and military service" imposed by the Guatemalan government, decided to
establish a new community in what was then British Honduras. About
one hundred of these San Luisehos settled first at a place known today as
San Antonio Viejo but soon moved their main settlement to the town that
still bears the name San Antonio,
J . Eric S. Thompson described a series of events that took place following the establishment of San Antonio, during which the people of the new
128
town raided San Luis in the dark of night and took away the images of
their former neighbors' saints and the church bells. Their crops had been
poor, and "fever was rife"; having the saints, they hoped, would improve
their fortunes. Invaders from San Luis subsequently tried to retrieve their
possessions but were captured and taken as prisoners to Punta Gorda on
the coast. British authorities released them, but the saints and bells have
remained in San Antonio to this day. I heard a similar version of this
account in San Antonio while doing fieldwork there in July 1 9 6 5 .
When Thompson visited San Antonio in 1 9 2 8 - 2 9 , he recorded the old
Itza names Kanche, Tek, and Tzib ("Tzip"). Today the Itza name Kante
("Canti") and the Mopan name Jola still survive there. Such names at
San Antonio and San Luis, in addition to the evidence from church registers from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, indicate that some
members of these communities are still in all likelihood the descendants of
Itzas and Mopans who sought refuge from the Spaniards in southern
Belize with AjChan, nephew of the last Itza who ruled at Nojpeten. The
present-day "Mopan" language the descendant of seventeenth-century
Mopan-Itza is still spoken as a principal language in these towns, despite more than two centuries of intermarriage with increasingly dominant numbers of K'ek'chi-speaking peoples from Verapaz. This fact is
profound testimony to the strength of ethnic survival among the people
devastated by the conquest of 1697 d
three centuries of aftermath, as
is the recent renewal of ethnic identity among the Itzas of the old mission
town of San Jose on Lago Peten Itza.
129
130
131
a n
l t s
421
REFERENCE MATTER
Notes
The archives referred to in the notes are abbreviated as shown in the following list:
AAICFP
Archivo Apostolico de la Iglesia Catolica de Flores, Peten (Guatemala)
AGCA
Archivo General de Centro America, Guatemala City
AGI
Archivo General de Indias, Seville. This abbreviation is followed

by a second one, indicating a section of the archive, part of the
full signature of a document:
C
Contaduria
EC
Escribania de Camara
Audiencia de Guatemala
Audiencia de Mexico
Patronato
NL
Newberry Library, Chicago
Spelling and Pronunciation in Mayan Languages

1. Hofling with Tesucun, 1997.
2. Barrera Vasquez et al., 1980.
3. Hofling with Tesucun, 1997, pp. 4, 6; see also Hofling, 1993.
Introduction
1. Villagutierre, 1701. This work, reissued twice in Spanish (1933, 1985),
has been published in English (1983). See also Means, 1917, on these materials.
2. J . Eric S. Thompson (1951) wrote a brief article on the Itzas that suffers
from the absence of any citations as well as from a rather uncritical reading of the
sources. This article has been the modern source perhaps most widely cited by
subsequent authors. Carmack's synthesis of Itza social and political organization
(1981, pp. 388-93) is far more useful, although my own (chapter 3) is quite
different. Bricker's summary of the events leading up to and encompassing the
conquest of the Itzas (19 81, pp. 21-24) situated in a comparative context of
1 S
Notes to Pages
xxiii-3
other conquest activities in the Maya region. My own previous book (Jones, 1 9 8 9 )
provides extensive background for this one. Farriss's magisterial work ( 1 9 8 4 ) is an
excellent introduction to the colonial history of the Mayas of Yucatan.
3. Hellmuth, 1 9 7 2 , 1 9 7 7 .
4. For preliminary reports on the work of Proyecto Maya Colonial see Rice
et al., 1 9 9 5 , 1 9 9 6 , and Sanchez Polo et al., 1 9 9 5 .
5. No mention is made in this book of a previously reported secret visit by
Fray Andres de Avendano y Loyola to Nojpeten in late 1 6 9 4 or early 1 6 9 5 (Jones
1 9 9 1 , 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 9 4 ) . These publications contain transcriptions, translations, and
commentary on a document known as the Canek Manuscript, previously thought
to have been written by a lay friar who accompanied Avendano. Hanks ( 1 9 9 2 ) has
written a linguistically informed textual analysis of the manuscript, and Pendergast and Jones ( 1 9 9 2 ) have analyzed evidence concerning material culture described in it. Subsequent close examination of this manuscript, comparing it with
others with similar characteristics, has led me to agree with Prem and colleagues
(Prem et al., 1 9 9 6 ) that the Canek Manuscript is in all probability a forgery. At the
time of writing I am working with Prem on this issue, and he and I intend to issue
statements in an appropriate academic journal in which we detail the evidence
regarding this apparent forgery. The analysis of Avendano's activities at Nojpeten
contained in this book, in contrast to my above-cited publications, assumes that
his purported early visit there, based on information in the Canek Manuscript,
never took place.
Chapter 1 : The Itzas and Their Neighbors

Kaufman ( 1 9 7 6 , p. i n ; q.v, for other sources on the diversification of
Mayan languages) asserts that the four branches of "common Yucatecan" (Yucatec, Itzaj, Yucatec Lakandon, and Mopan) broke up about A . D . I O O O , but he does
not address the degree of later differences among these speech varieties. The Spanish suggests that the Itza language of the late seventeenth century differed little
from the Yucatec language recorded in the sixteenth-century Spanish dictionaries.
1.
Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida, who visited the Itzas in 1 6 1 8 and 1 6 1 9 , reported that they spoke the same language as that of Yucatan (Lopez de Cogolludo,
1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk, 9 , ch. 1 4 , p. 2 5 6 ; first published as Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 6 8 8 ) . In
1 6 9 5 official interpreters in Merida apparently had no difficulty translating the
speech of the Itza emissary AjChan (see chapter 7 ) . In that year President Jacinto
Barrios Leal of Guatemala asked that Ursiia send him interpreters who spoke the
language of Yucatan so that they could assist and teach missionaries who would
work with the Itzas (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Auto by Ursua, 3 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 44V45V). Spanish military officers from Campeche testified in 1 6 9 6 that they were able
to communicate in Maya (i.e., Yucatec) with Itzas whom they encountered at the
main lake and that this was the language which the Itzas spoke (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no.
3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 2 6 Aug. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 6 9 r - i o 4 v ) .
Notes to Pages 3 - 7
Only one source contradicts such evidence that Yucatec and Itza were virtually identical Fray Andres de Avendano y Loyola, describing his 1 6 9 6 visit to
Nojpeten, claimed that the Itzas had great respect for him because he had learned
the "language of their ancestors and their own" (lengua de sus antepasados y
suya). They marveled at his ability, he claimed, because they had never encountered other Mayas or Spaniards who spoke their language, which was not "usable"
in northern Yucatan (Avendano, NL, Ayer Collection, Fray Andres de Avendano,
Relacion de las dos entradas que hize a la conversion de los gentiles Ytzaex y
Cehaches, 2 9 April 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 9 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 4 ) . While the Itzas probably did speak
in a way that seemed antiquated to those who spoke the seventeenth-century
language of northern Yucatan, Avendano certainly exaggerated the differences.
Numerous sources also confirm that Itza and Mopan were mutually intelligible in the seventeenth century. During 1 6 9 5 and 1 6 9 6 Guatemalan missionaries
and soldiers were informed by Chols and Mopans alike that Mopan and Itza were
one and the same language (see AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. 2 , Juan Ruiz de Alarcon to
president of Guatemala, 1 7 Nov. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 3 ~ 5 3 ? G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Fr.
Agustin Cano to Jacinto Barrios Leal, 1 5 May 1 6 9 5 , ff- 3 7 0 v - 8 i r ; G 1 5 3 , no. 1 ,
Bartolome de Amesqueta to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 6 April 1 6 9 6 , ff. 1 3 8 r 4 9 V ; G 1 5 3 , no. 1 , Fr. Agustin Cano to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 1 March
1 6 9 6 , ff. 6 4 r - 6 6 v ; G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Bartolome de Amesqueta to Jose de Escals,
3 1 March 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 4 r ~ 4 0 v ; G 5 0 5 , Diligencia by Fr. Agustin Cano, including
account of Manche Chols by the late Fr. Cristobal de Prada, 16 April 1 6 9 6 ,
I
2 r
r _ v
ff. i o 9 v - 2 o r ) .
For further background on Tz'ul Winikob' see Jones, 1 9 8 9 5 pp. 4 1 - 4 4 . In

contemporary Itzaj tz'ul means a patron, rich man, or boss (Hofling and Tesucun,
n.d.). Yucatec dictionaries generally translate it as "foreigner" and "Spaniard"; it
may have signified territory under the Itza or Mopan sphere of influence.
2.
3 . Bricker, 1 9 8 1 , pp. 3 6 - 3 8;Thompson, 1 9 3 8 .

4. On the Chols around Sakb'ajlan see Vos, 1 9 8 0 . The final conquest of this
region in 1 6 9 5 , h alluded to in this book, is described in Houwald, 1 9 7 9 .
5. Scholes and Roys, 1 9 4 8 , 1 9 6 8 , provide a detailed history of the Akalan
Chontals.
6. On trade between Verapaz and the central Peten region see AGI, G 1 5 1 A,
no. 1 , Marcelo Flores to Martin de Ursua and Melchor de Mencos, 3 April 1 6 9 9 ,
ff. 6 9 v ~ 7 o r (also in AGI, G 3 4 4 , ramo 3 , ff. i 0 2 r ~ 3 v ) ; AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Parecer
by Fr. Gabriel de Artiga, 1 0 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 8 4 r - 8 5 v .
7 . Thompson, 1 9 3 8 , pp. 5 9 2 - 9 3 .
8. The sole reference that I have found to Suyuja (Zuyuha) Peten Itza is in
AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y
rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8or-84V. The
Itza ruler and the high priest apparently intended that the full name should apply
to the entire Itza territory, not simply to the island capital. It is for this reason that I
have translated peten here as "province," not island; both meanings are applied to
o n
427
Notes to Page 7
this word in the colonial Yucatec dictionaries. Colonial Yucatec Maya dictionaries
gloss suy as remolino (whirl), as in u suy haa' (whirlpool).
Edmonson considers the name Zuyua, as it usually appears in the Maya
chronicles, to be from the Nahuatl for "bloody water" (Edmonson, 1 9 8 2 , p. 2 2 0 ;
1 9 8 6 , p. 3 0 9 ) . For a discussion of the mythological significance of "Zuyua" see
Barrera Vasquez and Morley, 1 9 4 9 , p. 2 7 . In a questionnaire or ritual recorded in
the Book of Chilam B'alam of Chumayel, zuyua refers to a particular type of
riddlelike speech or language used to test the genealogical legitimacy of town
officials: their "answers are called the 'language of Zuyua,' and Zuyua, a legendary
Nahuatl place name, was the symbol of the Mexican origin of the ruling class in
Yucatan. The implication seems to be that only the descendants of the Zuyua
people should hold important offices and not the autochthonous population"
(Roys, 1 9 4 3 , p. 1 5 1 ) . The association of Yucatecan elites with Suyua or Suyuja,
however, probably refers not literally to their Mexican origins but simply to their
historical legitimacy as rulers.
A k'atun wheel in the Book of Chilam B'alam of Chumayel, the chronicle of
the Itzas, records that a place toward the south called "Zuyua" was where a K'atun
3 Ajaw was seated (Roys, 1 9 6 7 , p. 1 3 2 ; Edmonson, 1 9 8 6 , p. 1 1 2 ) . Edmonsonassociates this occurrence with the seating of this k'atun in 1 6 1 8 ( 1 9 8 2 , p. 1 6 ) . Apparently the reference was to Nojpeten, a matter of some significance in light of the fact
that the Itza rulers were contacted by Franciscans at this time (see chapter 2).
The background to my suggestion that the name written by Spaniards as
"Itza" was actually Itza', translatable as "Sacred-Substance Water," is as follows:
Barrera Vasquez and Rendon suggested some time ago ( 1 9 4 8 , p. 2 9 ) that "Itza es
un compuesto de dos elementos: its + a\ El primero, its, lo tomamos por brujo o
mago y a por agua. El nombre Itza, pues, se traduce por Brujo-del-agua" (Itza
comprises two elements: its + a\ We interpret the first, its, as witch or magician and
a as water. The name Itza, then, is translated as Witch-of-the-water). They also
conclude that in northern Yucatan itz referred not only to the various liquid
substances named in the colonial dictionaries (milk, tears, sweat, sap, resin, etc.)
but also to rain and water in general, especially when associated with the supernatural powers of Itzamna as god of water or rain (pp. 2 9 - 3 1 ) . The primary
meaning of itz in the Itzaj language today is sap or resin (Charles A. Hofling,
personal communication, 1 9 9 6 ) .
3
Freidel, Scheie, and Parker have argued that itz can best be translated as
"blessed substance" and that itzam refers to "shaman," one "who opens the portal
[of the sky] to bring itz into the world" ( 1 9 9 5 , p. 5 1 ; see also pp. 2 1 0 - 1 3 ) . They
also see itz as sacred "cosmic sap" that had the power to be "magic" when used
ritually by shamans in their encounters with the "Otherworld" (pp. 2 2 2 - 2 4 ) , d
they seem to agree with Barrera Vasquez and Rendon that itz can also be glossed as
"sorcerer" or a related concept even without the additional agentive suffix -am
a n
(p.411).
Such questions of etymology are by their nature speculative. It is worth
Notes to Pages 7 - 9
noting, however, that in Yucatec the morpheme itz alone is apparently nowhere
glossed as shaman, magician, or witch only itzam, the agentive form, describes a
human who uses itz for magical or supernatural purposes. In Cakchiquel Maya,
however, itz or aj-itz can refer to a shaman.
9. Hofling (personal communication, 1 9 9 6 ) has noted that taj in Itzaj place
names is a contraction of the locative preposition W ("to" or "at") and aj (designating a group of people or a person). In the sixteenth century Diaz del Castillo
recorded the name of the island capital as "Tayasal," whereas Hernan Cortes
wrote it as Taiza, apparently from Tajltza (see chapter 2 ) . I have found Tayasal
nowhere in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century documentation and suspect
that it was adopted by scholars in the twentieth century, when this name was used
to designate the peninsula just north of the main island and the archaeological site
on that peninsula. Atran has offered t-aj-itza-il ("at the place of the Itza[s]") as
another interpretation of Tayasal (Atran, 1 9 9 3 , p. 6 3 8 ) .
Another Itza place name of this sort is TajMakanche (Tahmacanche), referring to a place on Laguneta Macanche (AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Memoria on Peten Itza by
Fr. Diego de Rivas, 2 6 May 1 7 0 2 , ff. 3 i r ~ 3 v ) . In this case makan-cbe' refers to an
arbor or shelter (ramada) covered over with wood or branches, possibly a religious
shrine (although in contemporary Itzaj it is a wooden granary). The Books of
Chilam B'alam of Chumayel and Tisimin make several references to such town
names in Yucatan: TajKab', TajAak, TajKumchak'an, and TajWaymil (Roys,
1 9 6 7 , pp. 7 0 - 7 1 , 1 4 6 ; Edmonson, 1 9 8 2 , pp. 1 1 2 , 1 6 7 ; Edmonson, 1 9 8 6 , pp. 8 3 ,
8 6 , 3 0 5 ) . In each case Edmonson translates taj as "division."
1 0 . In 1 6 9 8 the Mercederian missionary Fray Diego de Rivas found extensive cultivations by people he identified as Itzas, apparently located along Rio
Subin, a major tributary of Rio Pasion (AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Parecer of Fr. Diego de
Rivas, 1 5 Nov. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 2 0 o r - 2 i o r ) . In 1 7 0 2 a Guatemalan settler in Peten,
Nicolas de Lizarraga, identified a town named Sakyaxche, which he wrote had
"mucha gente muy osadas" (many very bold people) (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 7 , Lista y
memoria de los pueblos y parajes de los indios vecinos de la Laguna. del Peten,
1 7 0 2 [undated], ff, 1 5 1 - 1 7 1 * ) . This may have been the same place as the town
named Yaxche, identified by the Itza ruler and his son in 1 7 0 2 as occupied by
people named Tut (AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Memoria on Peten Itza by Fr. Diego de Rivas,
2 6 May 1 7 0 2 , ff. 3 i r - 3 3 v). I believe that it was also at the present location of the
town of Sayaxche, whose name is probably derived from it, on Rio Pasion a short
distance upstream from its conjunction with Rio Subin. Lawrence Feldman (personal communication, 1 9 9 5 ) has informed me that there were Choi-speaking people in this area in the early seventeenth century. The presence of Itzas there at the
end of the century does not mean that Chols necessarily ceased to occupy the
region as well.
1 1 . Sharer, 1 9 9 4 , p. 3 8 7 . Except where indicated, this brief background on
Chich'en Itza and Mayapan is based primarily on Sharer's recent interpretations
( 1 9 9 4 , pp. 3 4 8 - 4 9
384-41^).
429
Notes to Pages
9-xi
12. The identity of a people called Putun and their proposed expansion into
the rest of the Maya lowlands was first articulated by Thompson (1970, pp. 3-47).
13. Ringle, 1990, p. 239.
14. Ringle, Bey, and Peraza, 1991.
15. Scheie, Grube, and Boot, 1995, p. 16.
16. Ibid., pp. 7-8.
17. Edmonson, 1986, pp. 58, 61. See also Scheie, Grube, and Boot, 1995,
pp. 9-10; Roys, 1967, pp. 140-41, 179-80. Interpreters of this passage disagree
about whether these events occurred during the thirteenth or the fifteenth century.
It is Edmonson (1986, p. 61) who interprets a passage to mean that Tanxulukmul
was the "cycle seat" of the Itzas of Peten, although K'atun 8 Ajaw would probably
have been the end, not the beginning, of the cycle of thirteen k'atuns known as the
may (1986, p. 9).
430
18. Scheie, Grube, and Boot (199 5, p. 10) also suggest that Chak'an Putun,
mentioned frequently in the chronicles as place of both early settlement and periodic retreat of the Itzas, was actually Chak'an Peten, perhaps a miscopying of the
latter name. Most scholars have associated Chak'an Putun with Champoton on
the Gulf coast. Although the name Chak'an Peten appears nowhere in the documentation on the Itzas of Peten, the region around the northwestern shore of Lago
Peten Itza was known as Chak'an Itza ("Savannah of the Itza") during the late
seventeenth century.
19. Ringle, Bey, and Peraza, 1991, p. 2.
20. Sharer, 1994, pp. 408-10. See also Roys, 1962. Ringle (1990) has
identified the Kokom name glyph at Chich'en Itza.
21. Roys, 1957.
22. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Declaracion del reyezuelo Ah Canek, 31 March
1697, ff. 39V-45V; AGI, P 237, ramo 3, Gil to Hariza, 30 Oct. 1695. The second of
these sources states only that his ancestors were from Yucatan, not from Chich'en
Itza in particular.
23. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 10 March 1697,
ff, 4 r - n v (also in P 237, ramo 1 1 ) .
24. AGI, EC 339B, no. 18, Declaracion que hace el Capitan don Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes de lo que ha habido, hay, y puede haber en la Provincia del Itza,
10 March 1704, ff. 28r-6ov. Abalos, who spent several months in Peten in 1699 as
part of a Guatemalan military force, while confirming other statements by the Itzas
that they were from Chich'en Itza, is the only source for the time and place of
origin of the Kowoj migration. He wrote, "The Couohs are almost one and the
same with the Itzas, because they are located in the region to the north of the
shores of their lake. Both are descended from Yucatan, the Itzas from Chichen Itza
and the Couohs from Tancab [sic], ten or twelve leagues from this city. These [the
Couohs] retreated at the time of the conquest, the others much earlier."
The location of "Tancab" clearly refers to Mayapan, which is about fifty
kilometers (about 12.4 leagues) south of Merida. Tancab is apparently a copyist's
Notes to Pages
12-14
error for "Tancah" (Tankaj), a name frequently applied as a description of Mayapan (Roys, 1 9 6 7 , pp. 8 4 , 1 4 9 , 1 5 3 , 1 6 4 , 1 6 7 ) . Edmonson translates Tankaj as
"capital" ("front town") ( 1 9 8 2 , p. 1 4 3 ) .
2 5. The location of this place is unknown, and I have found no mention of it
in other sources.
2 6 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk, 9 , ch. 1 4 , pp. 2 5 6 - 5 7 . See another translation of this passage in Roys, 1 9 6 2 , p. 6 7 .
2 7 . Roys, 1 9 6 2 , pp. 7 0 , 7 2 , 7 6 , 7 8 - 8 1 .
2 8 . Roys, 1 9 5 7 , p. 1 2 7 ; 1 9 6 2 , p. 4 8 . Saki, named for an "idol" located there,
had a pyramidal temple that was still in use when the Spaniards arrived. A powerful
war captain named NaKajun Noj ("Nacahun Noh") resided there, and the principal lord, or B'atab', of the town was named Tzuk (or possibly Tz'ul) Kupul. None of
these names at Saki appears among the Itzas of Peten, but others in the region do,
including B'atab' Kamal at Sisal and the regional ruler named Ob'on Kupul at
Tik'uch (probably the same provincial ruler who resided at Chich'en Itza).
2 9 . Ringle, 1 9 9 0 , p. 2 3 5 ; Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 1 2 ,
p. 2 5 0 .
3 0 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 1 2 , p. 2 5 0 . K'awil Chel, a
priest mentioned in the Book of Chilam B'alam of Chumayel, also bore this name
as a surname or title (Roys, 1 9 6 7 , p. 1 6 5 ) .
3 1 . Roys, 1 9 6 7 , p. 6 9 .
3 2 . For a stimulating recent discussion of Maya prophetic history see Farriss, 1 9 8 7 .
3 3 . For a more detailed discussion of Maya calendrics see Edmonson,
1 9 8 6 , pp. 7 - 1 4 . We would create the same problem that the Mayas did in omitting
the b'ak'tun if we were to drop the number that indicates where a century falls in
relation to a fixed point in our own calendar. For example, reference to the "nineties" could refer to the ninth decade of any century past or present.
3 4 . Edmonson ( 1 9 8 6 , p. 9) explains the coefficients as follows: "The period
of the katun ( 7 , 2 0 0 days) divided by 1 3 gives 5 5 3 cycles of 1 3 and a remainder of
1 1 . Thus the sequence of the coefficients of the Ahau days that ended (or, later [in
colonial times], began) the katun followed the order 1 3 , 1 1 , 9 , 7 , 5 , 3 , 1 , 1 2 , 1 0 , 8,
6, 4 , 2 . " He refers to the initial date k'atun calendar as the Mayapan calendar,
which was used in Yucatan from 1 5 3 9 to 1 7 7 6 . The previous Tik'al calendar
identified a k'atun by its ending date as opposed to its beginning date, and the
Mayapan calendar included a two-day adjustment to accommodate this change.
The last k'atun in the Tik'al calendar, K'atun 1 3 Ajaw, began in 1 5 3 9 .
Edmonson ( 1 9 8 8 , p. 56) regards the Mayapan calendar as the innovation of
the Itzas of Yucatan, who may have invented it shortly after the fifteenth-century
fall of Mayapan but did not formally inaugurate it until 1 5 3 9 . He is uncertain
about the calendar used by the Itzas of Peten (p. 2 6 6 ) . Given the close identification of the southern Itzas with Yucatan, however, it is reasonable to assume that
they also used the Mayapan calendar.
Notes
to Pages
14-21
Hofling ( 1 9 9 3 , P- ^ 4 ) has demonstrated that patterns of "cyclicity in

cosmology and discourse structure are systematically related in modern Itzaj Maya
narrative."
3 6 . These are only a few of many examples of statements concerning
K'atun 8 Ajaw in the various chronicles. They are quoted from the translation by
35.
Roys, 1 9 6 7 , pp. 1 3 6 - 3 7 , 1 4 0 , 1 6 0 .
3 7 . In the original, Roys used angled brackets in place of square brackets in

this translation.
3 8 . Although the Kowojs and Itzas were clearly distinct political and territorial groups, I point out later that the former were allied with one Itza faction at
the time of the 1 6 9 7 conquest. I suspect that this was a late development and that
in earlier years the tw o groups were in a chronic state of hostility, perhaps broken
by periods of peace.
3 9 . These events, described by Landa and others, are examined by Tozzer,
with numerous references to original sources, in Landa, 1 9 4 1 , pp. 5 4 - 5 6 . See also
Roys, 1 9 5 7 , pp. 6 3 - 6 6 ; Roys, 1 9 6 2 , p p . 4 7 - 4 8 . Edmonson, in particular, has
stressed the historical importance of the east-west division of Yucatan between the
Xiws and the Itzas and its implications for conflicts over calendrical matters.
Whereas the Book of Chilam B'alam of Tisimin is written from an Itza perspective,
that of Chumayel reflects Xiw sympathies and Mexican-influenced linguistic conventions (Edmonson, 1 9 8 2 , pp. xvii-xix; 1 9 8 6 , pp. 2 - 3 ) .
4 0 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9, ch. 1 4 , p. 2 5 9 . Ma'
winiko'ob' would mean "not men/people."
4 1 . Thompson, 1 9 7 7 , p. 1 3 . Tulum-kij
would be "trap of henequen" in
modern Itzaj, and tulum refers specifically to a U-shaped fish trap made of stones.
4 2 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9, ch. 8, p. 2 2 3 . Fray Andres de
Avendano, who visited Nojpeten nearly eighty years later, included the "Tuluncies" as part of the Itza "nation," in his attempt to estimate the total population of
the Lago Peten Itza area (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 42V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 7 ) .
T
432
4 3 . Thompson was surely incorrect in locating the Chinamitas southwest

rather than east of Nojpeten, where Fuensalida placed them (Thompson, 1 9 7 7 , p.
1 3 ) . Thompson was looking for an actual cordillera, as specified by Fuensalida.
The friar, however, knew little about the geography of areas that he had not seen,
and we need not accept this geographical feature as a reality.
4 4 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8 o r 84V. The alternative spellings in brackets are from another copy of this document
in AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , ff. 1 2 1 V - 2 9 V . Villagutierre ( 1 9 3 3 ; 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9 , ch. 4)
cited the same testimony but garbled most of the spellings. The name written as
"Ahoacob" (that is, AjTz'akob') is presumably a mistranscription and should have
been "Ahtzacob" (AjTzakob').
4 5 . Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5, ch. 5 8 , pp. 3 1 9 - 2 1 . Cano also
Notes to Pages 2 1 - 2 2
mentioned all of these in addition to an individual named Tus B'en ( 1 9 4 2 , p. 6 6 ;
see also Cano 1 9 8 4 , p. 9).
46. AAICFP, Santo Toribio, Baptismal Register, 1 7 0 9 - 4 9 . The patronyms
at Santo Toribio that appear with the greatest frequency for the period 1 7 0 9 - 3 0
are Musul ( 1 5 . 8 percent), Tzak ( 1 3 . 4 percent), Kischan ( 1 0 . 6 percent), Tesukun
(9.7 percent), Yajkab' ( 5 . 2 percent), K'in (4.5 percent), and K'ixab'on ( 3 . 2 percent). Early nineteenth-century baptismal records for San Luis exist, but I have not
yet studied them. Of the certain Mopan names identified in the Kan Ek' list of
1 6 9 8 and the Santo Toribio baptismal registers, Ch'em ("Chen"), Tzak ("Tzak")
and Tesukun ("Tesecum") were still found at San Luis in the late 1 9 2 0 s . Other
names are either of K'ek'chi or Choi origin (Thompson, 1 9 3 0 , p. 8 5 ) .
4 7 . An interesting piece of archaeological evidence suggests that the name
Mopan had ancient association with the San Luis area. Among the numerous
Classic-period painted inscriptions in the cave of Naj Tunich, located northeast of
San Luis and just west of the Guatemala-Belize border, is a glyph sequence which
MacLeod and Stone read as "mo-o-pa-na" and interpret as the toponym "mo'pan." Pana was a patronym used by Itzas and may have Mopan origins. See
MacLeod and Stone, 1 9 9 5 , pp. 1 6 5 , 1 6 9 .
4 8 . The following is the principal additional evidence for this reconstruction of Mopan territorial distribution:
In 1 6 7 7 the Guatemalan Dominican Fray Joseph Delgado, accompanied by
three Spaniards who had cacao and anatto cultivations on the Moho River, set out
from Manche, near the town of Mopan, crossing southernmost Belize and working his way north and then back again through native settlements located inland
from the coast all the way to the Belize River. Although Delgado noted that most
of this area was inhabited by Chols, there were many Mopans as well. Within what
is today the Toledo District, in the area roughly between the Moho River and
present-day San Antonio, he identified people with the Mopan patronyms Yajkab',
Tzak, K'in, and Chikuy. Another name, Tz'ununchan, was either Mopan or Itza.
Several baptized town leaders along the rivers to the north also had the Mopan
patronyms Yajkab' and Musul. The northernmost town, on the Belize River a day
and a half from Tipuj, was headed by a Musul. From the Spaniards he knew of a
town called Tisonte, which may have been around present-day Poptun, north of
the town of Mopan (San Luis). The large population there was said to have moved
from elsewhere to escape the Itzas; many more were hiding in the forests. See
Thompson, 1 9 7 0 , pp. 2 2 - 2 9 ; the original documents, both in the Bibliotheque
Nationale de Paris, are Memoria de los parajes y rios que ay desde el pueblo de San
Miguel Manche hasta los indies Ahizaes, el camino y indios, 1 6 7 7 ; d Viaje de
Bacalar, y encuentro de los de Bacalar, los nombres estan en el derrotero que di a 433
V.P.M.R., el de la canoa se llama Alonso Moreno, 1 7 0 3 (?). For translated versions
see Bunting, 1 9 3 2 , and D. Stone, 1 9 3 2 , pp. 2 5 9 - 6 9 .
a n
The Mopans who were known as Chinamitas or Tulumkis were said in 1 6 9 8
Notes
to Pages
zz-zy
to be located nine days by foot travel in an easterly direction from Nojpeten. Such
a distance would be well into Belize, east or southeast of Tipuj (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo
1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta
provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 ) .
Spaniards reduced a group of Musuls around Saksuus on the middle Belize
River in 1 6 9 5 and captured and reduced other Musuls around Tipuj the following
year (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Francisco de Hariza to Ursua, 7 July 1 6 9 5 , ff- 5 ^ 8 v 69V; G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Ursua to Juan de Ortega Montafiez, 1 0 May 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 5 r 47V). In 1 6 9 7 the Musuls were said to inhabit the forests toward the Belize coast,
east of Tipuj. In 1 7 0 7 Musuls attacked Tipuj, killing several people. Those attackers who were captured by the Spaniards were probably taken to Santo Toribio, where Musul was a common name (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Ursua to Crown,
2 4 Jan. 1 7 0 8 , ff. i 2 r - i 5 r ) .
4 9 . The name "Tziquin Tzakam" appears on a modern map adjacent to the

Flores-Belize highway, where the road passes by a bend in the Rio Mopan southeast of these lakes (Guatemala 1 . 5 0 , 0 0 0 , 1 9 7 3 , Hoja 2 3 6 7 III). The name is likely a
corruption of Itzk'in Tzakwan, a double name comprising a Yucatec day name
(also used by Mopans at Santo Toribio) and a common Mopan patronym. It may
well be a modern survival of an earlier Mopan settlement at this location.
5 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Bartolome de Amesqueta to Jose de Escals, 3 1
March 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 4 r ~ 4 0 v . He claimed, in fact, that he had been told that "the
Mopan language . . . is said to be the same as [that of] the Petenes [i.e., Itzas]" (la
lengua
Mopan
. . . se dice ser la misma
de los
Petenes).
5 1 . Cano, 1 9 4 2 , p. 66 (my translation); see also Cano 1 9 8 4 , p. 9,

5 2. When in 1 6 9 5 Ursua spoke of taking possession of "the said lands of the
great Itza and Muzules," he must have been referring in like manner to Itza claims
that their larger territory included that of the Mopans (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Auto
by Ursua, 3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 ) .
5 3 . Spaniards working along the camino real even called Pak'ek'em the
"Town of the Chans," thus confirming the core status of this lineage. Thompson
( 1 9 7 7 ) was so struck by the frequency of the name Chan (a Cholan variant of the
Yucatec name Kan, "Serpent"), which is widely distributed from Kejach territory
through the central lakes region all the way to Tipuj in western Belize, that he
called this the "Chan Maya Region." Although this name was widely distributed
among Yucatec speakers throughout Peten and western Belize, it certainly did not
define a single, culturally unified region.
Chapter 2: Itza-Spanish Encounters,
1525-1690
1 . Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 1 . The published accounts give "Taica," but surely

"Taica" was intended.
2. In his own account of this entrada Diaz del Castillo called the island
town "Tayasal" (Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , pp. 2 0 9 - 1 0 .
Notes to Pages
29-31
3. Unless otherwise indicated, this summary of the background and first

part of Cortes's journey is based on the account by Scholes and Roys ( 1 9 6 8 , pp.
8 8 - 1 2 2 ) . The original accounts, which I later refer to in detail, are Cortes, 1 9 7 6 ,
and Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , pp. 1 8 8 - 2 3 0 .
4. Thomas, 1 9 9 3 , pp. 5 9 5 - 9 6 .
5. Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 2 2 .
6. Ibid.
7. Dona Marina spoke Nahuatl and knew at least one Mayan language,
presumably Chontal, which apparently served as the principal regional trade language. Tozzer believed that she spoke Chontal but cited Roys as suggesting, presumably on the basis of a statement by Landa, that she spoke Yucatec (Landa,
1 9 4 1 , p. 16 and i 6 n 9 2 ) . As Cortes's interpreter and mistress she had soon learned
Spanish (Martinez, 1 9 9 0 , p. 1 6 2 ) . The common language that made it possible for
her to interpret at Nojpeten, therefore, may have been Chontal or, less likely,
Yucatec.
8. Pax- was an honorific prefix in Chontal, like aj- in Yucatec and Itza.
B'olon was clearly a surname, but the status of Acha is not certain; it was probably
a surname.
9. Itzam K'anak was written "Ytzam Kanac" (with its full name rendered
"Acalan Ytzam Kanac") in the merits and services of don Pablo PaxB'olon (AGI,
M 1 3 8 ) . See Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , following p. 3 6 6 (f. 7 1 of the Chontal text
facsimile).
1 0 . Ibid., p. 2 3 6 . Scholes and Roys make this point on the basis of Cortes's
claim that Chakujai on Rio Polochic in northern Guatemala had the most impressive civic-ceremonial plaza that he had seen since leaving Akalan (ibid., p. 5 4 ;
Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 5 4 ) . Itzam K'anak has been tentatively identified archaeologically as the site of El Tigre on the Candelaria River. For descriptions of this site, see
Piiia Chan and Pavon Abreu, 1 9 5 9 ; Pincemin, 1 9 8 7 .
1 1 . Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , p. 5 4 .
1 2 . During his stay at Itzam K'anak Cortes received rumors of a plot by the
Mexica rulers who accompanied him to attack and kill him and the other Spaniards. Although those accused denied any such intent, Cortes executed Cuauhtemoc and Tetlepanquetzatzin on February 2 8 , 1 5 2 5 , by hanging them; he released
others implicated in the plot,
1 3 . Diaz del Castillo ( 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , p. 2 0 7 ) described the area as Los Mazatecas, which he translated as "towns or lands of deer." Kejach, the Yucatec name
for the region, means much the same thing (from kej, deer, and -acb, a suffix that
may indicate quantity).
1 4 . Cortes ( 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 0 ) described the fortified town as having "only one
unobstructed entrance, and it is completely surrounded by a deep ditch and after
the ditch a chest-high wooden breastwork, and after this wooden breastwork an
encirclement of very thick planks up to two estados [over 4 meters] tall, with
embrasures [troneras] all along it from which to shoot their arrows, and at inter-
435
Notes
to Pages
31-35
vals along the wall some tall watchtowers that extended above the wall another
estado and a half, likewise with their towers with many stones on top in order to
fight from above; and all of the houses of the town had their own embrasures on
top and from the inside as well as embrasures and barriers facing the streets. I
would say that the order and arrangement could not have been better, given the
arms with which they fight." Diaz del Castillo wrote a similar description ( 1 9 7 7 ,
vol. 2 , pp. 2 0 6 - 7 ) .
436
1 5 . Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 0 ,
1 6 . Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , p. 2 0 7 .
1 7 . Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 0 .
1 8 . Ibid., p. 2 4 1 ; Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , p. 2 0 8 .
1 9 . Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , p. 2 0 9 . The Spanish original of the last portion
of the text, which I have translated almost literally, reads, "y blanqueaban las casas
y adoratorios de mas de dos leguas que se esparcian y era cabecera de otros pueblos
chicos que allicerca estan." In his biography of Diaz del Castillo, Cerwin ( 1 9 6 3 , p.
60) quotes part of the passage in exaggerated phraseology; " 'Its houses and lofty
temples,' " said Bernal, " 'glistened in the sun and they could be seen two leagues
away.'"
2 0 . They had walked ten or twelve kilometers, first following the savannah
above Ensenada San Jeronimo (the area of the wide road) and then crossing the
karst hills that drop down to the arm of the lake (the narrow portion of the road).
Although it would not have been necessary for them to walk through the marsh in
order to reach dry shore, they apparently chose to do so in order to avoid giving
themselves away before finding canoes.
2 1 . Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 1 .
2 2 . They would have had to cross around Punta Nijtun in these canoes and
move up the arm of the lake to the shore near the Spanish encampment, which was
probably between the present-day causeway that crosses the western end of the
arm of the lake and the escarpment that begins to rise about one kilometer to the
north. Cortes estimated that the encampment was "two good leagues" from Nojpeten; later on, Ajaw Kan Ek' told him that the distance was about three leagues.
2 3 . Diaz del Castillo made no mention of the arrival of the Itza spy's canoe
but instead recalled that Cortes sent the smaller of the canoes captured that night
to Nojpeten with six of the newly captured Itza men and two Spaniards, who
carried gifts for the ruler and instructions that he send additional canoes to the
"river" so that the expedition could cross it. Diaz's account indicates that the next
morning he and Cortes walked from their encampment to the shore of the "river,"
sending the remaining canoe the short distance from the estuary to join them.
There they found the "cacique" and numerous other important individuals from
Nojpeten waiting for them, bearing a gift of four fowls and maize. Diaz's account
apparently telescopes events recorded in more detail by Cortes.
2 4 . Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 2 . The phrase referring to defeat in three battles may
well have been a rhetorical formula.
Notes to Pages
25.
26.
coloradas)
27.
35-37
Ibid.
I have interpreted "certain red shell beads" (ciertas cuentas de caracoles
to have been necklaces of flat spondylus shells.
Diaz del Castillo wrote that Cortes took thirty crossbowmen with him
( 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , pp. 2 0 9 - 1 0 ) .
2 8 . Ibid. p. 2 1 0 .
2 9 . The Franciscan historian Lopez de Cogolludo recounted two versions
of the legend. The first, whose source he did not cite but which was possibly one of
two versions recorded by Bartolome de Fuensalida, recounts that the horse soon
died despite the Itzas' every effort to care for it. Fearing Cortes's anger, Ajaw Kan
Ek' called his leaders together to determine what they should tell Cortes when he
returned. They decided to make a replica of the horse out of wood in its memory,
eventually worshiping it as one of their gods. By 1 6 1 8 , when the Franciscans
Fuensalida and Orbita visited Nojpeten, it was the Itzas' principal "idol," occupying "the most preeminent place of the principal temple, above the rest of the
abominable figures of idols that they worship" (la parte mas preheminente del
templo principal y superior a las demas abominables figuras de idolos que adoraban) (Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 1 , bk. 1 , ch. 1 6 , pp. 5 9 - 6 0 ) .
5
The second version, ostensibly based explicitly on Fuensalida's account, has

it that because the Itzas thought that the horse was an "animal of reason" they fed
it chicken and meat and presented it with bunches of flowers, as was customary in
honoring important people. The horse died of hunger, and they decided to make a
statue of it out of lime and stone in case Cortes returned to claim it. In 1 6 1 8 the
statue was in one of the twelve or more temples on the island, although the temple
is not specified as being the most important one. The Itzas called it Tzimin Chak,
"which means horse of thunder or lightning" (caballo del trueno 6 rayo), the name
signifying the Itzas' supposed belief that the noise and light created by the guns of
Spaniards on horseback were actually caused by the horses (ibid., vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch.
9, pp. 2 3 0 - 3 1 ) .
Both versions enable the storyteller to emphasize the essential illogic in the
reasoning power of the Itzas. For other interpretations of the horse legend see
comments and citations in Martinez, 1 9 9 0 , pp. 4 3 8 - 4 0 . I am also grateful to W.
George Lovell for pointing out B. Traven's ( 1 9 6 6 ) imaginative story about Cortes's
entrada.
3 0 . Hofling and Tesucun, 1 9 9 2 . Reports still circulate that the statue of the
horse may be seen on the bottom of the lake but that all attempts to retrieve it end
in failure (Soza 1 9 7 0 , pp. 3 9 5 - 9 6 ; see also Borhegyi, 1 9 6 3 ) . For other nineteenthand twentieth-century citations of the legend see Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , pp. 4 0 1 - 2 ,
n. 1 3 1 2 .
3 1 . Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , vol. 2 , p. 2 1 0 .
3 2 . The sources offer no hint concerning these cultivations, which may have
been cacao in addition to cotton.
3 3 . Cortes ( 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 4 ) wrote "Amohan." Hofling (personal communica-
Notes to Pages 3 8 - 4 2
tion, 1 9 9 6 ) has pointed out that this name in modern Itzaj would be Aj Mujan,
"hawk." This may be the same name usually written "Moan" in the seventeenth
century.
3 4 . This was probably the place known in the late seventeenth century as
Chakal, a short distance from the seventeenth-century Mopan mission community
of Santo Toribio, which has survived as a town to the present day,
3 5 . Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , vol, 2 , p, 2 1 1 . Cortes, however, called this place
"Tahuytal" (TajWital?), the same name he had given to an earlier place (Cortes,
1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 5 ) .
3 6 . The name given by Cortes to this "province" was AjKukulin ("Acuculin"). Its "ruler" was AjKawil K'in ("Acahuilguin"). He may have confused a
local town head (the former) with a provincial ruler (the latter). Although later
observers noted that the Manche Choi-speaking populations to the north and
northwest were dispersed, that may not have been the case in this region, which
was apparently independent of Itza intrusions or colonization.
3 7 . See Martinez, 1 9 9 0 , pp. 4 4 8 - 4 9 .
3 8 . The name Chetumal is probably a Spanish corruption of the original
Maya name Chaktemal (see Roys, 1 9 5 7 , p. 1 5 9 ) .
3 9 . Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 2 5 - 4 1 .
4 0 . Bacalar is a Spanish corruption of the original Maya name, which Roys

suggested was B'ak'jalal, "Surrounded by Reeds" ( 1 9 5 7 , p. 1 5 9 ) . "Multitude of
Reeds" or "Four Hundred Reeds" (bak' jalal) might be alternative meanings. I use
the Spanish spelling throughout, as it had become the name of a Spanish town.
4 1 . Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 4 1 - 5 3 .
438
4 2 . Graham, Jones, and Kautz, 1 9 8 5 ; Jones, Kautz, and Graham, 1 9 8 6 ;

Graham, Pendergast, and Jones, 1 9 8 9 .
4 3 . I developed this theme in some detail throughout a previous work
(Jones, 1 9 8 9 ) .
4 4 . Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , pp. 4 9 2 - 9 3 . Their full account of these entradas (pp, 4 9 2 - 5 0 2 ) , based on documentation in AGI, is far more detailed than
the summary given here. I have omitted secondary quotation marks when quoting
from original documents reproduced in this source.
4 5. Ibid., pp, 4 9 4 - 9 5. Although Scholes and Roys estimated that they were
near Itza territory, the principal widening of Rio San Pedro Martir probably the
"bay" described in the accounts is far to the northwest of Lago Peten Itza,
upstream from the archaeological sites of El Naranjo and Maktum. This point is
about ninety airline kilometers from Nojpeten, a journey of several days. On the
other hand, a Maya informant, Pedro Uk, reported that the expedition had
reached within a day of Nojpeten. He may have been referring to advance parties
sent out by Bravo, not to the main expedition,
4 6 . Ibid., p. 4 9 3 .
4 7 . Ibid., p. 4 9 6 .
4 8 . Ibid., p. 4 9 7 .
Notes to Pages 42-46

AGI, M 2 9 9 9 , libro D 3 , Reales cedulas to Nuno de Chaves Figueroa,
alcalde mayor of Tabasco; Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New Spain; and president
and oidores of the Audiencia of Guatemala, 2 2 June 1 5 9 2 .
5 0 . Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , pp. 2 5 1 - 9 8 ; Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 1 2 8 - 3 1 .
5 1 . The circumstances of Orbita's first visit to Nojpeten are discussed in
more detail in Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 1 3 3 - 3 4 . See also Bricker, 1 9 8 1 , p. 2 1 ; Lopez de
Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 2 , p. 1 9 2 ; Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 2 , ch.
1 ; Lizana, 1 8 9 3 , p. 1 1 5 ,
5 2 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9, ch. 8, p. 2 2 4 .
5 3 . The 1 6 1 8 journey to Nojpeten by Fuensalida and Orbita is described in
detail in Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 1 3 5 - 4 9 . The principal source is Lopez de Cogolludo,
1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , chs. 6 - 1 1 , pp. 2 1 2 - 2 3 8 . Lopez de Cogolludo based his account on an original copy of Fuensalida's account, now lost. A recently published
manuscript presents a rather different account of both the 1618 and 1 6 1 9 missions
of Fuensalida and Orbita, also said to be based on Fuensalida's original account
(San Buenaventura, 1 9 9 4 , pp. 1 0 7 - 3 3 ) . The authenticity of the manuscript is
highly suspect, and I have declined to rely on any part of it as a source of information. For a recently published debate on this topic see Prem et al., 1 9 9 6 , and Solis
Robledo, 1 9 9 6 .
5 4 . The composition of Tipuj's early sixteenth-century population is uncertain, but I suspect that it may have been predominantly Mopan.
5 5 . I suspect that Chaltunja was part of a string of settlements at the eastern
end of the main lake in the vicinity of the archaeological site of Ixlu, one of which
was Saklemakal, There are more specific references to this region in subsequent
chapters.
5 6 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9, ch. 9 , p. 2 3 0 .
5 7 . Ibid., p. 2 3 1 . The original meaning of tzimin was tapir, an animal native
to the region.
5 8 . This is one of several instances in which a patrilineal principal of succession is cited for inheritance of Itza rulership.
5 9 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 1 0 , p. 2 3 5 . Fuensalida's
claim that the present ruler was the son of the ruler whom Cortes met in 1 5 2 5 is
plausible. We do not know the ages of either ruler in either 1 5 2 5 or 1 6 1 8 , but the
difference of 93 years between these two dates would not make such a relationship
a biological impossibility.
6 0 . Ibid., ch. 1 3 , p. 2 5 2 .
49.
6 1 . Ibid., pp. 2 5 3 - 5 5 .
6 2 . This section is a summary of a much longer account of these events in

Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 1 5 5 - 8 7 , 3 1 3 - 1 9 . The principal sources include AGI, M 1 4 1 ,
Documentos respectivos al servicio que prometio hacer a S.M. el Capn. Francisco
Mirones y Lezcano, 1 6 2 2 (transcribed in Scholes and Adams, 1 9 3 6 - 3 7 , pp. 1 6 0 7 3 ; translated in Scholes and Adams, 1 9 9 1 , pp. 1 8 - 2 9 ) , d Lopez de Cogolludo,
1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 1 0 , chs. 2 - 3 .
a n
439
Notes to Pages
63.
49-55
Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 4 , ch, 5 , p. 2 4 . See also Leon Pinelo,
i 9 6 0 , p. 2 6 2 ; 1 9 8 6 , p. 8.
6 4 . Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 4 , ch. 6 8 , p. 2 1 0 .
6 5 . Except where indicated, this section is based primarily on the introductory summary in Scholes and Adams, i 9 6 0 , pp. 7 - 1 9 .
6 6 . Tovilla, i 9 6 0 , p. 1 7 9 .
6 7 . Ibid.
68. Ibid., pp. 1 8 1 , 1 8 5 .
6 9 . Leon Pinelo, i 9 6 0 , p. 2 6 5 ; 1 9 8 6 , pp. 1 0 - 1 1 .
7 0 . Tovilla, i 9 6 0 , pp. 1 7 8 , 1 8 5 .
7 1 . Ibid., p. 1 8 5 . Scholes and Adams, who edited Tovilla's lengthy account

of the history of Verapaz, doubted the entire veracity of the supposed Itza planned
attack and the discovery of the items they left behind. In particular, they doubted
that the Itzas would have carried so many idols and ritual paraphernalia into
battle; other evidence exists, however, that the Itzas did carry such items in times of
war (Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 1 4 , pp. 2 5 8 - 5 9 ) .
7 2 . Tovilla, i 9 6 0 , pp. 2 2 6 - 2 7 .
Ibid.,pp. 2 3 3 - 3 5 .
7 4 . Ibid.
7 5 . Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 4 , ch. 6 8 , pp. 2 1 0 - 1 1 . See also Tovilla,
73.
i 9 6 0 , p. 2 6 7 ; 1 9 8 6 , pp. 1 1 - 1 2 .
7 6 . Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 4 , ch. 7 0 , p. 2 2 2 .
7 7 . AGI, M 3 6 0 , Luis Sanchez de Aguilar et al. to governor, 2 0 Sept. 1 6 3 8 .

7 8 . Cardenas Valencia, 1 9 3 7 , p. 9 7 .
7 9 . Lopez de Cogolludo 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 1 1 , ch. 1 2 , p. 5 0 0 .
80. Graham, Pendergast, and Jones, 1 9 8 9 . On syncretism at Tipuj see also
Graham, 1 9 9 1 .
8 1 . AGI, M 3 6 9 , Bishop of Yucatan to Crown, 5 March 1 6 4 3 .
8 2 . Although commonly written Lamanay in the colonial documentation,
the archaeological site is known today as Lamanai.
8 3 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 1 1 , ch. 1 3 , p. 5 0 7 .
8 4 . Ibid., ch. 1 4 , pp. 5 1 4 - 1 5 .
440
8 5 . Ibid., bk. 1 2 , ch. 1 2 , p. 6 3 5 ; AGI, M 1 5 8 , Meritos y servicios del Capitan Francisco Perez, 1 6 6 1 .
8 6 . The Chunuk'um matricula is discussed in Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 2 3 3 - 3 9 ,
and, with a full transcription, in Scholes and Thompson, 1 9 7 7 .
8 7 . Jones, 1 9 8 9 , p. 2 3 7 .
88. Why the three married Itza couples brought with them a group of
twenty-three presumably unmarried Itza women is not clear but may have signified a form of sexual hospitality toward the visiting Spaniards. Cortes wrote that
when he was in Tabasco on his way to Mexico he was presented with twenty-one
women, including dona Maria (Cortes, 1 9 7 6 , p. 2 4 2 ) . A similar practice appeared
on the eve of the 1 6 9 7 conquest of Peten, discussed in chapter 1 1 .

8 9 . Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 2 4 6 - 4 7 .
90.
91.
92.
ciones, y
Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 4 7 .
Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 4 ; Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 49V.
AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblarancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
8or-84v.
9 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, ro March 1 6 9 7 ,

ff. 4 r - n v .
9 4 . Ibid.
9 5 . The patronym Chan does not appear on the list of Itza elites in the
1 6 5 5 Chunuk'um matricula, but several Chans appear among the Christianized
Tipujans.
9 6 . Villagutierre ( 1 9 8 3 , p. 1 2 9 , n. 1 2 9 ) states that Ximenez "insisted that
no one remembered anything like this happening," but he provides no location in
Ximenez for this statement, nor have I found it.
9 7 . Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , pp. 2 5 - 2 6 , 4 4 5 - 4 6 . The town still appears on
modern maps as Canizan.

9 8 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Ursiia to Gabriel de Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 5 Aug,
1 6 9 8 , ff. n r - 2 o v ,
9 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5 , Testimony of Alferez Bias Felipe de Ripalda Ongay, 2 July 1 6 9 7 , ff. 3 5 - 5 0 1 0 0 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Declaracion que hace el Capitan don Marcos
de Abalos y Fuentes . . . , 1 0 March 1 7 0 4 , f. 5 2 r .
1 0 1 . For Itza attacks on Mopan see AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y
general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha
Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8 o r - 8 4 v ,
Chapter 3 ; Itza Society and Kingship on the Eve of Conquest

1 . The literature on Maya and other Mesoamerican quadripartite cosmology, some of it concerning political organization and architectural patterns, is
extensive. Some treatments of various aspects of this complex topic may be found
in Ashmore, 1 9 8 9 ; Bey and Ringle, 1 9 8 9 ; Coe, 1 9 6 5 ; Coggins, 1 9 8 0 ; Freidel,
Scheie, and Parker, 1 9 9 5 ; Gossen, 1 9 7 4 ; Marcus, 1 9 7 3 , 97^'-> d Scheie and
Freidel, 1 9 9 0 .
2. Although I cannot deal with such comparisons in detail here, it should be
pointed out that each of these quadruple and dual structures (as well as a triple
one, in the case of the three ruling brothers to be noted shortly) are found elsewhere throughout Mesoamerica, most notably at Tenochtitlan, the Aztec capital.
Tenochtitlan was also divided into cardinally oriented quarters, each divided by
north-south and east-west canals (Zantwijk, 1 9 8 5 , pp. 5 9 - 8 1 ) . Dual rulership and
the existence of senior-junior pairs were also characteristics of Aztec political
organization (ibid., pp. 2 2 , 9 4 - 9 5 , 1 4 2 - 4 5 , 1 7 7 , 2 2 2 - 2 3 ) . The similarities be1
a n
Notes to Pages
61-65
tween Itza and Aztec social organization are striking, and further research on these
commonalities is in progress. See Gillespie, 1 9 8 9 , for an extended discussion of
such structural elements in Aztec political and social organization.
The ethnohistorical model presented in this chapter, as well as material
presented in chapter 1 , differs in significant ways from that summarized in Rice,
Rice, and Jones, 1 9 9 3 . These differences stem from extensive additional documentary analysis and from frequent communication with the Rices regarding both the
results of the first two seasons of fieldwork by Proyecto Maya Colonial and my
own ongoing ethnohistorical work.
3 . The Spanish term for "town" was ordinarily pueblo. Hofling (personal
communication, 1 9 9 6 ) has pointed out that these three types in modern Itzaj
would be noj-kaj ("big town"), kaj ("town"), and kajital ("village, settlement,
rancho"), with the third type often occupied seasonally,
4. Spanish estimates of the populations of specific towns (not including
militarily "reduced" communities) are rare. The only ones I have found are the
following. In 1 6 9 7 a secular priest from Yucatan testified that by his own estimate
one of the twelve Kowoj towns on the shores of Lago Peten Itza had as many as one
thousand persons of all ages (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Declaration by Juan Pacheco de
Sopuerta, 1 4 June 1 6 9 7 , ff. 4 0 2 v ~ 4 o 6 r ) . I believe that he was referring to Ketz. In
testimony taken in 1 6 9 9 , Spanish observers estimated that the population of
Chacha, an Itza town two or three leagues southwest of Nojpeten, was two hundred persons, supported by a rural population of one thousand more, based on
observations of hamlets and cultivations (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Parecer of Fray
Diego de Rivas, 1 4 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 8 i v - 8 4 r ; Parecer of Esteban de Medrano y
Solorzano, n April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 8 6 r - 8 8 r ) , On the same occasion, a Dominican friar
estimated the population of the town of Sakpuy, which apparently occupied the
two islands in the western end of Laguna Sakpuy and probably the western
shoreline as well, at four hundred persons between the ages of twelve and twentyfive. These were apparently all males, because the figure did not include "eight or
ten Indian women" and other women, children, and older people who were apparently in hiding elsewhere. Therefore, the total population of Sakpuy must have
been at least twice that which he actually saw (Parecer of Fr. Gabriel de Artiga, 1 0
April 1 6 9 9 , ff- 8 4 r - 8 5 v ) .
442
5. Although the Itzas identified their towns with their core elite lineages, we
can be certain that other lineages also lived in them.
6. Spanish sources do not provide a Maya term for this council.
7. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Marcos de Abalos y Fuentes to Martin de Ursua and
Melchor de Mencos, 2 7 March 1 6 9 9 , f. 6 3 r - v ; G 1 5 1 A, no. 5 , Testimony of
Capitan Diego de Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1 6 9 7 , ff. 2 3 - 3 5 .
8. Bata and bataa in the original: Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , bk. 5, ch.
6 5 . This reading is not absolutely certain.
9. The Itzaj equivalents would be chal-tun-ja* ("white-earth water"), chi'
Notes to Pages
65-67
noj-ka' ("shore of the big water"), and peten-ja' ("island-lake"); nab'a' ("incense
tree, balsam"), nek' noj-eke* ("seed of great tree"), sak-le'-makal ("white-leaf cassava"), and ti-puj ("at reeds"); polayim ("head of alligator/crocodile"), tz'unu'univitz ("hummingbird hill"), and joh'on-mo' ("hollow macaw"); and b'alam-tun
("jaguar stone"), ich tun ("among stones"), and ajLa'-la'-'icb ("old-old face").
1 0 . Much less is known about the composition of and relationships between towns and hamlets than might be desired. Following the conquest of 1 6 9 7
the native population soon abandoned most of their towns, in many cases moving
some distance away from them to live nearer their cultivations. This meant that
Spanish observers, who first began to explore the interior countryside intensively
in 1 6 9 9 , most cases saw only the overgrown ruins of towns and evidence of
hamlets in the form of cultivations and scattered homesteads. The most notable
exception to this pattern was the exploration by Ursua and others of the Kowojoccupied northern shoreline of Lago Peten Itza only a few weeks after the conquest, when they saw twelve thriving "towns" there (see chapter 1 4 ) .
m
Avendano ( 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 4 ; Relacion, f. 49V) described Yalain as an agricultural town occupied by people from Nojpeten who went there to cultivate their
plots. It is more likely that people in this area were permanent residents who
cultivated foodstuffs for consumption by elites at the capital.
11.
12.
Sanchez Polo et al., 1 9 9 5 , PP- 7
3-
1 3 . Ibid., pp. 7 1 1 - 1 2 .
1 4 . For Kulut Kowoj at both Ketz and the Saklemakal area see AGI, P 2 3 7 ,
ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de
esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8 o r - 8 4 v ; G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 ,
Orden al don Juan Guerrero por Martin de Ursua y Melchor de Mencos, 2 April
1 6 9 9 , f. 6 5 r - v . For Captain Kowoj at Ketz (unspecified, but apparent by context)
see G 1 5 1 A , no. 5 , Testimonies of Capitan Jose Laines and Capitan Nicolas de la
Aya, 6 July 1 6 9 7 , ff. 7 5 - 9 9 . There was another town called Saklemakal in the
Chak'an Itza region.
1 5 . The archaeological site of Chachaklun, surveyed in 1 9 9 4 , i situated on
flatter land above the hills along the northern shore of the lake. Larger and more
densely settled than sites surveyed adjacent to the shore, it displays probable
Postclassic architecture and may have been occupied in historic times (Sanchez
Polo et al., 1 9 9 5 , pp. 7 1 2 - 1 3 ) .
1 6 . One set of testimonies taken in Peten in 1 6 9 9 contains numerous statements referring to extensive populations west, southwest, and east of the main lake
(AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Auto, questionnaire, and pareceres on Peten Itza region,
s
4 April to 3 May 1 6 9 9 , ff. 7 8 r - 9 8 r ) .
Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , pp. 4 7 - 4 8 ; Relacion, f. 42V.

1 8 . Lutz, 1 9 9 4 , Table 2 , p. 6 7 . A conversion factor of about 4 . 0 persons per
tributario entero, applied here, is a conservative one. I have not located population
figures for Ciudad Vieja (Almolonga) during this period.
17.
Notes to Pages
68-yz
1 9 . Lutz, 1 9 9 4 , p. 2 6 4 , n. 4 9 (for San Pedro de las Huertas, also known as

San Pedro del Tesorero [p. 3 8 ] ) ; p. 7 7 (for San Juan del Obispo, based on age
pyramid).
2 0 . Peten did not again enjoy such a large population until the late nineteenth century. It rose from 2 5 , 2 0 7 in 1 8 6 9 to 6 4 , 1 2 9 in 1 8 7 9 (Schwartz, 1 9 9 0 , p.
1 1 , Table 1 : 1 ) . This late rapid growth may have been the outcome of migrations
resulting from the Caste War of Yucatan.
2 1 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Memoria on Peten Itza by Fr. Diego de Rivas, 2 6 May
1 7 0 2 , ff. 3 i r ~ 3 3v.
2 2 . See Ringle and Bey, 1 9 9 2 .

2 3 . Diaz del Castillo, 1 9 7 7 , p. 2 0 9 .
2 4 . AGI, G 5 0 5 , Auto by Bartolome de Amesqueta, with attached declarations, 2 7 March 1 6 9 6 .
2 5 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , bk. 9 , ch. 9 , p. 2 2 8 .
2 6 . Avendano drew attention to world tree symbolism in his description of
images that he called Yaxcheel Kab' and AjKokaj Mut, which were merged in a
basal platform and column situated directly in front of the center of the house of
Ajaw Kan Ek', looking out directly across the short open distance to the western
shore (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 9 r - v ; see also Avendano 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 2 ) . The
column, if Avendano was correct, was the symbol of a tree with a mask depicting
the supernatural lord, the "first son," also called AjKokaj Mut. The latter may be
related to the "idol" of sixteenth-century Yucatan known as Yax Kokaj Mut, to
whom, according to Landa ( 1 9 4 1 , p. 1 4 5 ) , priests made offerings and sacrifices
during the Wayeb' ceremonies for Muluk years.
2 7 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 4 ; Relacion, f. 29V. The 1 9 8 7 translation is incorrect in translating "media cuadra," or half a block (Relacion, f. 2 9 r ) , as "half a
quarter of a league" ( 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 2 ) ,
2 8 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 4 ; Relacion, f. 29V.
2 9 . See also Rice, 1 9 8 6 .
3 0 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 9, p. 2 3 0 .
3 1 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , bk. 9, ch. 9 , p. 2 2 9 .
3 2 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , bk. 9 , ch. 9, p. 2 3 0 .
3 3 . Nojpeten had been burned in an attack by the Kowojs just before Avendano's January 1 6 9 6 visit.
3 4 . That is, they were 1 . 5 varas in both height and thickness about 1 . 2 5
meters.
444
3 5 . Avendano y Loyola, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 4 ; Relacion, f. 3or. My rather loose

translation of this difficult passage differs considerably from that in the 1 9 8 7
translation.
3 6 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Fr, Andres de Avendano and two
other religious who visited the Peten of the Itzas, May 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 4 r ~ 4 i v . This
recorded oral testimony suggests that the bench was attached to the center of the
wall rather than standing freely. This is probably an error of interpretation.
Notes to Pages
73-78
3 7 . Such structures were presumably of the type known as "open halls" by

archaeologists. See, for example, Proskouriakoff, 1 9 6 2 , and Rice, 1 9 8 6 .
3 8 . AGI, G 1 5 i B , no. 2 , Certirlcacion de los cabos y oflciales de guerra, 1 4
March 1 6 9 7 , ff. 3 o r ~ 3 5v. Ursua's first report of the conquest to the king simply
summarized the officers' report, noting that there were twenty-one temples in all
(AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, Guatemala, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 , ff*
6 2 9 ^ 6 3 5V). AjChan, on the other hand, specified that there were fifteen "places
of idolatry" on the island, each of which was "a house or a large church" (AGI, G
1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 , ff- 4 r - n v ) .
3 9 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8> ch. 1 3 , p. 3 8 6 , my translation. For a slightly
different translation and interesting notations see Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , pp. 3 1 3 - 1 4 .
4 0 . For an interpretation of the pretil as a parapet, see Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 ,
bk. 8, ch. 1 3 , p. 3 1 3 , n. 1 1 3 0 . Pretil is an architectural term with several specific
meanings, including a masonry pedestrian railing of the type found on bridges or
along riverbanks, a battlement or breastwork, a stone bench, and a parapet (but
one in which the stone wall, the actual pretil, protects people from falling).
4 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 49V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 4 .
4 2 . The "given" names have a wide variety of meanings but are easily distinguished from the day names, which are virtually identical to the Yucatecan
names for the twenty named days in the 260-day calendar cycle known as the tzol
k'in (order of the day/sun). We can presume that every child was named for the day
on which he or she was born. With a repertoire of only twenty days, however, only
an additional name would ensure unique identification. In many cases a person
was identified by only two names in any combination, but almost never omitting
the patronym. I have found no recorded case of an individual's complete set of four
names. The use of three names was common sufficient, presumably to distinguish any individual from another, especially if the individual bore a title.
4 3 . Itza "given names" are probably equivalent to what Roys ( 1 9 4 0 , pp.
3 8 - 3 9 , 4 5 - 4 6 ) labeled as "boy names" in Yucatan, although it is difficult to
distinguish such names from possible matronyms. The Chunuk'um matricula confirms his belief that females also bore such names. Xok may be from IxOk, which
would signify a day name.
44. Fox and justeson, 1 9 8 6 , provide one of the best recent overviews of the
hieroglyphic evidence (focusing on Piedras Negras) for Classic Maya dynastic
kinship alliance and succession. While recognizing alternative interpretations,
they hypothesize "that royal succession was founded upon regularly maintained
dynastic alliances: that systematic matrilateral parallel-cousin and/or patrilateral
cross-cousin marriage joined ruling families, with a ruler's son-in-law the heir to
his throne and his fraternal nephew the heir at a politically affiliated site; and that 445
at the core of these alliances was a single royal matriline whose husbands ruled" (p.
7 ) . That is, they argue that the rulers were the husbands of a descent line of women
who belonged to a core matrilineage.
In their review of the Postclassic and colonial evidence, Fox and Justeson
Notes to Pages
78-80
recognize that father-son and brother-brother succession was the usual pattern in
the Maya lowlands. They see some evidence, however, indicating the practice of
matrilineal as well as patrilineal descent (p. 2 7 ) . Scheie and Freidel also read a
number of hieroglyphic texts from both Classic and Postclassic Maya centers as
indicating the possible importance of matrilineal principles, notwithstanding evidence for patrilineal succession as well ( 1 9 9 0 , pp. 2 7 0 - 7 1 , 3 6 0 - 6 3 , 3 6 6 , 5 0 2 ) .
Philip Thompson ( 1 9 7 8 , n.d.) has offered an intriguing analysis of both kinship
terms and succession to office in an eighteenth-century town in Yucatan that
strongly suggests the presence of both matrilineal and patrilineal succession principles even at that late date.
The literature on this complex topic is highly technical and sometimes dependent on incomplete and insufficient data. Among others who favor a double
descentmodel are Coe ( 1 9 6 5 , p. 1 0 4 ) and Joyce ( 1 9 8 1 ) . Marcus ( 1 9 8 3 , p. 4 7 0 ) has
suggested bilateral descent among Maya elites, distinguishing them from a generally patrilineal population. Haviland ( 1 9 7 2 , 1 9 7 7 ) and Hopkins ( 1 9 8 8 ) argue
against a matrilineal or double descent model. For a brief review of the topic see
Sharer, 1 9 9 3 , pp. 9 9 - 1 0 0 .
446
4 5 . Documentation for marriage avoidance between individuals with the

same patronym is found most clearly in the mid- and late-seventeenth-century
marriage registers of San Andres and San Jose, as well as in the early-seventeenthcentury baptismal registers of Santo Toribio, which represent a dominantly
Mopan population with a smaller number of Itzas and Kowojs. For San Andres
and San Jose see AAICFP, San Andres, Libro de matrimonios, anos 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 0 8
(Genealogical Society of Utah, Salt Lake City, Microfilm roll 1 2 2 0 0 8 7 ) . For Santo
Toribio see AAICFP, Santo Toribio, Baptismal Register, 1 7 0 9 - 4 9 (not microfilmed, original consulted).
4 6 . Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 1 4 , pp. 2 5 7 - 5 8 .
4 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , passim. The English translation of this
work (Avendano, 1987) transcribes the royal name as "Canek," although examination of a photocopy of the original document shows that Avendano or his
copyist clearly separated the two names, giving Ek a capital .
4 8 . Landa, 1 9 7 3 , pp. 4 1 - 4 2 . My quite literal translation differs slightly
from those of Roys ( 1 9 7 2 , p. 3 7 ) and Tozzer (Landa, 1 9 4 1 , pp. 97-98).
4 9 . By labeling the father's apellido or patronymic surname the "proper"
name, Landa apparently meant that it was the individual's principal or most important name. By calling the mother's name "appellative" he was using a specific
sense of the term nombre apelativo as a sobrenombre, a "name which is sometimes
added to the apellido [i.e., the surname inherited from the father] in order to
distinguish two persons who have the same one." Here I have relied on the definitions in Diccionario de la lengua castellana, 1 9 1 4 , pp. 7 1 6 , 9 4 6 (the quotation).
These are more complete than in some later editions..
5 0 . Roys, 1 9 7 2 , pp. 3 7 - 3 8 .
5 1 . Ibid., p. 3 8 . Only one early colonial dictionary, the so-called Motul II,
Notes to Page 80
specifies that tz'akab means "direct succession from the mother's side, descending
in lineage" (generation por via recta de parte de la madre, descendiente en linaje).
Omitting this detail, Motul I offers the definition "abolorio, casta, linaje o generacion" all of which refer to descent, lineage, and/or inheritance, understood in
Spanish culture as patrimonial in nature. The Motul 1 entry for ts'akab' includes
five Maya-language sentence examples with Spanish translations, each glossing
the term as casta, which bears the additional connotation of multigenerational
"purity" of descent. Each of four of these sentences offers one example of what
could be passed on to individuals through the ts'akab', namely, having the office of
B'atab' (translated as "cacique"), exhibiting evil qualities, being an "idolater," or
being a priest. Motul I's Maya consultant, that is, made it clear that it was through
the ts'akab' a matrilineal descent group according to Motul II that titles of
nobility, sacred cult identifications, priestly offices, and even personal qualities
could be passed on to successive generations (see Barrera Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , for
such entries).
3
Several early colonial dictionary definitions of ck'ib'al specify that the term
referred to descent in the male line. They use the same and similar terms (casta,
linaje, genealogia, and abolorio as well as nation) applied to tz'akab'. Whereas,
however, Motul Ps sentence examples for tz'akab' specify that an individual received specific qualities or positions through membership in such a kinship group,
the dictionary's examples for ch'ib'al place emphasis on the characteristics of the
group. According to these examples, one "comes" from a ch'ib'al of caciques
(B'atab', B'atab'il), "principales" (aimehenil), wise people, or thieves. From this
distinction it appears that while inheritance of a high-ranking position was effected through matrilineal descent in a tz'akab', individuals who inherited such
positions matrilineally also belonged to a patrilineal ch'ib'al.
Such a principal of double descent may be expressed by the colonial Yucatec
term for a person of noble, high-ranking political status: al-mejen, in which alrefers to the child of a woman and mejen refers to the child of a man. An al-mejen,
according to Motul I, was at the same time a child "respecto de padre y madre"
(with reference to father and mother) and an "hidalgo, noble, caballero ilustre por
linaje y el sefior o principal del pueblo asi" (a person of noble birth, a noble, an
illustrious gentleman by lineage and therefore the lord or highest-ranking person
of the town) (Barrera Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , p. 1 4 ) . Other dictionaries extend
almehen to mean all men and women of noble ancestry people of buena casta, or
"good descent."
The Itzas presumably used the term almeben in this way, although only
mejen is recorded in the Spanish documents. The title Ajaw Mejen (king, son of the
father) was applied to the successor of Ajaw Kan Ek' in about 1 7 0 0 , confirming 447
patrilineal inheritance of the kingship. The ruling Itza dynasty, however, reproduced itself through descent in both the Kan matrilineage and the Ek' patrilineage;
only successive marriages between the "principles" of female descent and male
descent could ensure the continued identity of kings.
Notes
to Pages
80-81
5 2 . Roys, 1 9 7 2 , p. 3 7 .
5 3 . The naal names compiled by Roys from colonial sources, with the number of occurrences of each name in parentheses, are B'atun ( 1 3 ) , B'ich ( 1 ) , Chan
( 3 9 ) , Chi (8), Itza ( 1 ) , Jaw ( 2 9 ) , Kab' (2), Kajum ( 1 ) , Kajun (4), Kamal (4), Kan (7),
Kowoj (3), K'uk' ( 1 ) , May ( 1 0 ) , M o (5), Ob'on ( 1 ) , Pol ( 1 ) , Pot (8), Puk ( 2 4 ) , P'ol
( 1 ) , Tz'ay ( 1 ) , Tz'imab'un ( 1 ) , Tz'ul ( 5 ) , and Um or Un ( 1 0 ) (Roys 1 9 4 0 , pp. 4 4 4 5 ) . An apparent naal name, Tzin (also an Itza name), is also found in Roys's list of
"unclassified" names (fromNa-Tzin Yab'un Chan, in which the significance of the
middle name is unclear). Of these, only B'ich, Ob'on (from NaOb'on Kupul, the
sixteenth-century ruler of Chich'en Itza), and Tz'imab'un do not appear on his list
of patronyms (pp. 4 2 - 4 4 ) .
54. Kan is "serpent," the principal meaning of the name. Kan means "four,"
and kaan means "sky" or "heaven," allowing for punning on the name. Ek' is
"star." Eek* is "black" or "dark" and, in colonial dictionaries, a "secular priest,"
the markings on animal pelts, and fat produced by cooking. In addition, it is the
Yucatec name of the logwood or dyewood tree (Haematoxylon
campechianum),
which grew plentifully in lowland coastal regions (see Roys, 1 9 3 1 , p. 2 4 0 ) .
5 5 . When Chan does appear as the first name in double names, as in the
case of IxChan Pana, the wife of Ajaw Kan Ek', it was likely a matronym.
5 6 . AAICFP, San Andres, Libro de matrimonios, anos 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 0 8 (Genealogical Society of Utah, Salt Lake City, Microfilm roll 1 2 2 0 0 8 7 ) .
5 7 . Avendano may have been referring to such naming practices when he
wrote the following concerning the Ajaw's name: "This reign comes to him by
inheritance, so their kings are always Ah Can Eks. But this does not mean that all
Can Eks are of royal blood or relatives, because all people from his town or district
are called Can Eks, and this does not mean that they are his relatives, since besides
and in addition they also have their own legitimate surnames [apellidos] and have
that one [i.e., Can Ek] because of the head person who rules them" (Relacion,
1 6 9 6 , f. 38V; see also Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 4 ) . Later in his account Avendano
wrote that at Yalain there were "many Indians called Can Eks like the king of the
peten, but they are not his relatives but rather natives of his district who (as I have
said) take the names of those who govern said districts, although they might have,
as they have, their own surnames from father and mother, each one" (f. 49V; see
also 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 4 ) .
If Avendano was correct, this means that at least some of the surnames
recorded by Spaniards, including those that appear in the eighteenth-century
church marriage registers (such as Kanchan, Kanek' Kante, K'ixabon, and perhaps
Kowoj), were taken from governing nobility and not from parents. Some individuals in the San Andres and San Jose marriage register appear, in fact, to have
assumed the titles as well as the names of governing rulers, including Chan Eb'
("Chaneb"'), Kan Yokte ("Kanyokte"), K'in Yokte ("Kinyocte"), and Noj K'ute
("Nokute") (see Table 1 . 1 ) . All such names were treated as patronyms in the
marriage registers, suggesting that patrilineages may have been defined by associa-
Notes
to Pages
81-83
tion with a particular local branch of the nobility as well as by descent in a local
male line.
58. The name Kan Chan appears in three western Itza towns. See AGI, EC
3 3 9 A , Memoria on Peten Itza by Fr. Diego de Rivas, 2 6 May 1 7 0 2 , ff. 3 1 T - 3 3 V .
See Table 3 . 1 for Kaw il Itza. For Kab'an Kawil see Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 ,
vol. 2 9 , bk. 5 , ch. 6 5 , p. 3 5 8 ,
6 0 . Both instances of the name are spelled with c in original, not k.
6 1 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Jose de Aguilar Galeano to Toribio de Cosio,
president of Guatemala, 3 0 April 1 7 0 9 , ff. 6 r - i 6 v . Sororal polygyny among captured leaders is described in AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Informe del Aguilar Galeano, to
president of Guatemala, 28 March 1 7 0 4 (see chapter 1 5 ) .
6 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa to Martin de
Ursua and Melchor de Mencos, 1 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 6 5 v - 6 7 r .
6 3 . The form that such large households might have taken is nowhere described in the documents. However, considering the importance that I believe the
elite Itzas placed upon maternal kinship principles, it would not be surprising to
find elite households in which maternal kin lived together. Their households may
have been similar to those of the Chontal Mayas of the Tabasco reduction town
of Tixchel, for which a household-by-household census was recorded in 1 5 6 9
(Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , pp. 4 7 0 - 9 0 ) . This census suggests "a strong tendency
toward matrilocal residence," indicated by a high percentage of daughters of the
household head couple who had brought their husbands to live with them. In
addition, households often had other men related by marriage to the male household head, as well as his nephews (ibid., pp. 4 7 4 - 7 5 ) all patterns that could
point toward matrilineal descent or, more likely, a dual descent system similar to
that which I describe in this chapter for the Itzas.
59.
64. One man was well equipped to have reached such an understanding: the
Mercederian Fray Diego de Rivas, who spent considerable time at Nojpeten following the conquest and who interviewed Ajaw Kan Ek' and his son in Santiago de
Guatemala in 1 7 0 2 . By then he was tired and infirm, and it may be that he left only
his one known record of an interview with the ruler.
6 5 . Marcus, 1 9 9 3 , p. 1 1 5 .
66. Ibid., pp. 1 3 3 - 3 7 . Marcus's model relies heavily on Roys's conceptualization of three types of polities in northern Yucatan at the time of conquest (pp.
1 1 8 - 2 1 ; see Roys, 1 9 6 5 a , p. 6 6 9 ) . The first, ruled by a single individual (an Ajaw
or Jalach Winik) who hereditarily controlled subservient elites bearing the title
B'atab', was the most hierarchical. In the second type, a group of related individuals with the title B'atab' shared power and authority over towns within a territory, without a central ruler. The third type had little political cohesion and was
found along the fringes of more stratified political provinces. Marcus argues, however, that these were not "types" per se but rather evidence of the several levels of
hierarchical cohesion and dissolution that characterized the dynamic histories of
Yucatec Maya polities (p. 1 2 1 ) . I believe that this assessment is fundamentally
449
Notes to Pages
83-88
correct, although there may have been other historical processes that also contributed to such variation.
6 7 . Marcus, 1 9 8 3 , p . 1 2 5 .
6 8 . Ringle and Bey, in their excellent discussion of segmentary states

( 1 9 9 2 ) , conclude that such pyramidal, hierarchical societies, while ideologically
oriented around a king and a central capital with such cosmic associations as
divine rule and the city as axis mundi, are beset by administrative weaknesses that
can lead to the hiving off of segments as a result of political conflicts (p. 3). I am not
arguing that the Itzas, who fit most of the characteristics of a segmentary state, did
not experience such difficulties but rather that their rulers seem for a time to have
dealt successfully with the problem through policies of expansionary conquest (see
also Fox, 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 8 9 ) .
6 9 . Fray Agustin Cano supplied the name Yajkab' (Cano, 1 9 8 4 , pp. 9 - 1 0 ) .
7 0 . That is, kaj jol ("town of the port"), ma'-koocb* eb* ("not-wide stairway"), and noj-peten ("big district [or island]"). The 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 edition of Ximenez's Historia records the names of the four wards as Cane, Cohoh, Macacheb,
and Nojpeten, while the usually more dependable 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 edition lists them as
Cane, Cahoh, Macucheb, and No peten (Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , bk. 5 , ch. 6 5 , vol. 3 ,
p. 5 5 ; 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5 , ch. 6 5 , p. 3 5 6 ) . My readings of Cohoh/Cahoh and
Macacheb/Macucheb are highly tentative, but it may be significant that there was
a town identified elsewhere as Jolka, probably jol-kaj, "town of the port" (see
Table 3 . 1 ) .
7 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 8 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 3 .
7 2 . Avendaiio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 8 r - v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 3 .
7 3 . Both tz'akan and tz'akab', the term for mother's lineage, apparently
come from the same root (tz'ak) meaning to multiply or augment. I am grateful to
Charles A. Hofling for pointing out this connection (personal communication,
1996).
Tedlock, 1 9 8 5 , pp. 7 2 - 7 3 ; Freidel, Scheie, and Parker, 1 9 9 5 , pp. 5 9 ,

7 3 - 7 5 , passim,
7 5. The Nahuatl kinship term of reference for older brother, male speaking,
was -teachcauh (Lockhart, 1 9 9 2 , p. 7 4 ) .
7 6 . Zantwijk, 1 9 8 5 , pp. 2 7 6 , 2 9 5 ,
7 7 . Ibid., p. 1 2 2 .
7 8 . Schumann, 1 9 7 1 , pp. 1 8 - 1 9 .
7 9 . Hassig, 1 9 8 8 , p. 2 9 .
8 0 . Ibid., p. 4 7 .
8 1 . B'aka was described in 1 7 0 2 as a place with many people "where the
kings descend" (donde descienden los reyes). B'aKa's location is unknown. In
1 6 9 7 a town named IxPop was under Kowoj control; it is probably the same place
as present-day Ixpop on the eastern end of Lago Peten Itza,
8 2 . His text reads "en una sima de un mogote" (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 ,
f. 29V). The image, probably small, may have been in a pile of stones at one of the
town entrances, left there from recent Wayeb' ceremonies. The translated passage
in Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 3 , is incorrect in situating it "on the top of a hillock."
74.
45o

See Roys, 1 9 5 7 , pp. 3 2 - 3 3 . Roys translated K'inchil Kob'a as "suneyed chachalaca," and Thompson offered "Chachalaca Bird of the Sun" (Barrera
Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , p. 3 2 4 ) . K'in Chil may in the Itza case be associated with the
name of a town, Kob'a, that was probably located in the Yalain region. The Ach
Kat with this name and title might have been the priest of the cult of this image and
might have represented this town. The only reference to the town of Kob'a is in
AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 2 0 Sept. 1 6 9 6 , ff.
83.
237v-4or.
84.
Roys, 1 9 6 5 a , p. 6 6 9 ; Okoshi Harada, 1 9 9 5 , p. 2 2 ; Quezada, 1 9 9 3 , pp.
50-56.
8 5 . The remaining Ach Kat-related titles provide no direct hints concerning military organization. AjMatan (which could mean "receiver of a privilege" as
well as "beggar") suggests a general honorific, and K'ayom could be a "priestsinger." Both could certainly have applied to Maya military officers, some of
whom may well have had priestly functions, which I discuss later in this chapter.
8 6. The author of the sixteenth-century Motul dictionary defined jol pop as
"leader of the feast; the caretaker-proprietor of the house called popol na, where
they gather together to discuss matters of government and to be taught to dance
for the town fiestas" (Barrera Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , p. 2 2 8 ) .
8 7 . Ajaw AjKan Ek' made an indirect reference to AjK'in Kante as his
uncle, identifying him as the one who tried to kill Avendano in 1 6 9 6 . See AGI, G
i 5 i B , no. 2 , Declaracion del reyezuelo Ah Canek, 3 1 March 1 6 9 7 , ff- 39V45V,
and chapter 1 2 .
88. Zantwijk, 1 9 8 5 , p. 2 9 6 ; see also Karttunen, 1 9 8 3 , p. 3 4 . Gillespie
( 1 9 8 9 , p. 1 3 3 ) notes that because coatl also has a second meaning, "twin," the
"two offices of tlatoani [the principal ruler] and cihuacoatl thereby conjoined
the (male) ruler and his 'female' counterpart" in a manner reflected elsewhere in
the Aztec pantheon. Alternatively, and less satisfactorily, Kit Kan might be a misreading of kit kaan, "father of sky," in which kit has a less commonly cited meaning as an honorific for father. Nowhere, however, is it written as Kit Kaan.
89. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
8or-84v.
9 0 . An ambiguity appears in the Spanish commentary for column IV, which

states that there were four kings and four caciques whereas in fact it lists five
kings, including Ajaw Kan Ek'. One version of this document (in AGI, G 3 4 5 , as
cited in Table 3.6) lists all five, while the other version (in AGI, P 2 3 7 ) omits the
first Reyezuelo Kit Kan. I believe that the first of these is correct, and that the
copyist for the second version incorrectly attempted to solve the discrepancy by 451
omitting this individual.
9 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 27V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 0 (in which AjTut is mistranscribed as "Afitul").
9 2 . According to Lopez de Cogolludo, Fuensalida called two Itza rulers
Notes
to Pages
92-97
AjChata P'ol and Ajaw Puk by the term "captain" in 1 6 1 8 ( 1 9 7 1 , vol. 2 , bk. 9,
ch. 8, pp. 2 2 3 , 2 2 7 ; bk. 9 , ch. 1 2 , p. 2 5 0 ) . This P'ol he later referred to specifically
as Nakom P'ol (bk. 9, ch. 1 3 , p. 2 5 3 ) .
9 3 . For Classic-period hieroglyphic forms of the title Ajaw see Scheie and
Freidel, 1 9 9 0 , p. 5 4 . These authors describe the title as emerging as that of the
"high king" during the Late Preclassic period (p. 5 7 ) . As they also note (p. 4 1 9 , n.
1 ) , the sixteenth-century Motul dictionary glosses Ajaw as "rey o emperador,
monarca, principe o gran senor" (king or emperor, monarch, prince, or great lord).
For a discussion of the distribution of the title in Late Postclassic northern Yucatan
see Roys, 1 9 6 7 , p. 1 8 9 . Roys observed that the title was not used by the Xiw rulers
of Mani, who preferred the title Jalach Winik. Ajaw, therefore, may in later times
have been used only by the Itzas.
9 4 . The Spanish original reads, "Este rey era entre ellos como emperador,
pues dominaba sobre todos los demas reyes y caciques que en su lengua llaman
batabob, y esta parcialidad declaran ser la mayor."
9 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Declaracion de un indio que dijo liamarse Ah
Chan, 2 9 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 191V-96V.
9 6 . Colonial dictionaries glossed peten as both island and "comarca, region
o provincia" (Barrera Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , p. 6 4 8 ) .
9 7 . Roys, 1 9 6 5 a , p. 6 6 9 ; Quezada, 1 9 9 3 , pp. 5 0 - 5 8 .
9 8 . Recall that in the 1 6 2 0 s the town of IxPimienta had four leaders, each
called B'ob'at, "prophet" (chapter 2). The sixteenth-century Chontal Akalan capital of Itzam K'anak was also divided into four quarters, each of which had a ruling
head, with a supreme ruler standing above the rest. All five of these rulers, as well
as heads of other towns, bore the title Ajaw (Scholes and Roys, 1 9 6 8 , pp. 5 4 - 5 5 ) .
9 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
8or-84v.
1 0 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaration of Ah Kin Can Ek, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 ,

ff.
13V-15V.
1 0 1 . The Kowojs may also have practiced joint rulership, although the
evidence is ambiguous. Following the execution of "Captain" Kowoj in July 1 6 9 7
this leader was succeeded by his son "Captain" Kulut Kowoj. Kulut may be a title
meaning deity-twin, from k'u (deity) and lot (twin), which would suggest a similar
relation as that shared by the joint Itza rulers.
1 0 2 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , pp. 2 8 , 5 0 - 5 2 ; Relacion, ff. 25V, 4 5 V - 4 8 1 * .
1 0 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 2 0 Sept.
1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 3 7 V - 4 0 1 - .
452
1 0 4 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 0 ; Relacion, f. 27V.

1 0 5 . Coe, 1 9 6 5 .
1 0 6 . Ibid. These rituals are described in Landa, 1 9 4 1 , pp. 1 3 6 - 5 3 . See also
Roys's discussion of directional rituals ( 1 9 6 5 b , pp. xiv-xv).
Notes to Pages
100-105
1 0 7 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
8or-84v.
Roys, 1 9 6 5 a , p. 6 6 9 .
1 0 9 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 9 ; Relacion, f. 3 5r-v. The translation is my own.
n o . Edmonson, 1 9 8 2 , pp. 3 , 1 5 , 2 1 ; see also Love, 1 9 9 4 , p. 2 5 .
i n . On matters of royal policy see AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of
Capitan de Caballos Nicolas de la Aya, 6 July 1 6 9 7 , ff. 8 6 - 9 9 ; G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 ,
Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. 4 1 * - 1 1 v.
1 1 2 . The "dance of sacrifice" noted in this quotation refers to an "idol"
reported by Fuensalida called Job'on ("Hobo"), before which, according to Fuensalida, the Itzas danced while sacrificing a person in a ritual accompanied by
drumming, playing of flutes, and singing (Lopez de Cogolludo, vol. 2 , bk. 9, ch.
1 4 , pp. 2 5 8 - 5 9 ) . Job'on, meaning "hollow" and possibly bearing a relationship
with the Itza surname Ob'on, may have been another name for an object that
Fuensalida called Moloc (probably from Muluk, a year-bearer day). This is described in unlikely terms as a hollow bronze figure of human appearance, open at
the shoulders with arms extended. The sacrificial victim was supposedly placed in
it and roasted alive over a fire. Such salacious descriptions of sacrifice by torture
are found nowhere else and should be considered suspect.
1 1 3 . One colonial Yucatec term for "war captain" was aj-cbun k'atun. The
more familiar term for war captain, nakom, referred both to a military leader and
to a priest who carried out human sacrifices, confirming that war captains were
indeed priests who consulted supernatural forces for military guidance.
1 1 4 . Roys, 1 9 6 5 a , p. 6 6 9 .
1 1 5 . Roys, 1 9 6 7 , p. 1 3 7 ; for his English translations of passages in all three
chronicles see Roys, 1 9 6 2 , pp. 7 2 (Tisimin), 7 4 (Mani, in which the k'atun is not
clearly indicated), and 7 6 (Chumayel). For the original passage from the Chumayel chronicle see Roys, 1 9 6 7 , p. 4 9 . Barrera Vasquez offered a translation based
on a compilation of all three versions: " 8 Ahau . .. was when Ichpa-Mayapan was
abandoned and destroyed by those without the walls, those without the fortress
because of the joint government of Mayapan" (Barrera Vasquez and Morley,
1 9 4 9 , p. 3 8 ) .
Edmonson disagreed with the translation of mul tepal as "joint government" and offered "crowd rule" instead. His translation of the same passage from
the Chilam B'alam text reads, " 8 Ahau there occurred/The stoning/Inside the
fort/Of Mayapan,/Because it was behind the ramparts,/Behind the wall,/Because
of crowd rule/Inside the city of Mayapan there" (Edmonson, 1 9 8 6 , p. 5 4 ) . The
original passage is ambiguous about whether the battle was an attack from outside 453
or an uprising from within. In any event, "crowd rule," which suggests an uncontrolled riot, is far different from "joint government," which implies an organized
civil war. He translated the similar passage in the Tisimin chronicle to read, " 8
108.
Notes to Pages
105-14
Ahau [ i 4 6 i ] / T h e r e was/Crushed stone inside the walls/Of Mayapan/Because of

the seizure of the walls/By crowd rule/In the city/Of Mayapan" (Edmonson, 1 9 8 2 ,
p. 1 0 ) .
The colonial dictionaries noted that mul, when used with nouns, specified
that the item indicated was produced by or belonged to a community in common,
as in mul ixiim, "common maize" or "maize of the community." Tepal was commonly translated as referring to a supreme ruler, even equivalent to the title Ajaw.
It is on this basis that the term mul tepal has been interpreted as joint governance.
See Barrera Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , pp.
1 1 6 . Roys, 1 9 6 2 , pp. 5 6 - 6 3 (a compilation of extended quotations from
Landa, 1 9 4 1 , and from Herrera y Tordesillas, who apparently worked from the
now lost full manuscript by Landa). The tradition of three ruling brothers at
Chich'en Itza mirrors the statement noted earlier that three brothers also ruled the
Itzas of Peten (p. 6 2 ) . It may or may not be relevant that the Kokoms, who ruled
Mayapan for an extended period, "were so rich that they possessed twenty-two
good pueblos" (p. 6 1 ) . This is the same number that Avendano recorded as parcialidades, or provinces, among the Itzas.
1 1 7 . Scheie and Freidel, 1 9 9 0 , pp. 3 6 0 - 6 1 .
1 1 8 . Ibid., pp. 3 6 1 , 3 7 1 .
1 1 9 . Ibid., p. 3 6 1 .
Chapter 4 : Power Politics

1 . His full name appeared as Martin de Ursiia Arizmendi y Aguirre in the
royal cedula naming him Conde de Lizarraga on 1 4 April 1 7 0 5 (Elorza y Rada,
1 9 5 8 , p. 3 2 ) .
2. This petition is recorded in AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Real cedula to president
and oidores of Guatemala, 2 4 Nov. 1 6 9 2 , ff. i r ~ 3 r .
3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Real cedula to president and oidores of Guatemala,
24 Nov. 1 6 9 2 , ff. i r ~ 3 r . Villagutierre discussed this cedula in 1 9 3 3 , bk. 3 , ch. 7 ,
pp. 1 4 8 - 4 9 ; 1 9 8 3 5 pp. 1 2 4 - 2 6 .
4. The copyist mistakenly substituted "los Lacandones" for Verapaz in this

passage.
5. The following section is based on Elorza y Rada, 1 7 1 4 , pp. 2 1 8 - 2 1 . This
work was translated and published in facsimile (Elorza y Rada, 1 9 3 0 ) . See also
Fontavelii, 1 9 4 3 , d Elorza y Rada, 1 9 5 8 .
a n
6. Carrillo y Ancona, 1 8 9 5 , l - ? PP- 8384.

v
7. Soberanis y Centeno was named governor and captain general of Yucatan and Campeche in 1 6 9 0 . His successor was to be Diego de Villatoro, who in
turn named three individuals, all apparently Basques, who could serve in his place:
Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, Juan Jose de Veytia, and Juan Andres de Ustariz. It
was Ursua who ultimately succeeded Soberanis (Magdaleno, 1 9 5 4 , p. 7 1 1 ) .
8. Martin de Ursua's relationship to Pedro de Ursua, however, is not known.
Notes to Pages
114-19
Enciclopedia
Universal, 1 9 0 7 - C . 1 9 3 0 , s.v. "Ursua, Pedro de"; Ortiguera, 1 9 6 8 .
1 0 . Elorza y Rada, 1 7 1 4 , p. 2 0 9 . The Conde de Jerena was also captain
general of the armada, lord of the palaces of Ursua, Nas, and Utalcoa in Alta
Navarra, and knight of the Order of Santiago. He made twenty-seven voyages to
the Americas, taking with him various other Ursuas who remained there as residents (Elorza y Rada, 1 9 5 8 , p. 3 3 ) .
1 1 . Elorza y Rada, 1 7 1 4 , p. 2 0 9 ; 1 9 5 8 , p. 3 3 .
1 2 . Elorza y Rada, 1 7 1 4 , p. 2 0 9 ; 1 9 5 8 , pp. 3 3 - 3 4 . One of the most important of the descendants of these marriages was Antonio Maria Bucareli y Ursiia,
who was named viceroy of New Spain in 1 7 7 1 .
1 3 . Elorza y Rada, 1 7 1 4 , p. 2 0 8 .
1 4 . Carrillo y Ancona, 1 8 9 5 , k > P- 6 5 9 .
1 5 . Carrillo y Ancona, 1 8 9 5 , ^- ? P- 6 6 0 .
1 6 . The identities of the members of the Council of the Indies who so
strongly supported Ursua's cause have not been positively established. One of
them, according to Bishop Carrillo y Ancona, quoted earlier, was said to be the
brother of Bernardino de Zubiaur, who served as one of Ursua's major officers on
the final entrada to Lago Peten Itza. Another may have been Manuel Garcia de
Bustamante, also a member of the Order of Santiago, whose "Approbation" of
Villagutierre's book was included in the material prefatory to it (Villagutierre,
1 9 3 3 , p. 2 ; found in 1 7 0 1 edition on p. 1 3 of the prefatory material). To these
influential contacts may possibly be added Enrique Enriquez de Guzman, who,
after having served as president of Guatemala, was serving in 1 6 8 9 in the royal
court at Madrid and may well have advised Ursua to propose the road-building
project (Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 3 , ch. 7 , p. 1 4 8 ) .
1 7 . In 1 7 0 8 Ursua petitioned for the title of adelantado and income in the
amount of four thousand ducats annually from the "reduced" peoples of Peten
(AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Ursua to Crown, 2 1 Jan. 1 7 0 8 , f. i 7 r - v ) .
1 8 . Patch, 1 9 9 3 , pp. 8 1 , 8 3 , 1 2 6 - 2 7 , passim. For a discussion of repartimiento in Yucatan see also Farriss, 1 9 8 4 , pp. 4 3 - 4 5 . I have related the repartimiento to the continued flight of Mayas from the towns of Yucatan to the southern
frontiers of the peninsula (Jones, 1 9 8 9 ^ . 1 2 5 ) .
1 9 . Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 8 1 .
2 0 . Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 8 3 .
2 1 . Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 8 2 .
Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 1 2 7 .
2 3 . Ursua's letter to the Crown, from which most of this information is
taken, was sent from Mexico City on June 3 0 , 1 6 9 2 . The original of this letter of
petition has not been found but was partially quoted by Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 . , 1 9 8 3
bk. 3 , ch. 8; the date of Ursua's memorial is noted in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Real 455
cedula to Ursua, 2 6 Oct. 1 6 9 3 , ff. i 7 3 r - i 7 5 r . This cedula is also quoted in Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 3 , ch. 9. Ursua included a memorial (petition) with this
letter, summarized by Villagutierre. That Ursua was alcalde ordinario of Mexico
City in 1 6 9 4 was reported by a member of the Audiencia of New Spain (Houwald,
9.
vo
2 2
Notes to Pages
119-24
1 9 7 9 , vol. 2 , p. 1 3 2 ) . See AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Auto and certification pertaining to

the absolution of Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, Feb. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 3 8 ^ 2 4 2 r . For
details on charges against Soberanis see AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Roque de Soberanis y
Centeno to Jacinto de Barrios Leal, Dec. 1 6 9 4 , ff- 5 ~ 7 v
2 4 . One of their sons, Joaquin, became governor of Yucatan (Carrillo y

Ancona, 1 8 9 5 , l - > P- 6 6 ) 2 5 . Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 8 4 .
2 6 . For vague information on Ursua's kinship network in Yucatan see AGI,
EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , bishop of Yucatan to Crown, 1 4 March 1 7 0 4 . One of his
relatives, probably his brother, was Francisco de Ursiia, who lived in Mexico City
and served as Martin's agent there in 1 6 9 5 d 1 6 9 6 (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Memorial, with fiscal's response, by Francisco de Ursiia, on behalf of Martin de Ursiia y
Arizmendi, Nov. 1 6 9 5 , ff. n 6 r - i i 8 v ; G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Memorial by Francisco de
Ursiia, c. 1 Dec. 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 4 4 r - v ; Petition by Francisco de Ursiia to viceroy of New
Spain, c. 1 8 Sept. 1 6 9 6 , ff. i o 8 r - i i 2 r ) .
2 7 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 9%3> bk.3, ch. 8.
2 8 . Ibid. Here and elsewhere the translation of this letter, Villagutierre's
commentary on it, and the cedula of 2 6 Oct. 1 6 9 3 directed to Ursiia is largely my
own, but amply informed by Robert D. Wood's translation (Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 ,
v
a i l
pp. 1 2 6 - 3 0 ) .
2 9 . I have not been able to locate this cedula. For more on Castillo y Toledo,
see Jones, 1 9 8 9 , pp. 2 5 0 - 6 8 , 3 2 8 - 3 0 .
456
3 o. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Real Cedula to President and Oidores of Audiencia of Guatemala, 2 2 June 1 6 9 5 , ff. 3 5 r - 3 6 v . The original (AGI, M 9 2 4 , Meritos y
Servicios de Castillo y Castillo, Petition by Juan del Castillo y Toledo) is undated,
and I previously reasoned, apparently mistakenly, that it was written in 1 6 9 6
(Jones, 1 9 8 9 , P- 3 2 8 , n. 2 9 ) .
3 1 . The enmity between Ursiia and Castillo y Toledo softened over the
years, for Castillo served as Ursua's supply master and hiring agent during the
second entrada to Peten. In 1 6 9 9 Castillo served as the guarantor of the surety
bond of six thousand pesos that Ursiia, like all outgoing governors, was required
to post against the costs of his residencia, an investigation into his activities as
governor by his successor (Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p. 1 2 5 ) .
3 2 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 3 , ch. 8, p. 1 5 0 .
3 3 . For example, AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Petition from Ursiia to Crown, c.
April 1 7 0 9 , ff. 7 r - 8 r .
3 4 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 3 , ch. 8, p. 1 5 0 .
3 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Real cedula to president and oidores of Guatemala, 2 4 Nov. 1 6 9 2 ; Real cedula to governor of Yucatan, 2 4 Nov. 1 6 9 2 , ff. 2 v ~ 3 r .
3 6 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Real cedula to Ursiia, 2 6 Oct. 1 6 9 3 . This cedula
also appears in Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 3 , ch. 9.
3 7 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Real cedula to Ursiia, 2 6 Oct. 1 6 9 3 .
3 8 . AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. r, Real cedula to president and oidores of Audience of
Notes to Pages
124-27
Guatemala, 26 Oct. 1 6 9 3 , ff- 7 7 ~ 7 9 ; P 3 7 ? tamo 3 , Real cedula to Conde de

Galve, 2 6 Oct. 1 6 9 3 , ff 7 7 7 9 ; G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Real cedula to Franciscan
provincial of Yucatan, 2 6 Oct. 1 6 9 3 , ff- 6 9 v ~ 7 o r . The cedula to the Bishop of
Yucatan is reproduced in Carrillo y Ancona, 1 8 9 5 , ^ - ? PP- 6 2 4 - 2 5 . The Count
of Galve was Gaspar de la Cerda Sandoval, Silva y Mendoza (Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 ,
p. 1 2 9 , fn. 5 1 7 ) .
3 9 . Jacinto de Barrios Leal to Soberanis y Centeno, 1 7 Nov. 1 6 9 4 , in Houwald 1 9 7 9 , pp. 1 2 9 - 3 1 ; AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Soberanis y Centeno to Barrios Leal,
v
v -
v o
Dec. 1 6 9 4 , ff-
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
5 ~7 v
Ancona, 1 8 7 8 , vol. 2 , p. 2 7 2 .
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 2 7 3 . The original reads "cercenado las medidas del maiz."
See also Carrillo y Ancona, 1 8 9 2 , vol. 2 , p. 6 0 5 .
Ancona, 1 8 7 8 , vol. 2 , p. 2 7 8 .
4 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Jacinto de Barrios Leal to Roque de Soberanis y

Centeno, 1 3 Aug. 1 6 9 4 , ff- 4 ~ " 5 *
r
4 6 . Soberanis's letter has not been located but is acknowledged in Barrios

Leal to Soberanis y Centeno, 1 7 Nov. 1 6 9 4 , in Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , pp. 1 2 9 - 3 1 ; it is
also noted in Barrios Leal to Sandoval, bishop of Yucatan, 1 7 Nov. 1 6 9 4 , in
Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , p p . 1 3 1 - 3 3 . Barrios addressed his letter to Soberanis "or the
person who might be in charge of the government of the province of Yucatan."
4 7 . Coordination difficulties were already becoming apparent, owing to
perceptions of differing climatic conditions in Yucatan and Guatemala. Soberanis
had said that during the "summer" (the dry season, beginning in January or February) there was insufficient water for drinking and that the Yucatecans could not
possibly set out then. Barrios stated that during only three months (late February
through early May) was the region dry enough for this sort of travel (Barrios Leal
to Soberanis y Centeno, 1 7 Nov. 1 6 9 4 , in Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , pp. 1 2 9 - 3 1 ) .
4 8 . Barrios Leal to Sandoval, Bishop of Yucatan, 1 7 Nov. 1 6 9 4 , in Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , pp. 1 3 1 - 3 3 .
4 9 . Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , vol. 2 , pp. 1 3 2 - 3 3 .
50. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Memorial, with fiscal's response, by Francisco de

Ursua, Nov. 1 6 9 5 ; P 2 3 7 , tamo 3 , documents related to Martin de Ursua's petition,
Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. i 2 i r - i 4 8 r . Ursua later indicated that Saraza had assisted him in obtaining copies of official correspondence early on in his residence as interim governor (G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Ursua to Conde de Montezuma, 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 4 6 v - 2 5 o r ) .
5 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. rr.; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2.
5 2 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Auto and certification pertaining to the absolution
of Soberanis y Centeno, Feb. 1 6 9 6 ; AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Ursiia to Juan de Ortega
Montanez, 2 3 June 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 8 v ~ 4 9 r .
5 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Ursiia to Jacinto de Barrios Leal, 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff*
3 6V-40V.
54.
AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursiia, 2 4 Feb. 1 6 9 5 , f- 5 7 ~ I
457
Notes to Pages
iij-iy
5 5 . Avendano (Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 47V.; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 2 ) described Garcia de

Paredes as a supplier of timber for ships. Campeche had become an important
center for the building of small trade vessels that brought in imports and carried
local products cotton textiles, beeswax, logwood, and salt to the port of Veracruz. See Patch, 1 9 9 3 , PP- 3 6 and 2 3 5 - 2 3 6 , for more information on Campeche's
commercial trading and shipbuilding.
5 6 . Garcia de Paredes's "rancho" was one of three in the Sajkab'ch'en partido (AGI, C 9 2 0 , Matricula del pueblo de San Antonio de Sahcabchen, 1 5 May
1 6 8 8 . ) His encomienda, granted to him in 1 6 8 9 , comprised the three villages of
Usulab'an, Mamantel, and China, which in 1 6 9 5 - 9 6 generated an annual income
of about forty mantas, indicating an adult tributary population of 1 6 0 or 3 2 0
persons, depending on whether one applies a manta-to-tributary equivalency of
four to one or eight to one (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Certification of payment of
tributes of the real de manta and acabala de los tercios for 1 6 9 5 and half of 1 6 9 6 ,
Partido de la Costa, 3 0 Aug. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 5 8 v - 6 5 r ) . Usulab'an and Mamantel had
originally been part of the partido of Tixchel, later renamed the partido or curacy
of Popola. China, also included in his encomienda, was located a short distance
southeast of Campeche. At its height the Tixchel district had included the towns of
Tixchel, Usulab'an, Chek'ub'ul, Chiwoja, Cheusij, Tik'intunpa-Mamantel, and
Popola. Originally Chontal Maya territory, the Tixchel district had been an unstable region since the mid-sixteenth century, when reductions were carried out both
under Spanish auspices and by the colonial Chontal leader don Pablo PaxB'olon.
The complex and fascinating history of this area is the primary subject of a classic
and thorough study by Scholes and Roys ( 1 9 6 8 ) .
5 7 . This was the route over which messages between Guatemala and Yucatan were carried. Sajkab'ch'en, a major stop on the route, was "the beginning
point of the jurisdiction of Yucatan" and under Garcia de Paredes's paramilitary
jurisdiction (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 7, Petition by Francisco de Salazar y Cordoba, c. 1 5
Oct. 1 6 9 7 , ff. 4 2 r ~ 4 3 v ) .
5 8. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 o, Auto by Ursua, 2 1 Jan. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 1 6 r - 5 1 7 r .

59. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7 , Certification by Pedro Enriquez de Novoa, contador, 1 5 Dec. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 6 v ~ 7 r . His title was teniente de capitan general y justicia
mayor,
6 0 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 2 1 Jan. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 5 ^ ~ 5 7 I
Chapter 5 : The Birth of the Camino Real

1 . AGI, G 5 0 5 , Auto by Amesqueta, 2 4 April 1 6 9 6 . Saraus's role on this
entrada is briefly mentioned by the secular clergy in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Auto by
dean and ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida, 4 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 4 3 i r ~ 4 3 2 v ; Cabildo
eclesiastico de Merida de Yucatan to Crown, 1 0 May 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 i 8 r ~ 4 2 3 r ; Auto
by dean and ecclesiastical council, Merida, to provincial, 9 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 44614 5 2 r ; Fr, Juan Antonio de Silva et al. to Ursua, 1 7 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 6 9 ^ 4 8 3 V ;
Notes
to Pages
129-35
Notification of delivery of real cedula to dean and ecclesiastical council of Merida,

3 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 5 ^
2. The distance of forty-three leagues is estimated on the basis of information in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries, 1 2 June
1695
4 Oct. 1 6 9 5 , ff. I 4 8 r - i 5 6 v , and in Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 v - 6 r ;
t
9 7 j PP- 5 - 9 .
8
3 . AGI, P 2 3 7, ramo 1 o, Auto by Ursua, 2 May 1 6 9 5.

4. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 4 , ch. 6; 1 9 8 3 , p. 1 8 3 .
5. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Ursua to Barrios Leal, 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
6. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 2 r , 13V; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 1 5 - 1 6 .
9. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 4 , chs. 4 - 5 , 7 - 8 .
10. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 4 , ch. 7 - 8 .
1 1 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8, ch. 6. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Declaration of
Captain Diego Bernardo del Rio, 2 3 June 1 6 9 5 , ff- 5 4 ~ 5 4 - ;
l Houwald,
1 9 7 9 , vol. 1 , p. 4 0 0 .
1 2 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 4 , ch. 1 7 ; 1 9 8 3 , p. 1 7 7 . AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 ,
Fray Agustin Cano to Barrios Leal, 2 April 1 6 9 5 , ff. 369V-370V.
1 3 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Declaration of Captain Diego Bernardo del Rio,
2 3 June 1 6 9 5 , f. 541V.
1 4 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 6, Testimonio de la consulta y consejo de los R.
padres misioneros, 2 4 April 1 6 9 5 , ff- i 8 r - i 9 r .
1 5 . The others were Fray Joseph Delgado, Fray Lorenzo Rodriguez, and
Fray Joseph Guerra (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 6, Testimonio de la consulta y consejo de
los R. padres misioneros, 2 4 April 1 6 9 5 ) .
1 6 . AGI, G 1 8 0 , Fr. Agustin Cano to Crown, 1 4 Nov. 1 6 8 6 ; Fr. Juan Bautista Alvarez de Toledo et al. to Crown, 5 Aug. 1 6 8 7 .
1 7 . Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , p. 1 7 6 , n. 7 0 4 ; Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , vol.i, p. 4 7 4 .
1 8 . Villagutierre ( 1 9 3 3 , bk. 4 , ch. 1 7 ; 1 9 8 3 , p. 1 7 6 ) claimed that they
encountered large numbers of Manche Chols, some five hundred of whom were
placed in reduction communities under the administration of Dominican missionaries.
1 9 . AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 2 April 1 6 9 5 , ff. 369V-370V.
The four Mopan caciques in addition to Taxim Chan were, according to Cano
( 1 9 4 2 , p. 6 6 ; 1 9 8 4 , p. 9 ) , Tzak ("Zac"), Tus B'en ("Tuzben" in 1 9 8 4 , "Zuhben" in
1 9 4 2 ) , Yajkab' ("Yahcab"), and Tesukun ("Tesecum" in 1 9 8 4 , "Texcum" in
1 9 4 2 ) . All but Tus B'en are also mentioned by Ximenez, 1 9 7 3 , l * 9 > bk. 5, ch.
i r
s e e
s o
5 8 , pp. 3 1 9 - 2 1 .
2 0 . AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 2 April 1 6 9 5 , ff- 369V370V; also in Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , vol. 1 , pp. 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 .
2 1 . Garcia Pelaez stated that Cano cited Taxim Chan's town as the largest
Mopan settlement, with five hundred inhabitants and "an idol with mother-of-
Notes
to Pages
135-39
pearl eyes" (Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , vol. 1 , pp. 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 ; cited in Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , p.

177,11.71).
2 2 . AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 1 5 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 3 7 o v ~ 3 8 r r .
2 3 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 6, Captain Juan Diaz de Velasco to President Jacinto

Barrios Leal (Rio de los Itzaes), 1 7 April 1 6 9 5 , f- n r - v ; Testimonio de la consulta
y consejo de los R. padres misioneros, 2 4 April 1 6 9 5 .
2 4 . This account is based on a detailed reconstruction prepared by Fray
Agustin Cano (AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 1 5 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 3 7 0 V 3 8 i r ) and on the field diary of Captain Juan Diaz de Velasco (recorded in Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk, 5 , ch. 6 5 , pp. 3 5 3 - 6 0 ) .
2 5 . AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 1 5 May 1 6 9 5 , ff* 3 7
o v
38 ir. See also AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 6 , Velasco to Barrios Leal (Rio de los Itzaes), 1 7
April 1 6 9 5 , f. n r - v ; Velasco to Jose de Escals (Savana del Axiza), 2 5 April 1 6 9 5 ,

ff. i 7 v - i 8 r .
2 6 . Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5 , ch. 6 5 , p. 3 5 5 .
2 7 . For a discussion of these names see chapter 3 .

2 8 . Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5 , ch. 6 5 , p. 3 5 6 . Ximenez believed
that the statement was an exaggeration intended "to induce fear."
2 9 . Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5, ch. 6 5 , pp. 3 5 6 - 5 7 .
3 0 . The original reads "con orejas o cuernos hechos a mano."

31.
Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol, 3 , bk. 5 , ch. 6 5 , p. 5 6 ; 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5 ,
ch. 6 5 , p. 3 5 7 .
3 2 . Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 ^ 0 1 . 3 , bk. 5,ch, 6 5 , p. 5 6 ; 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , ^ 0 1 . 2 9 , bk. 5 ,
ch. 6 5 , p. 3 5 7 . I have edited the names to conform to the most likely form in
standard colonial spelling. Adding to the difficulty of interpreting names poorly
transcribed by Guatemalans who were unfamiliar with Itza or Yucatec, the transcriptions of names from Ximenez's original manuscript differ in the two published editions. In most cases the 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 edition seems more reliable, but I have
used my best judgment in deciding on the more likely forms.
The following compares the spelling that I have adopted with that found in
each edition (the 1 9 2 1 - 3 1 edition and the 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 edition spellings are in that
order, in parentheses). Personal names: Chan (Chan, Chen), K'in Chan (Quin
Chan, Quien Chen), IxPuk (Xpuc, Xpuc), Kuch Pop Kit Kan (Cuxpop quitcam,
Cuxpop Quitcam), Ayikal Chan (Aicalchan, Aicalchan), Ayikal Puk (Aicalpuc,
Aicalpuc). Towns: Tixb'ol Puluija (Tixbol pululha, Tixbol Pululha), Nojpeten
(Noj-peten, Noj Peten).
3 3 . Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , bk. 5,ch. 6 5 , p. 5 7 ; 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5,ch. 6 5 ,
460
pp. 3 5 7 - 5 8; AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 6, Velasco to Escals 2 5 , April 1 6 9 5; Testimonio de

la consulta y consejo de los R. padres misioneros, 2 4 April 1 6 9 5 , ff- i8r-i9r. See
also AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 1 5 May 1 6 9 5 , ff- 3 7 0 v ~ 3 8 i r .
Cano's later account, written in 1 6 9 7 , telescopes these encounters with the Itzas,
providing less detail. He stated that the advance scouts actually reached the main
lake and saw Nojpeten (Cano 1 9 4 2 , p. 8 7 ; 1 9 8 4 , p. 1 0 ) .
Notes to Pages
140-41
34. Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol. 3, bk. 5, ch. 65, p. 57; 1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 29, bk. 5,
ch. 65,p. 357-5835. The following compares the spellings that I have adopted with those
found in each edition of Ximenez's Historia (the 1 9 2 1 - 3 1 edition and the 1 9 7 1 77 edition spellings are in that order, in parentheses). Personal names: K'ixaw
(Quixan, Quixan), Ajaw Kan Ek' (Ahau Canec, Ahau Canec), PakLan (Paclan,
Paclan), PakNek (Pacnec, Pacnec). Towns with names of their "caciques": B'atab'
Sima (Batazima, Batazima), Kab'an Kawil (Cahan Cahil, Cabon Cabil), AjChak
Tun (Ah Catun, Achactun), AjK'ixaw (Ah Quixam, Aquixan), Ach Kat Chan or
Ach Kaj Chan (Achcachan, Achcachan), B'atab' AjK'u or B'atab' Ajaw (Bataahcu,
Bataaheu), K'eyan Chan (Queyan chan, Queian Chan). Town with a descriptive
name: Tib'ayal (Itzaj ti'-bayal, "at the basket tie-tie vine") (Tibuyal, Tibayal).
The variation in recorded pronunciations of K'ixaw or Kixan appears to
have reflected local dialectical differences. For consistency I have adopted the
former spelling throughout this book.
36. AGI, EC 339B, no. 6, Velasco to Escals, 25 April 1695.
37. Juan Diaz de Velasco to Jacinto de Barrios Leal, 16 May 1695, i
Houwald, 1979, pp. 4 1 0 - 1 7 .
38. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Razon individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1698, ff.
n
8or-84v.
39. On his baptism see AGI, G 151A, no. 4, Certification of baptisms of
Martin Francisco Chan and others, 31 Dec. 1695, ff* 62v-63r.
40. AGI, EC 339A, Ursua to Juan Francisco Cortes, 15 Dec. 1702, ff. 581'64V; EC 339B, no. 28, Certification by Fray Diego de Rivas, 23 Dec. 1703, ff.
34r-3 r.
41. AjK'ixaw arrived with the retreating forces at Rancho de los Sapos
("Hamlet of the Toads"), north of Mopan, on April 26. There he told Delgado that
on Nojpeten there were "four very large idols and another in a cave, [and] that they
stand up with their arms and mouths open, and that they had spoken to them. The
one in the cave is called Pecoc" (Ximenez, 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 , vol. 3, bk. 5, ch. 66, p. 61;
1 9 7 1 - 7 7 , vol. 29, p. 362). After arriving at Mopan on May 7, AjK'ixaw was
further questioned and provided additional information about the Itza political
order. He reported that one Kit Kan was "the principal cacique or reyezuelo" and
that he was "very tall and fat," never left the island, and did not have (as AjK'ixaw
presumably did) pierced ears. He listed the "other caciques, who are like governors
of the island," as "Canec, Mata, Unzauyal, [and] Quil" and claimed that there was
a xiquipil (eight thousand) of houses on the island and that three large towns and
many smaller settlements were along the lakeshore. The caciques of these were 461
"Pana, Bolom, Pacha, Chata, Tibolom, and Belaic." (The transcription of the last
set of names is taken from the 1929-31 edition of Ximenez, vol. 3, bk. 5, ch. 66,
p. 62.)
These lists are a confusion of individuals and place names. "Canec" of
5
Notes
to Pages
141-44
course was Ajaw Kan Ek'. Chata, Matan, and Pata were Itza names associated
with the nobility. "Tibolom" (Tib'olon), "Unzauyal" (Junsawyal?), "Quii" (K'il),
and "Belaic" (B'elaik) were all probably place names.
4 2 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 6, Testimonio de la consulta y consejo de los R.
padres misioneros, 2 4 April 1 6 9 5 .
4 3 . Ibid.
4 4 . Diaz and Cano must have realized the possibility of their being misled
by Itza informants on this question. Although the two prisoners, AjChan and
AjK'ixaw, said that there were no other troops were in the area, had the facts been
otherwise they would have been foolish to reveal them to Diaz.
45. Sources on the condemnation of the retreat by Diaz include AGI, G 1 5 2 ,
ramo 3 , Cano to Barrios Leal, 15 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 3 7 o v ~ 3 8 i r ; Velasco to Barrios
Leal, 1 6 May 1 6 9 5 , in Houwald, 1 9 7 9 , pp. 4 1 0 - 4 1 7 ; and Cano 1 9 4 2 , 1 9 8 4 .
4 6 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 2 May 1 6 9 5 .
4 7 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Dispatch by the cabildo of Campeche, 7 May
1 6 9 5 . The eight-peso salary was to be paid to all of the non-Maya enlisted men
(AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 2 6 Aug. 1 6 9 6 ,
f. o r ) .
4 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Conde de Galve, 1 0 March 1 6 9 6 , ff.
2 5 7 r - 2 6 i r ; AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries on
camino real, Cauich to Chuntuqui, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5
4 Get. 1 6 9 5 , ff- I 4 8 r - i 5 6 v .
Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi was twenty-two in 1 6 9 8 .
4 9 . Although the documents ordering the recruitment of this group of fifty
Mayas do not specify the town from which they were to come, later information
makes it clear that they were from Sajkab'ch'en. See Avendano, 1 6 9 6 , f. 6 r - v ; 1 9 8 7 ,
pp. 9 - 1 0 ; AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries, 1 2 June
1 6 9 5 to 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5 ; P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Garcia de Paredes to Ursua, 4 Feb. 1 6 9 6 .
5 0 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 1 1 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 2 1 V - 5 2 2 V .
5 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 10, Auto by Ursua, 1 2 May 1 6 9 5 , f. 5 2 2 r - v ,
5 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. iv; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 . See also AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo
1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 1 2 May 1 6 9 5 , f. 5 2 2 r - v .
5 4 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 1 2 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 2 2 v ~ 5 2 3 r . His
actual title was "teniente de capitan general de su senorfo y justicia mayor de las
montanas."
5 5. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 o, Dispatch by Ursua, 1 1 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 53 4V-5 3 6 v.
5 6 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Diligencia by Juan del Castillo y Toledo, 2 1 May
7
t o
1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 3 6 v - 5 3 7 r .
462
5 7 , AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , List of Mayas sent to the montana from Tek'ax,

2 2 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 3 7 1 * - 5 38V.
5 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Diligencia by Juan del Castillo y Toledo, 2 3 May

1 6 9 5, ff. 5 3 8 v - 5 3 9 r ; List of Mayas sent to the montana from Oxkutzcab, 2 4 May
1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 3 9 r - 5 4 o r -
Notes
to Pages
144-50
5 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 2 6 Aug.

1696.
60. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursiia, 2 7 July 1 6 9 5 , f. 5 4 7 r - v ,

6 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Informe dado por mi, el Capitan Manuel Jorge de
Zever [sic, i.e., Sesere], ingeniero militar de esta provincia, 2 3 Nov. 1 6 9 5 , ff.
166V-167V.
6z. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , New instructions to Alonso Garcia de Paredes

from Ursiia, 2 4 June 1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 4 3 v546V.
63. Ibid.
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid.
66. The fort at Chuntuki is mentioned in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursiia to
Crown, 1 2 May 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 8 r - 2 i r ; Ursua to Crown, 2 7 Oct. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 3 r ~ 4 8 r ;
and G 1 5 i A , no. 3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 2 6 Aug. 1 6 9 6 . The
headquarters located two leagues from the lake was established for the purpose of
cutting timbers for the galeota that was to attack Nojpeten. The boat was assembled at Ch'ich', on the western shore of the lake, just before the final attack.
Ch'ich', therefore, served as the final headquarters. See AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Junta
deguerra, 1 2 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. i 6 r - 2 5 v .
Chapter 6: Franciscans on the Camino Real

AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursiia, 1 8 May 1 6 9 5 , ff5 7 ~5 9 '
2. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Petition by Fray Antonio de Silva, Provincial, c. 3 0
1.
May 1 6 9 5 , ff-
53
2 r _
534 r
3 . Silva did not mention de Vargas by name but wrote only that this group
would include "another donado" (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Petition by Silva, Provincial, 3 0 May 1 6 9 5 ) . That he was part of the group, however, is confirmed in Avendano's later report of this mission (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 7 , f. 2 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 ) .
4. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , title page; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 .
5. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, directed to Fray Antonio de Silva,
1 June 1 6 9 5 .
6. The "sonorous trumpet" (sonoro clarin) quotation is from Avendano,
Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 .
7. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 .
8. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 ; 1 9 8 7 .
9. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendano and two other religious
who visited the Peten of the Itzas, May 1 6 9 6 ; AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Declarations of
Franciscan guardianes from the Partido de la Sierra y Bolonchen, 1 7 Aug. 1 6 9 6 .
1 0 . Comparato thought that Avendano meant Telchaquillo (Avendano,
1 9 8 7 , p. 4 , n. 1 9 ) , but this town was not on Avendano's route. Telchaquillo,
located near Mani, was, to my knowledge, never called Telchak, and its proper
Maya name was Tichak (Roys, 1 9 5 7 , p. 6 7 ) .
Notes to Pages
150-52
1 1 . Collins has argued that the three maestro positions held by village
Mayas (maestro cantor, maestro de capilla, and maestro de escuela) were different
titles for a single position that involved, among other responsibilities, leading
prayers, teaching children prayers and chants, and actually chanting (Collins,
1 9 7 7 , p. 2 4 3 ) . Avendano here clearly distinguishes between two of these. I have
decided to translate the terms literally.
1 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f, 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4,
1 3 . The headquarters was to have been at B'olonch'en Kawich, but Avendano makes a clear distinction between these two nearby communities.
1 4 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3r.; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5, There are two folios numbered 3 .
1 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries, 1 2
June 1 6 9 5 to 4 Oct. ^ 9 5 1 6 . He even recorded what he regarded as a miracle that occurred on their
first night past Kawich at a place called Job'onmo. During a violent thunderstorm,
a deadly poisonous snake crept onto the sleeping mat of his servant, Francisco K'u,
but did not bite him when he awoke, saw it, and jumped up. The snake was
thereupon killed by his Maya companions (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 r - v ;
1 9 8 7 , p. 5 ) .
1 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 6. In the treatment of Avendano's text I have quoted from Bowditch and Rivera's translation (Avendano,
1 9 8 7 ) , with occasional editings of their text based on a reading of the original. See
also the excellent Spanish edition by Temis Vayhinger-Scheer ( 1 9 9 6 ) .
1 8 . Avendano, Relacion, 1696; ff. 3 v ~ 4 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 7.
1 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries, 1 2
June 1 6 9 5 to 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5. Conga may be translated as "hutia," a ratlike rodent of
the genus Capromys. The second party of Franciscans set up crosses at a number of
places along their route where they saw that people had been living.
2 0 . Jesus Maria mentioned another abandoned town, not noted by Avendano, called Yoxjalek' or Yochjalek', which would have been about six and a half
leagues (twenty-six kilometers) north of Temchay. The second group did not mention Temchay (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries on
camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5 to 4 Get. 1 6 9 5 ) .
2 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 5 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 8. The distance is the sum of
Avendano's place-to-place estimates. At this point they were probably about twelve
kilometers south of present-day Constitucion, which is on Highway 1 8 6 east of
Laguna Siviltuc. As the crow flies, they had traveled about one hundred kilometers
almost due south from Kawich, and Avendano calculated that the walking distance
was about thirty-three leagues, equivalent to some 1 3 2 kilometers.
2 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 5V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 9 . Although Avendano says
that the trees were "limones," they were almost certainly limes.
2 3 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries on
camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5
4 Get. 1 6 9 5 .
2
464
t o
Notes
to Pages
152-55
2 4 . Nojt'ub' was probably located at or near "Pueblo Viejo Conhoas," on

the path south of Constitucion. Jesus Maria estimated that the sarteneja held
"more than thirty botejas of water" (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of
Franciscan missionaries on camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5 to 4 Get. 1 6 9 5 ) .
camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5 to 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5.
26. Ibid.
2 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 6r; 1 9 8 7 , p. 6.
2 8 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 6 v ~ 9 r ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 1 0 - 1 3 . Some of these
events are also noted in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Itinerario diario of Franciscan missionaries on camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5 to 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5.
2 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 2 7 July 1 6 9 5 .
3 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Testimony of Captain Jose Laines, August 2 9 ,
1 6 9 6 ; Testimony of Captain Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi, 2 9 August 1 6 9 6 . The Spanish
captains seem to have considered the entire area that they were traversing to be
part of the Kejach territory. The friars, however, were clear on the matter, considering Kejach to begin south of Tzuktok'.
2
Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. iov; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 1 3 - 1 4 . For details on Fray

Cristobal Sanchez see Scholes and Roys, 1 9 4 8 , pp. 3 1 0 - 1 1 .
3 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. n v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 5 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , omits
the phrase that describes the meeting. The second captain is not specified but
would surely have been Fernandez de Estenos, Garcia de Paredes's second-incommand. In Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , the name of the friar who delivered the sermon is
mistranscribed as "fr Jua Erchales;" it should be "fr Jua Chaves."
3 3 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 2 v - i 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 6 . There is some
confusion in Avendaiio's account about whether the Sajkab'ch'en troops had occupied only one or perhaps all three of the dispersed hamlets comprised by Chunpich. The three hamlets were on the shores of a kidney-shaped lake, about 1 . 5
kilometers in length, located about 1 3 kilometers north of the present-day Guatemalan border. Avendano commented that from Chunpich itself the lake appeared
so large that "it stretches out of sight." A short distance to the west of this lake,
called Laguna Chunpich to this day, are two lakes of similar size Laguna el
Civalon and Laguna la Amapola that must also have been inhabited in 1 6 9 5 .
Chunpich itself was on the east side of the lake, whose waters were "very good"
(Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. i 4 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 6 ) .
3 4 . AGI, G 3 4 4 , ramo 3 , Miguel de Pineda y Useche to Ursua and Melchor
de Mencos, 3 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. i o 6 - i o 8 r .
3 5 . Avendaiio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 13V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 16.
3 6 . Avendano received this letter at a large aguada one and a half leagues
south of Chunpich, today called Laguna Mangiiito. He heard that there was a
large abandoned town called IxB'am three "long leagues" from there, which
would be on the south end of Laguna Paixban, or Paisban, on or near the Guatemalan border.
31.
465
Notes to Pages
155-61
3 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 1 5 1 : ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 . My translation differs

considerably from that in Avendano, 1 9 8 7 .
3 8 . See Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 47V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 2 ; p. 4 5 8 m
4 0 . Avendafio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. i6v; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 9 .
4 1 . San Buenaventura, writing from Chuntuki, also reported that the
Mayas at Tzuktok' were not to be sent after all to Sajkab'ch'en (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo
3 , Fr. Juan de San Buenaventura to provincial, 2 2 Sept. 1 6 9 5 , 2 2 Sept. 1 6 9 5 , ff
i56v-i58r).
4 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. i 6 v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 1 9 .
4 3 . Ibid.
camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5 to 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5 . The reduction at B'atkab' is also
discussed by military officers, who offered no significant details (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no.
3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 2 6 Aug. 1 6 9 6 ) .
camino real, 1 2 June 1 6 9 5 to 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5 .
4 6 . AGI, G 3 4 4 , ramo 3 , Pineda y Useche to Ursiia and Mencos, 3 April
2
1699.
4 7 . AGI, G 3 4 4 , ramo 3 , Melchor de Mencos y Medrano to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 8 March 1 6 9 9 , ff. 8 o r ~ 9 o r .
4 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Informe dado por mi, Manuel Zever, ingeniero
militar de esta provincia, 2 3 Nov. 1 6 9 5 .
4 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , San Buenaventura to provincial, 2 2 Sept. 1 6 9 5 .
5 0 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , San Buenaventura et al. to provincial, 2 4 Oct.
1 6 9 5 . Jesus Maria, a recent arrival in Yucatan, spoke no Mayan.
5 1 . Ibid.
5 2 . Ibid.
5 3 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , San Buenaventura to provincial, 2 2 Sept. 1 6 9 5 ;
San Buenaventura et al. to provincial, 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5 .
54. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , San Buenaventura to provincial, 2 0 Nov. 1 6 9 5 , ff162V-166V.
5 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , San Buenaventura et al. to provincial, 2 4 Oct.

1695.
5 6 . AGI, P 23 7, ramo 3 , San Buenaventura to provincial, 2 0 Nov. 1 6 9 5.

5 7 . Ibid.
5 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Fr. Juan Antonio de Silva, Provincial, to dean and
ecclesiastical council of Merida, c. 1 7 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , f. 4 3 ^ 5 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Barrios Leal to Ursiia, 26 Oct. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 1 6 7 V i 7 3 r ; AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Ursiia to Barrios Leal, 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
60. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 2 6 Aug.
1 6 9 6 . The Spaniards sometimes made a distinction between Kejaches and Chanes,
although the latter was actually the name of the predominant lineage at Pak'ek'em
v
466
Notes to Pages
162-67
(AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Matricula del pueblo de Pakekem, 9 July 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 4 v - 2 i r ) .

These names did not refer to separate ethnic groups. The Franciscans also made a
matricula of B'atkab' ( AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Matricula del pueblo nuevo de Batcab,
7 July 1 6 9 6 , ff, n r - i 4 v ) .
61. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Ursua to Barrios Leal, r Dec. 1 6 9 5 . One company
among these was commanded by Captain Mateo Hidalgo. Of the forty-nine men
of this company, eighteen were from an unidentified place written as "Sixntun,"
under the command of one Antonio Franco; the others were pardos from Merida.
The basic payment of the rank and file, paid and armed by Ursua himself, was eight
pesos monthly; Franco received twelve pesos per month. See AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 ,
Auto by Ursua, 2 Nov. 1 6 9 5 , f- 54&v; Auto by Ursua and payment of military
recruits, 5 Nov. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 548V-5 5or.
62. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Ursua to Conde de Galve, 2 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ffi82r-i87r.

1 6 9 6 . Garma's full name was Bartolome de la Garma Alzedo y Salazar.
64. AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 3 , Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 26 Aug.
1 6 9 6 ; AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Auto by Ursiia, 2 3 Feb. 1 6 9 6 .
6 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Auto by dean and ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida,
4 Dec, 1 6 9 5 . F background to this dispute see Ayeta, 1 6 9 3 .
66. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Auto and recaudo by dean and ecclesiastical council of Merida, 16 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 4 3 3 ~ 4 3 4 61. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Silva to dean and ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida,
r
c. 1 7 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 4 3 5 r ~ 4 3 7 r .
Chapter 7: The Itza Emissaries

1. The name Kante is a known patronym among the Itzas, but I suspect that
IxKante inherited this name from her mother. It is likely that she and Ajaw Kan Ek'
were half siblings, children of the same father and different mothers.
2. AjChan's father may have been Ach Kat K'in Chan (see Tables 3 . 4
and 3 . 5 ) .
3. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 ,
ff. 4 r - n v ; G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 2 0 Sept. 1696,
ff. 2 3 7 v - 2 4 o r ; P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Ursua to Conde de Galve, 2 9 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 2 0 3 r 204V; Declaracion de un indio que dijo llamarse Ah Chan, y ser sobrino del rey
Canek que lo es de la nacion de los Itzaes, 2 9 Dec. 1 6 9 5 ; P 2 3 7 , ramo 1, Ursiia to
Crown, 3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 9 r - i o r ; Razon individual y general de los pueblos,
poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
8 o r - 8 4 v ; G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaration of Ah Kin Canek, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. 1 3 v 15V; Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. i 6 r - 2 5 v ; G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Br. Pedro de
Morales y Veles to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, July 1 6 9 8 , ff. 6 4 r - 6 7 v ; EC 3 3 9 B ,
no. 2 8 , Certification of Bachiller Marcos de Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 , ff.
Notes to Pages
168-73
i 8 r - 2 i r ; EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Declaracion del Br. don Gaspar de Giiemes, 2 9 Nov.

1 7 0 3 , ff. 3 r - 6 r ; EC 3 3 9 A , Ursiia to Fr. Diego de Rivas, 1 2 May 1 7 0 2 , ff. 4 0 v ~ 4 4 r .
4. Villagutierre, apparently believing (despite all evidence to the contrary)

that AjChan was in the relationship of brother's son to Ajaw Kan Ek', transformed
his name into "Ah Can" or Martin Can. His name was always recorded as Chan,
however, in the primary sources that Villagutierre consulted.
5. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Francisco de Hariza to Ursiia, 7 July 1 6 9 5 , ff-
568V-569V.
6. In March or April 1 6 9 7 the same Mateo Wikab' appeared at the recently

conquered Itza capital to visit Ursiia (AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 5, Testimony of Capitan de
Caballos Nicolas de la Aya, 6 July 1 6 9 7 , ff- 8 6 - 9 9 ) . The surname Wikab' was
shared in the 1 6 5 5 matricula of Chunuk'um by five individuals from Tipuj and
Saksuus: three married men named Juan and two women (one married, the other
single) named M a r i a . One Juan Wikab' was married to Andrea Chan, who was
probably a relative of AjChan's. Mateo Wikab' may well have been their son the
ideal emissary to represent "Spanish" Tipuj to the Itza ruler.
7. This section is based on AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 4 , Auto by Ursiia, 7 Sept.
1 6 9 5 , ff- 4 9 v - 5 0 V (same as AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto del Ursiia, 7 Sept. 1 6 9 6 , ff.
569v-57ir).
8. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Declarations of Franciscan guardianes from the

Partido de la Sierra y Bolonchen, 1 7 Aug. 1 6 9 6 .
9. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 5 o r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 4 .
10. A marginal notation in Avendano's manuscript confuses these names by
indicating that "these Indians who came [to Merida] were called the two Ah Chan
brothers, the third Ah Chant'an Ah Tek, and the fourth Ah K'u" (llamabanse estos
indios que vinieron los dos bermanos Acbanes, el tercero Achanthan Ahtec y el
468
quarto Abku). The notation incorrectly conflates Aj Chant'an (a misrecording?),

one of the two brothers, with AjTek (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 5or; 1 9 8 7 , p.
5 4 , n. 1 6 7 ) .
1 1 . This situation is not clear. Two Kejach men baptized in Merida the day
before AjChan's group received the names Joseph K'u and Bartolome K'ixaw. Both
of these were from Pak'ek'em; K'u was said to be the cacique of that town. This
K'u might have been the AjK'u who went with AjChan on his September trip to
Merida, although this seems unlikely. For Manuel Chayax's relationship to
AjChan see chapter 1 1 .
- 1 2 . Andres K'eb and Mateo Wikab' visited Ursiia at the newly occupied
Itza capital in March or April 1 6 9 7 (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5 , Testimony of Nicolas de
Aya, 6 July 1 6 9 7 ) .
1 3 . The report by Wikab' to Gil is described in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Pablo
Gil to Francisco de Hariza, 3 0 Oct. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 1 9 6 v - 1 9 9 c
1 4 . Ibid.
1 5 , The 1 6 5 5 Chunuk'um matricula lists two persons named K'eb: Catalina K'eb of Tipuj (married to Pedro Tamay) and Pedro K'eb' of Saksuus (married
Notes
to Pages
173-77
to Maria Wikab'). The Wikab'-K'eb' intermarriage suggests that Mateo Wikab'

and Andres K'eb' may have been relatives.
1 6 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Gil to Hariza, 3 0 Oct. 1 6 9 5 . These towns included
Tab'in Chan, Sakpeten, Mopan, Tzok, Wikab', Nojpolol, Ichtun, and Sakche
between Tipuj and Lago Peten Itza. Tab'in Chan and Wikab' would have been
names of town leaders. This Mopan would not have been the town of that name
which is today San Luis in southern Peten. Around the lake the following towns
were being abandoned: Sakpuy, Motzkalek', Ek'ixil, Sakpeten, B'oj (AjB'oj),
P'ich, Ain (probably Yalain), Kantetul, and Mas K'in (a person's name).
1 7 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Auto del gobernador Ursua, 2 3 Nov. 1 6 9 5 , ff.
572V-573V. Hariza received Gil's letter of 3 0 October at Chunjujub' on 1 8 November, sending it immediately to Ursiia (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Hariza to Ursua, 1 8
Nov. 1 6 9 5 , f. 5 2 r - v ) .
1 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Pablo Gil de Azamar to Francisco de Hariza, 7

Dec. 1 6 9 5 (about) ff. 576V-5771".
1 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Ursua to Conde de Galve, 1 2 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , f. i 8 7 r - v .
2 0 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 1 .
2 1 . Ursiia was equally eager for Avendano to reach Nojpeten, owing to his
concern that Roque de Soberanis y Centeno would return to office before he could
record officially the Itza ruler's personal submission to the Crown, In a letter to
Jacinto de Barrios Leal, the president of Guatemala, Ursiia stated that he had sent
Avendano to Nojpeten with a letter and gift for Ajaw Kan Ek', "so that he may
begin to catechize them until I am able personally to go to the said provinces." He
had to go to Nojpeten, he explained, before Soberanis's return, which he expected
shortly; he wished not to have to give up control over the Itza enterprise, considering his efforts to date and the heavy financial costs he had incurred personally
(AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. 1 , Ursiia to Barrios Leal, 2 2 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 7 7 3 ) 2 2 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Auto and recaudo by dean and ecclesiastical
cabildo of Merida, 1 6 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
2 3 . AGIH, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Fr, Juan Antonio de Silva, Provincial, to dean and
ecclesiastical council of Merida, c. 1 7 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 4 3 5 4 3 7 - This was a weak
claim on Silva's part, because the Franciscans' mission so far had reached only the
distant frontiers of Itza territory. The "ambassador" in question was the lay friar
Lucas de San Francisco, who had gone in October to meet some Itzas in a town
south of Chuntuki. Sixty-seven of these later went to Chuntuki to see the commissary, Fray Juan de San Buenaventura Chavez (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , San Buenaventura et al. to provincial, 2 4 Oct. 1 6 9 5 ) .
I V _
r -
2 4 . Ursiia wrote to the Crown and the viceroy during this period, as he had
to the president of Guatemala, expressing concern for the future of his accomplishments with the Itzas in light of Soberanis's return to office (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 ,
Ursiia to Crown, 2 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 7
; P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Ursua to Conde de Galve,
2 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 1 7 6 V - 1 7 7 V ; G 1 5 3 , no. 1 , Ursiia to Barrios Leal, 2 2 Dec. 1 6 9 5 ) .
2 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Auto by Ursiia, 2 0 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 5 7 ^ 5 8r.
r _ v
469
Notes
to Pages
26.
an alcalde
27.
28.
178-88
That is, "justicia y regimiento," the city's governing cabildo comprising

and several regidores.
Pacheco was a secular cleric appointed as interpreter for this occasion.
AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Recibimiento del indio Ah Chan, 2 6 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff-
187V-191V.
2 9 . Ibid.
3 0 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , Certification by Diego de Carvajal Frio, 2 6 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff440v-44ir.
3 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Declaracion de un indio que dijo llamarse Ah

Chan, y ser sobrino del rey Canek que lo es de la nacion de los Itzaes, 2 9 Dec.
1695.
3 2 . Ibid.
3 3 . Avendano used the similar word "anahte" [anajte] (his plural anabtees)
to refer to the Itzas' hieroglyphic books (Avendano, 1 6 9 6 , f. 29V). Either form may
be related to the Nahuatl amatl, meaning both the book made from bark paper
and the tree from which the bark is taken (Barrera Vasquez et al., 1 9 8 0 , p. 1 6 ) .
3 4 . Except where noted, information about the Kejach baptismal ceremony
is from AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Certification by Diego de Carvajal Campo Frio,
3 0 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff, 4 4 i r ~ 4 4 2 r .
3 5 . The name is written "Kumu" in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Certification by

Diego de Carvajal Campo Frio, 3 0 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff* 4 4 4 4 - ? but all other sources
indicate that his name was K'u.
3 6. His name is written Ciyau in AGI, P 2 3 7, ramo 8, Certification by Diego
de Carvajal Campo Frio, 3 0 Dec. 1 6 9 5 . Other sources make it clear, however, that
his correct surname was K'ixaw .
3 7 . The instrument that I have translated as "oboe" was the chirimia,
or
flageolot.
3 8 . Salazar's title, in addition to archdeacon, was "chantre y comisario de
los tribunales de inquisicion y cruzada in Yucatan." He carried out the baptisms
himself because of the advanced age of the dean.
i r _
3 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4 , Certification of baptisms of Ah Chan and others,

3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
4 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Matricula del pueblo de Pakekem, 9 July 1 6 9 6 .
The cacique of Pak'ek'em appears in the census to have been don Marcos Puk.
4 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Certification by Diego de Carvajal Campo Frio, 3 1
Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 4 4 2 r ~ 4 4 3 r . The baptismal certifications are recorded in AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Certification of baptisms of Chan and others, 3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
4 2 . Patch, 1 9 9 3 , pp. 1 2 6 , 1 9 1 ,
470
Chapter 8: Avendano and Ajaw Kan Ek'

r. Avendano, Relacion, 1696^ ff. i 7 r - 6 6 r ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 20-66.
2. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 8 r - 2 2 r ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 2 1 - 2 4 .
Notes
to Pages
188-90
3 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 0 , Azamar to Hariza, 7 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .

4. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Silva et al. to Ursua, 1 7 Jan. 1696.
5. The letter from Silva is mentioned in Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 30V;
1 9 8 7 , p. 3 4 . A Spanish version of Ursua's letter to Ajaw Kan Ek' is in AGI, P 2 3 7 ,
ramo 3 ; see note 4 0 , this chapter.
6. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendano and two other religious,
May 1 6 9 6 . The content of the recorded deposition indicates that Avendano either
read his written account aloud or simply turned it over to the clerk, who omitted
certain information in his final transcript. The other two friars presented shorter
oral accounts that added little new information. All three also responded to several
follow-up questions.
7. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 17V, 4 6 v ~ 4 7 r , 66r; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 2 0 , 5 1 , 66.
The phrase "misionero" is mistranslated in 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 0 .
8. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 2 v - 2 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 2 4 - 2 5 .
9. Avendafio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. z6r; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 8 .
1 0 . Avendano called this body of water a sib'al.
1 1 . Nohem in the original, from noj-jem,
large valley.
1 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 4 1 ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 6 . Avendano's distances
appear to be greatly exaggerated as he crossed these karst hills, even allowing for
the winding nature of the path.
1 3 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 4 r - v ; 1 9 8 7 ^ . 2 6 .
1 4 . Ibid.
1 5 . Avendano, Relacion, 1696, f. 24V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 7 . Edmonson translates
Tanxulukmul as "facing final mound" (tan xuluk mul). This section of Avendaiio's
itinerary is highly confusing, making it difficult to locate where he saw the ruin. In
a subsequent paragraph he clearly redescribes the trip across the karst hills, this
time calling the pond Ichmuxan (possibly from Itzaj icb mux an, "among muxan
palms"). The realization that parts of these two paragraphs offer different descriptions of the same portions of the trip about four leagues across the karst hills and
then a passage of about one and a half leagues before coming to the pond finally
helped me make sense of his route. Tanxulukmul and Ichmuxan were almost
certainly the same place, but perhaps the different names reflect different memories
of those who contributed to Avendano's account.
It appears that they descended from the karst hills at about kilometer 20
along the present road, three kilometers east of Hacienda Papactiin. About five
kilometers farther south is the archaeological site of Acte, also the name of the
river to its south, which at its headwaters is called Arroyo Cantetul. Acte may
therefore be Tanxulukmul, although this possibility has yet to be investigated.
16. Avendano, Relacion, f. 2 5 r - v ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 2 7 - 2 8 .
1 7 . Teoberto Maler visited Kantetul in 1 8 9 5 , noting that it was in a savannah of the same name. He was unimpressed with the size of the mounds and
learned that no "sculptured stones" had ever been seen there by the inhabitants of
nearby San Andres (Maler, 1 9 1 o, pp. 1 3 2 , 1 5 2 ) .
Notes
to Pages
191-98
1 8 . The edge of the town was, Avendano calculated, four blocks from the
riverbank.
1 9 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. z6v; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 9 . Unless otherwise indicated, the translations from the Relacion are my own.
2 0 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 6 V - 2 7 1 * ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 9 .
Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 7 1 - - V ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 2 9 - 3 0 . Apparently the

path first followed Rio Acte (or Saklemakal) toward the east to a point around the
present-day settlement of Acte, and then turned south, crossing Rio Ixkonob on
the way toward the lake.
2 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 7 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 9 . As we see later, Ajaw
Kan Ek' hoped that the Spaniards would behead his enemies. Beheading of political captives and enemies was an ancient Maya practice.
2 3 . The advance message is mentioned only in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendano and two other religious, May 1 6 9 6 .
2 4 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 27V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 0 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , mistakenly gives the number of canoes that arrived as eight instead of eighty. AGI, P
2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendano and two other religious, May 1 6 9 6 , gives
the number of canoes as "more than four hundred."
2 5. Avendano did not specify how he knew that this person was the nephew
of Ajaw Kan Ek'.
2 6 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 7 v - 2 8 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 0 .
2 8 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 8 r - v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 1 .
2 9 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo r, Testimonies of Avendano and two other religious,
May 1 6 9 6 .
3 0 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 2 8 v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 1 .
3 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 291*; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 1 .
3 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 9 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 4 . Avendano states that he
carried out the blessing and exorcism "luego que llegue a dicho Peten," suggesting
that it was the first thing he did upon arriving.
3 3 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 1 V ; 1 9 8 7 ^ . 3 6 .
3 4 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 9 v ~ 3 o r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 3 .
3 6. This beverage was identified by Avendano as posole, which today refers
to the dough used to make both tortillas and atol, the actual drink.
3 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 3 0 V - 3 ir; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 4 .
3 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, Guatemala, 2 2 March
21.
1 6 9 7 , ff. 6 2 9 r - 6 3 5v.
472
3 9 . Avendano, Relacion, f. 3 i r - v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 5 .
4 0 . The Spanish version of the letter is AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Ursiia to Canek
de los Itzaes, 8 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff. 1 9 9 1 * - 2 0 3 r . There is no descriptive material associated with it. Avendano's discussion of the letter is in Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 1 V ; 1 9 8 7 ,
Notes
to Pages
198-209
p. 3 5 . For discussion and examples of sixteenth-century Requerimiento

texts,
including bibliographic references, see Morales Padron, 1 9 7 9 , pp. 3 3 1 - 4 7 .
4 1 . The date was in error and should have had four four hundreds, not five,
which would yield 80 + 1 , 6 0 0 + 1 5 , or the year 1 6 9 5. This was probably a copyist's
error, because Avendano, the presumed author of this letter, would not have made
such a mistake.
4 2 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Ursua to Canek de los Itzaes, 8 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
4 4 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 1 V ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 5 .
4 5 . Ibid.
4 6 . "Frijoles" were presumably black beans, and "carne de puerco del
monte" was probably peccary (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , pp.
36-37).
4 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1696, f. 3 2r; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 6 .

4 9 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 3 2 v - 3 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 6 . The complete
passage from Ezekiel 3 6 : 2 5 is cited in Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 6 , n. 1 2 4 .
5 0 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 3 2 V ~ 3 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 6 . Their answer he
recorded as " 'ba valac a toca [i.e., cota] vale/ " which he translated, " 'so it will be
when dawn comes tomorrow and we see it.'"
5 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 3 V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 7 .
5 3 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 3 3 v ~ 3 4 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 7 .
54. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendano and two other religious,
May 1 6 9 6 .
5 5 . A quarter of a vara would be about twenty-one centimeters.
56. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 4 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 8 .
58. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Conde de Galve, 1 0 March 1 6 9 6 .
59. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 5 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 9 .
6 2 . Although this literal translation is awkward, it conveys Avendano's
effort to demonstrate that the new k'atun had already begun.
6 4 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 371:; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 2 . Cochineal was actually
an insect that was attracted to a cultivated cactus plant.
6 5 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 38V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 4 . This translation differs
significantly from that in Avendano, 1 9 8 7 .
66. Avendano, 1 6 9 6 , f. 3 9 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 4 .
6 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 39)'; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 5 . This is a very free translation of this passage.
Notes
to Pages
209-18
68.
69.
70.
71.
Avendafio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 40V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 5 .

Ibid.
Ibid.
Avendario, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 4 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 8 .
7 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 37V, 4 o v ~ 4 i r ; 1 9 8 7 , pp. 4 3 , 4 5 - 4 6 .
7 3 . The following section is drawn from Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff.
4 2 v - 4 3 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 8 .
Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 3 v ~ 4 4 r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 9 . This letter also

appears in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Open letter from Avendano, 1 6 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff.
2 5 6 v - 2 5 7 r (with another copy in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8 ) .
1 6 9 6 , Testimony of Zubiaur, 2 9 August 1 6 9 6 .
7 6 . Avendafio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 4 4 r - v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 9 .
7 7 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 45V-461C; 1 9 8 7 ^ . 5 1 . Avendario claimed
that Ajaw Kan Ek' had at first agreed to the friendship pact with the Spaniards and
later reneged. This seems most unlikely, given the rest of the scenario that he
reported.
7 8 . Avendafio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 46V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 1 .
7 9 . Ibid.
80. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendafio and two other religious,
May 1 6 9 6 . In this version Avendano attributed the comment about plans to chop
the friars up into pieces only to a daughter of Ajaw Kan Ek', who he said was about
eighteen years old. Comparato noted this report of IxChan Pana's apparent
treachery in Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 1 , n. 1 4 7 , and in Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 7 , ch. 2 ,
p. 2 5 1 , n. 9 6 0 .
8 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 46V, 4 8 v ~ 4 9 r ; 1 9 8 7 ^ . 5 3 .
84. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursiia to Conde de Galve, 1 0 March 1 6 9 6 .
8 5 . Avendafio, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f, 5 o r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 4 .
8 6 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 50V; 1 9 8 7 ^ . 5 5 .
8 7 . The drink is not mentioned but is referred to as "their beverage" (Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 50V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 5 ) .
88. Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , ff. 5 0 V ~ 5 i r ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 5 ,
8 9 . Following the conquest, AjK'in Kan Ek', by then a prisoner of the
Spaniards, implicated a "Panau" (Pana?) in the murders of soldiers and friars from
Guatemala and Yucatan that occurred following Avendano's departure. This accusation was also made by a relative of the ruler's named Kanek' (with the spelling
"Panao"). AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declarations of Ah Kin Canek, Canek (relative of
Ah Canek), and the youth Carnal, 1 6 April 1 6 9 7 , ff. 4^-471,
f. 46V.
9 0 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 5 i r - v ; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 5 .
9 1 . Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 51V; 1 9 8 7 ^ . 5 6 .
74.
474
Notes
to Pages
219-16
93. Avendafio, Relacion, 1696, ff. 52V-63V; 1987, pp. 56-64. I have considerably condensed his description of this period of time.
94. Avendano, Relacion, 1696, f. 64r-v; 1987, p. 65.
95. Avendano, Relacion, 1696, ff. 63v-66r; 1987, pp. 65-66.
96. See, for example, AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 6, Declarations of Franciscan
guardianes
from the Partido de la Sierra y Bolonchen, 1 7 Aug. 1696; Declarations
of additional witnesses concerning the Itza enterprise, 20 Aug. 1696; G 1 5 1 A , no.
3, Consulta from Roque de Soberanis y Centeno to Viceroy, 28 Aug. 1696, ff.
i i 9 r - i 2 5 r ; Petition by Pablo Gil de Azamar, c. 19 Sept 1696, ff. 23 5v-237r.
Pablo Gil de Azamar was imprisoned for five months in Bacalar by Captain Francisco de Hariza after AjChan's escape from Tipuj, where he had been taken by
Spanish troops and secular missionaries following his visit to Merida at the end of
1695. Gil was accused of falsely representing AjChan as the nephew and personal
representative of Ajaw Kan Ek'. Eventually he was released following testimony in
support of AjChan's legitimacy presented by several representatives of the Yalain
province on September 20, 1696 (AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 3, Petition by Azamar, 19 Sept
1696; Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 2 0 Sept. 1696).
Chapter 9; Itza-Spanish Warfare

1. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Ursua to Ortega Montinez, 23 June 1696.
2. See AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 26
Aug. 1696.
3. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4, Auto by Ursua, 3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , ff- 63V-64V. Summarized in Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 6, ch. 5, p. 277.
4. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4, Auto by Ursua, 1 Jan. 1696, f. 65r.
5. AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Auto by Ursua to dean and ecclesiastical cabildo, 1
Jan. 1696, ff. 443v~444r.
6. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4, Auto by Ursua, 3 Jan. 1696, ff. 7or~7ir; Respuesta
del padre provincial, Fray Juan Antonio de Silva, 3 Jan. 1696, ff. 7 1 V - 7 2 V .
7. AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Notification of delivery of real cedula to dean and
ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida, 3 Jan. 1696.
8. AGI, P 23 7, ramo 8, Auto and recaudo by dean and ecclesiastical cabildo
of Merida, 1 6 Dec. 1695.
9. AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Auto by dean and ecclesiastical council, Merida, to
provincial, 9 Jan. 1696; Fray Antonio de Silva, provincial, to dean and ecclesiastical cabildo, 9 Jan. 1696, ff. 4 5 2V-454V.
10. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4, Auto by Ursua, 14 Jan. 1696. The secular clergyregular clergy dispute continued unabated throughout January and February
1695. $ AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Silva et ah to Ursua, 1 7 Jan. 1696; Diligencia by
Pedro Rangel, secretary, ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida, 25 Jan. 1696, ff. 458V459r; Auto by dean and ecclesiastical cabildo, 3 1 Jan. 1696, ff. 4 5 9 ^ 4 6 7 ^ Auto
by dean and ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida, 13 Feb. 1696, ff. 485r~40v. Ursua at
e e
Notes
to Pages
226-30
one point pronounced that the Crown would ultimately have to resolve the conflict over the Itza missions. In the meantime, each party would consult with him
individually in order to work out temporary solutions, and the Franciscan missions in the Kejach and Chan areas would continue with license from secular
authorities, in accordance with the 1689 cedula presented by Silva.
1 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26
Aug. 1696.
1 2 . Avendano, Relacion, 1696, f. 47?; 1987, p. 51. Avendano, who knew
the ruler of the north only as AjKan, is the only source for this episode.
1 3 . Avendafio, Relacion, 1696, ff. 471-48v;
1987, pp. 5 2 - 5 3 .
14. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Testimony of Zubiaur Isasi, 29 Aug. 1696.
1 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug.
1696; Testimony of Zubiaur Isasi, 29 Aug. 1696.
16. Ibid.
1 7 . Ursiia stated that Garcia de Paredes did not go because he was ill (AGI,
P 237, ramo 1, Ursua to Conde de Galve, 1 0 March 1696). In the same dispatch he
said that the troops went to the lake only to pilfer maize from the milpas adjacent
to the lake.
18. This reconstruction is based on AGI, P 237, ramo 3, Zubiaur Isasi to
Ursiia, 4 Feb. 1696, ff. 2551-256r; G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March
1697; P 237, ramo 8, Paredes to Ursiia (?), 4 Feb. 1696; and G 1 5 1 A , no. 3,
Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug. 1696.
19. This episode is unreported elsewhere and may have been an attempt by
the Itzas to convince the Spaniards to return.
20. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 1 2 May 1696. The description
that follows is reconstructed from Ursiia to Crown, 1 2 May 1696, and AGI, G
1 5 1 A , no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug. 1696. Where
details differ, I have depended primarily upon Zubiaur's description.
2 1 . AGI, G i 5 i A , n o . 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug.
1696.
476
22. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Testimony of Alonso Garcia de Paredes, 29 Aug.

1696, f. 76r.
23. In later testimony Zubiaur suggested that Campos was not killed (AGI,
G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug. 1696), but other
reports confirmed the beheading (AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 1 2 May
1696, ff. i 8 r - 2 i r ; AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Paredes to Ursiia (?), 4 Feb. 1696, ff.
424v-427r).
24. This was reported to Ursiia by "one of the captains" (AGI, P 237, ramo
1, Ursiia to Crown, 1 2 May 1696; Ursiia to Conde de Galve, 10 March 1696).
25. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug.
1696, ff, 69r-io4V. The muster roll for Garma's company appears in AGI, G
1 5 1 A , no. 4, Auto by Ursiia, 23 Feb. 1696, ff. 74v~75r.
Notes
to Pages
230-33
26. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Declarations of additional witnesses concerning

the Itza enterprise, 20 Aug. 1696, testimony of Julio Rentero.
27. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Ursua to Ortega Montaiiez, obispo virrey, 1 2 May
1696, ff. 45r~47v; P 237, ramo 1, Ursua to Crown, 1 2 May 1696.
28. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1697. The murder of
the two Franciscans was also confirmed later by Governor Soberanis (AGI, G
1 5 1 B , no. 8, Soberanis to Sanchez de Berrospe, 20 Oct. 1697).
29. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1697.
30. These were later reinforced by another group of soldiers (AGI, EC 339B,
no. 1 8 , Declaracion de Giiemes, 29 Nov. 1703). Ursua wrote that a total of thirty
soldiers eventually went to Tipuj (AGI, M 363, Ursua to Crown, 3 1 Jan. 1696), although later reports stated that there w ere only twenty-five (G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Certifications by secular priests regarding Indian carriers, Sept. 1696, ff. 2 2 1 V - 2 2 4 V ) .
3 1 . The number of secular priests was reported on some occasions as
eleven, but a later report stated that there were ten. The original list of eleven
priests included Lorenzo Perez de Giiemes (Jomun), Francisco de San Miguel y
Figueroa, Manuel Mendez, Manuel Valencia, Salvador de Solis, Diego Rajon, Feliz
Sanchez, Juan Francisco del Canto, Manuel Martin, Gaspar de Giiemes, and
Tomas Perez (AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Notification of delivery of real cedula to dean
and ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida, 3 Jan. 1696; Auto by dean and ecclesiastical
cabildo of Merida, 4 Dec, 1695; ^ ^ cedula to bishop of Yucatan, 26 Oct. 1693;
Cabildo eclesiastico de Merida de Yucatan to Crown, 1 0 May 1696).
Some of these apparently did not participate. Known to have been included
in the final list were Gaspar de Giiemes, Manuel de Valencia, Pedro Martin Negron
(cura of Bacalar), and Francisco Gomez (cura of Peto) (AGI, EC 339B, no. 18,
Declaracion del Giiemes, 29 Nov. 1 7 0 3 ; P 237, ramo 8, Auto by dean and ecclesiastical council of Merida, 1 1 Jan. 1696; G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Certifications by secular
priests regarding Indian carriers, Sept. 1696; Petition of Conde de Miraflores,
Pedro de Garrastegui Oleaga, to dean and ecclesiastical cabildo of Merida, c.
29 August 1696, f, 22or-v).
32. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Certifications by secular priests regarding Indian
carriers, Sept. 1696; AGI, EC 339B, no. 18, Declaracion del Giiemes, 29 Nov.
1703, PWaltok' is written Valtok in the original source.
3 3, AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Diligencia by Pedro Rangel, secretary, ecclesiastical
cabildo of Merida, 25 Jan. 1696, ff. 458v~459r.
34. AGI, EC 339B, no. 18, Declaracion de Giiemes, 29 Nov, 1 7 0 3 .
35. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1697.
36. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Barrios Leal to Ursua, 26 Oct. 1695; P 37> tamo
10, Declaration of Bernardo del Rio, 23 June 1695.
37. AGI, P 23 7, ramo 1 , Barrios Leal (president of Audiencia of Guatemala)
to Ursua, 26 Oct, 1695;
l Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 6, ch. 2, p. 268.
38. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 6, ch. 2, p. 269.
r
e a
s e e
s o
Notes
to Pages
233-37
3 9 . Cano, 1 9 4 2 , p. 7 1 ; 1 9 8 4 , p. 1 4 .
4 0 . Unless otherwise indicated, the following account of this entrada is
based on Amesqueta's long report to Escals (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Bartolome de
Amesqueta to Jose de Escals, 3 1 March 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 4 r - 4 0 v ) . Villagutierre's summary of this report may be found in 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 6, ch. 7 - 1 0 .
4 1 . AGI, G 5 0 5 , Fray Agustin Cano to Bartolome de Amesqueta, 9 April
1 6 9 6 , ff. I 0 3 V - I 0 5 V . See also Cano, 1 9 4 2 , , p. 7 2 ; 1 9 8 4 , p. 1 5 .
4 2 . See also AGI, G 5 0 5 , Auto by Bartolome de Amesqueta, with attached
declarations, 2 7 March 1 6 9 6 , ff. 66V-9 ir.
4 3 . The milpa, they surmised from information provided earlier by K'ixaw,
was called IxB'ol. At this point they were four leagues from the lake, near the
location of present-day Juntecholol.
4 4 . AGI, G 5 0 5 , Auto by Amesqueta, with attached declarations, 2 7 March
1696.
4 5 . Ibid.
4 6 . Ibid.
4 7 . Ibid.
4 8 . J . Eric S. Thompson surmised ( 1 9 5 4 , p. 1 5 4 ) that the redhead was an
Englishman from Belize, but Amesqueta seemed to think he was a Spaniard.
4 9 . Amesqueta described these as "labores que se estampan," which might
also be interpreted as scarifications.
5 0 . That is, uts-puksik'al,
literally "good heart" or "kind heart."
5 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Bartolome de Amesqueta to Jose de Escals, 3 1
March 1 6 9 6 , ff. i 4 r ~ 4 0 v .
5 2 . They had seen only one larger canoe with a capacity of seven or eight
persons.
1696.
54. Ibid.
5 5 . Cano himself indicated in a letter to President Sanchez de Berrospe that
the proper meaning was "a stockade of thick stakes" and confirmed K'ixaw's
warning that any visiting Spaniards would be taken to it and killed there (AGI, G
1 5 3 , no. 1 , Fray Agustin Cano to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 1 March 1 6 9 6 , ff.
6 4 r - 6 6 v ) . Kuman
in colonial Yucatec could be used to mean "detained" and
apparently here meant "imprisoned."
1696.
478
5 7 . Young Manuel de Zavaleta, who was posted in a tree during all this,
counted fifty-nine canoes in the lake and about three hundred Itzas on land and
water (AGI, G 5 0 5 , Auto by Amesqueta, with attached declarations, 2 7 March
1 6 9 6 ) . Remesal's history is published as Remesal, 1 9 3 2 .
5 8. Petenya in original.
5 9 . According to Cano ( 1 9 4 2 , pp. 7 3 - 7 4 ; 1 9 8 4 , pp. 1 6 - 1 7 ) , the Itzas who
Notes
to Pages
237-38
first met Diaz's party on the lakeshore told them that Franciscans were at Nojpeten
and invited them into their canoes. The Guatemalans apparently believed that any
such friars would have been Avendano and his companions, having had no news of
the outcome of Avendano's mission. Fearing a trap, the Guatemalans sent a message to the supposed friars with the Itzas, receiving in reply only a rosary as
"proof" that they were there. Still suspicious, they looked across the water to see
men dressed "in the clothes of the priests whom they had killed a few days before,
and they made signs from the Island and called to our men at this it appears they
had no further cause for doubt." The men in these clothes, however, were Itzas
(Cano, 1942, p. 73; 1984, p. 16).
At this point Diaz, the other soldiers, the two Dominicans, and "two other
young men" embarked in the canoes, leaving the thirty native carriers on the
mainland to watch after the mules and their loads. A struggle ensued in which
the Itza paddlers upset some of the canoes and killed and wounded a number of the
soldiers, taking the wounded back to the shore and finishing them off there. The
canoe carrying Diaz, the two priests, and the two unidentified young men was not
overturned, owing to its large size. As this group neared Nojpeten, the Spaniards
jumped ashore, where all but Diaz were seized without resistance. Diaz defended
himself with his sword, killing, according to Cano, about eighty Itzas before being
mortally wounded by arrows. They killed the two young men immediately. The
two Dominicans, only wounded by arrows, were reportedly beaten with sticks by
AjK'in Kan Ek', the high priest, and tied to X-shaped wooden crosses, where they
remained in a vertical position for some time. While in this position Fray Cristobal
de Prada preached to his torturers in Itza and Choi, while Fray Jacinto de Vargas
prayed to God and the Virgin Mary even as the high priest cut open their chests
and removed their hearts. Back on the mainland the Itzas killed every one of the
native carriers.
In all, according to Cano, the Itzas killed eighty-seven members of the expedition, including the two priests, fifty soldiers, thirty natives, "and four young men
and a Christian Choi Indian who went on account of his language." Their murderers, he claimed, ate every one of them, leaving the bones of all but the captain,
the priests, and the two young men killed on Nojpeten on the mainland. They
placed the bones of the others in a cave on Nojpeten, where they were later found
by the conquerors and returned to Santiago de Guatemala.
Cano's sources for this account, he stated, included "information given by
the Choi Indians as well as through information made public by the people of
Yucatan" that is, Garcia de Paredes and the others who went to Santiago de
Guatemala shortly after the 1697 conquest. There were, however, no surviving
Choi eyewitnesses to the events, and few of these details appeared in confessions
extracted following the conquest. Most of the account, except for the excessive
claims of cannibalism, is plausible but can be neither confirmed nor disconhrmed
on the basis of reliable independent evidence.
60. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Amesqueta to Escals, 3 1 March 1696.
479
Notes to Pages
48o
238-44
61. AGI, G 505, Cano to Amesqueta, 9 April 1696, ff. 1 0 3 V - 1 0 5 V .

62. AGI, G 505, Auto by Amesqueta, with testimonies, 7 April 1696, ff.
96r-io2,r.
63. AGI, G 15 3, no. 1 , Amesqueta to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 18 April
1696, f. 13or. The term translated here as loincloths is "guruperas" (gruperas), the
meaning of which is "crupper," the leather strap that stabilizes a horse's saddle
when it is looped under the animal's tail. These, then, were cloths that were
wrapped under the man's crotch and tied around his waist.
64. AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. 1 , Amesqueta to Sanchez de Berrospe, 18 April 1696.
65. Ibid,
66. AGI, G 505, Auto by Amesqueta, 9 April 1696, f. io6r; Auto by Amesqueta, 13 April 1696, ff. i o 6 r - i o 7 r .
67. The text states that Kej and the cacique of Chok Ajaw had died, but it is
apparent that this is a copyist's error.
68. AGI, G 15 3, no. 1, Amesqueta to Sanchez de Berrospe, 18 April 1696.
69. AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. 1, Amesqueta to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 26 April
1696, ff. 13 8r-149V.
70. The following paragraphs are based on AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. 1 , Amesqueta
to Sanchez de Berrospe, 26 April 1696.
7 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no, 3, Amesqueta to Escals, 3 1 March 1696.
72. See Jones, 1989, pp. 2 7 - 2 8 , 33, 298, n. 7.
73. AGI, G 1 5 3 , no. 1, Amesqueta to Sanchez de Berrospe, 26 April 1696.
74. AGI, G 505, Diligencia by Cano, including account of Manche Chols
by late de Prada, 16 April 1696.
75. AGI, P 237, ramo 2, Jose de Escals to Crown, 1 6 May 1696, ff. 9orioor. In these dispatches Jose de Escals referred to the abandonment of a presidio
at Mopan rather than San Pedro Martir. These locations were apparently considered synonymous, although the town of Mopan proper was about nine leagues
from San Pedro Martir.
76. AGI, P 237, ramo 2, Jose de Escals to Crown, 13 Jan 1697, ff- i o i r nor.
77. AGI, P 237, ramo 8, Cabildo eclesiastico de Merida de Yucatan to
Crown, 10 May 1696, ff. 4i8r~423r.
78. AGI, P 237, ramo 2, Escals to Crown, 16 May 1696, ff. 9or-ioor.
79. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Junta general de guerra (Guatemala) and attached pareceres, 1 May 1697, ff. 643V-679V, parecer of Jose de Escals.
80. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Sanchez de Berrospe to Ursua, 1 7 April 1696, f. 17.
81. AGI, P 237, ramo 2, Escals to Crown, 16 May 1696; AGI, P 237, ramo
i Barrios Leal to Ursua, 26 Oct. 1695. The other two Franciscans named as
interpreters were Fray Miguel de Loaysa and Fray Francisco del Burgos (AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 4, Auto by Ursua, 3 Dec. 1695, ff* 4 4 ~ 4 5 ) *
8 2. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursua, 26 Aug.
1696.
3
Notes
to Pages
246-49
Chapter 10; The Costs of the Camino Real

1 . Carrillo y Ancona, 1 8 9 5 , ^- ? PP- 6 1 7 ff.
2. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Report by Lie. Baltasar de Tovar to Conde de Galve,
2 0 Jan. 1696, ff. 2 0 5 r ~ 2 2 o r ; Parecer del real acuerdo, 2 3 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 2 o r - 2 2 4 r .
Details concerning the inquisition charges, not considered here, may be found in
AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Auto and certification pertaining to the absolution of Soberanis y Centeno, Feb. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 3 8 ^ 2 4 2 1 * .
3. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Soberanis y Centeno to Conde de Galve, 1 1 Feb.
1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 3 2 ^ - 2 3 4 ^ The viceroy was Gaspar de Sandoval Cerda Silva y Mendoza,
Conde de Galve.
4. See Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 7 , c h . 6.1 have studied only portions of
the extensive original documentation for these issues and have relied heavily on
Villagutierre for this section.
5. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Parecer del real acuerdo, 2 3 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 2 0 1 " 2241-. See Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 7 , ch. 6.
6. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Report by Tovar to Conde de Galve, 2 0 Jan.
vo
1696.
7. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Certification of Ursua's expenditures in the opening

of the road to Guatemala, 2 1 Jan. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 2 4 ^ 2 2 5 V .
8. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Decree by Conde de Galve, 1 0 Feb. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 2 2 7 1 ' 23 2r; Mandamiento de Gaspar de Sandoval Cerda Silva y Mondoza, Conde de
Galve, 1 3 Feb. 1.696, ff. 2 4 3 1 - 2 5 2 1 * .
9. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Mandamiento de Sandoval Cerda Silva, 1 3 Feb.

1696, Francisco de Ursua's relationship as brother of Martin is recorded in AGI, G
1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Petition by Francisco de Ursiia to viceroy of New Spain, c. 1 8 Sept.
1696.
1 0 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Respuesta del fiscal, 2 0 April 1 6 9 6 .

1 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Decree by Conde de Galve, viceroy of New Spain,
4 May 1696, ff. 2 7 3 1 * - 2 7 5 v . It is not clear when the headquarters were moved
from Chuntuki back to Tzuktok'.
1 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Ursiia to Ortega Montanez, obispo virrey, 1 2 May
1696. He simultaneously sent the same information to the Crown, adding, however, news of the Itza-Spanish conflict (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown,
1 2 May
1696).
1 3 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1, Real cedula to Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, 2 9

May 1696, and supporting documents on behalf of Ursua, ff. 5 31*-58v.
1 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Ursua to Ortega Montanez, 2 3 June 1 6 9 6 ; P 2 3 7 ,
ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 1 6 Dec. 1 6 9 6 , ff. 5or-521% Ursiia mentioned receiving
another empowering cedula, but its contents are unknown (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 ,
Ursiia to Conde de Montezuma, 2 4 Oct. 1696, ff. 2 4 6 v - 2 5 o r ) .
1 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Auto by Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, 3 Dec.
1696.
Notes
to Pages
249-51
16. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 , Juan Jeronimo Abaci to Roque de Soberanis y

Centeno, 7 Dec. 1696.
17. AGI, G 15 i A , no. 6, Auto by Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno,
20 July 1696, ff. 7r-8v; Notification of delivery of auto de ruego y encargo to
provincial, Fray Juan Antonio de Silva, 23 July 1696, ff. i o r - n r .
18. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Auto by Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno,
13 Aug. 1696, ff. 22v-23r; Declarations of Franciscan guardianes
from the Partido de la Sierra y Bolonchen, 17 Aug. 1696.
19. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Declarations of additional witnesses concerning
the Itza enterprise, 20 Aug. 1696.
20. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug.
1696.
2 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Petition of Conde de Miraflores, Pedro de Garrastegui Oleaga, to dean and ecclesiastical council of Merida, c. 29 August 1696.
22. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Certifications by secular priests regarding Indian
carriers, Sept. 1696.
23. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Ursiia to Dr. Juan de Ortega Montanez, 14 Oct.
1696, ff. 24 i v - 2 4 3 v. Ursiia, however, indirectly admitted to underpaying the
carriers and suppliers by stating that in September or October he had remitted
monies to the secular priests "in the partidos closest to the entrada so that the
supply trains [cabalgaduras]
might be paid [both] when they make [the journey]
and on their return, [when] they carry less."
24. AGI, G 15 iA, no. 6, Auto by Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno,
29 Aug. 1696, f. 44r-v.
482
25. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Declarations by caciques and justicias of Beneficios

Bajos and Altos, 3 1 Aug. 1696-24 Oct. 1696, ff. 45r~72v.
26. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Ursiia to Ortega Montanez, 14 Oct. 1696.
27. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Velasquez to viceroy of New Spain, 2 Sept. 1696.
28. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Respuesta del fiscal, Lie. Baltasar de Tobar,
1 2 Sept. 1696, ff. i i 2 r - n 8 v .
29. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Petition by Francisco de Ursiia to viceroy of New
Spain, c. 18 Sept. 1696.
30. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Petition by Azamar, c. 19 Sept 1696; Declaration
of four Indians from Peten, 20 Sept. 1696, ff. 237v-24or.
3 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Ursiia to Ortega Montanez, 14 Oct. 1696; Ursiia
to Montezuma, 24 Oct. 1696; AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 27 Oct. 1696.
32. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Consulta from Soberanis y Centeno to viceroy,
28 Aug. 1696; Governor Roque de Soberanis to Juan de Ortega Montanez,
18 Sept. 1696, ff. 56V-581-.
33. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Ursiia to Conde de Montezuma, viceroy, 24 Oct.
1696, ff. 246v-25or.
34. Ursiia noted the antiquity of the road himself (AGI, P 237, ramo 1,
Ursiia to Crown, 26 Sept. 1697, ff. 67r-69v).
Notes
to Pages
251-54
35. Ursua wrote in May that the road was by then completed to the lake;
the months of March and April would have been spent improving it (AGI, P 237,
ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 1 2 May 1696).
3 6. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Ursua to Obispo Virrey Ortega Montanez, 1 2 May
1696.
37. Sesere had built the fort at Campeche and was known as a mathematical expert (AGI, P 237, ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 27 Oct. 1696).
38. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Ursua to Montezuma, 24 Oct. 1696.
39. Once he had finished building a piragua in order to cross Rio San Pedro,
Garcia de Paredes had so little to keep his troops occupied that sometime in July or
early August he sent twenty-nine of his soldiers, with a thirty-day supply of food,
to search for the source of the river. He also sent some of his workers to improve
the road across the hills toward the lake, but the rains forced them to stop and
build a "thatch fort" eight to ten leagues from the lake. This encampment, occupied at that time by forty troops and defended with heavy artillery, was probably
located at the aguada north of the Acte River that Avendano had called Ichmuxan,
only three leagues north of the first Chak'an Itza town. See AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3,
Ursua to Juan de Ortega Montanez, 20 Aug. 1696, ff. 5 4 V - 5 5V.
Ursiia wrote that the fort was located sixteen leagues from the lake, which
would have placed it at the southern foot of the high hills north of the lake,
perhaps at the lake or aguada that Avendafio called Tanxulukmul (see chapter 8).
By October the estimate of the distance had grown still greater, to eighteen leagues
from the lake (AGI, Guatemala 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Ursiia to Montezuma, 24 Oct. 1696).
The closer location, however, seems more likely as a base camp for the fashioning
of the timbers for the galeota.
40. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 27 Oct. 1696, ff. 43r~48r.
4 1 . Ibid.
42. Ibid. He cited a similar provision granted to Diego de Vera Ordonez de
Villaguiran in a cedula dated 29 March 1639.
14 Dec. 1696, f. 6r-v.
44. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursua to Crown, 16 Dec. 1696, ff. 5or~52r. Recruiting sailors for what would ultimately be only a single galeota proved somewhat difficult, because all available seamen were needed to protect the coasts
(AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Juan Jeronimo Abad to Governor Roque de Soberanis y
Centeno, 26 Dec. 1696, f. 7r-v).
45. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 16 Dec. 1696.
46. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Auto by Ursiia, 10 March 1697, ff.
31-41.
47. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 , Ursiia to Crown, 22 Jan. 1697.
48. Villagutierre gives Ursiia's date of departure as January 24 ( 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8,
ch. 3, p. 24).
49. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursiia to Crown, 22 Jan. 1697.
50. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Mandamiento by Ursiia, 21 May 1696, f. n r .
Notes
to Pages
254-56
5 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 4, Ursua to Barrios Leal, 1 Dec. 1695, ff* 36V-40V.

52. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Mandamiento by Ursua, 21 May 1696.
53. B'atkab' was known as a Kejach town, whereas Pak'ek'em had always
been the "town of the Chans," because a large number of its inhabitants bore the
name Chan. An equally large number, however, were Puks. These two patrilineages far outnumbered the others. A similar social pattern characterized B'atkab',
whose dominant families were Puks and K'ixaws. The population of B'atkab'
included 98 "adults" and 45 children ten years and younger; that of Pak'ek'em,
207 "adults" and 1 4 1 children.
54. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Certificacion de los padres comisarios de las
nuevas poblaciones, 13 July 1696, ff. 2 i r - 2 2 v . The identity of Yajb'akab', also
recorded as IxB'akab', is unknown.
55. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Certificacion de los padres comisarios de las
nuevas poblaciones, 13 July 1696.
56. Ibid.
57. See AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Declarations of Franciscan guardians from the
Partido de la Sierra y Bolonchen, 1 7 Aug. 1696, which consists of depositions by
several Franciscans serving in the Partido of the Sierra and B'olonch'en, by demand of Soberanis. Three of those testifying knew that Tzuktok' had been abandoned. One of them, Fray Andres de Campo, stated that there had been only about
twenty adult Mayas living there before the abandonment. Soberanis, however,
wrote that there had been two hundred living there (AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Consulta
from Roque de Soberanis y Centeno to viceroy, 28 Aug. 1696).
58. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Auto by Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno,
2 Sept. 1696, f. 76V.
59. The six men were Ventura Kawich (age 20), Agustin Tz'ul (24), Lucas
Puk (25), Alonso B'atun (19), Juan K'ixaw (20), and Gabriel Jaw (20). All of them
appeared on the B'atkab' matricula.
60. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Declarations by Indians fromBatcab, 4 Sept. 1696,
ff. 76V-79V.
484
6 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 6, Auto by Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno,

6 Sept. 1696, ff. 79V-8 or.
62. When Ursua's final entrada reached Tzuktok' in early 1697, he learned
of the further fate of the Kejach converts. He discovered that the cacique of Tzuktok' had moved some of the inhabitants three leagues from the town's original
location because of "its bad climate." Others were now living at Jop'elch'en,
B'olonch'en Kawich, and Sajkab'ch'en. Since all these towns were "administered"
by Garcia de Paredes and Castillo y Toledo, it is unlikely that their move had been
voluntary. At B'atkab' Ursua learned that some of the kidnapped inhabitants of
Pak'ek'em had escaped from the Itzas and returned, only to run away from the
approaching Spanish troops. Thirty were later rounded up and taken to him at the
new headquarters established by Zubiaur two leagues from the lake. The inhabitants of B'atkab' had moved two leagues from their original location, but 120
Notes
to Pages
256-60
people of Chunpich had relocated at a distance of four leagues in the bush. Ursiia
handed out gifts to the people of Pak'ek'em, instructing them to try to convince
those of B'atkab' and Chunpich to return to their original locations (AGI, P 237,
ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, 22 March 1697; Villagutierre's interpretation of
this letter is an excellent example of his proclivity to exaggerate and embellish
information included in the original document [1933, bk. 8, ch. 3, p. 347]).
63. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Testimonies presented on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug.
1696, ff. 69r-io4v; Declaration of Diego de Avila y Pacheco, encomendero of
Oxkutzcab, 29 Aug. 1696, ff. 104V-107V.
64. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Auto by Soberanis, 29 Aug. 1696, f. 44r-v.
with attached certification and list of cabeceras and visitas in the partidos of Costa,
Sierra, Camino Real, Campeche, and jurisdiction of Valladolid, 3 1 Oct. 1696, ff.
73r- 6v.
7
66. Two of these Tek'it and Mama were actually located in the partido
of Sierra, while the rest were in Beneficios Bajos. Twenty-seven towns had supplied
the Tipuj entrada five in Beneficios Bajos, twenty in Beneficios Altos, and two in
Valladolid. Assignment of the district affiliation of the towns is based on Gerhard,
1979. Because these boundaries changed from time to time, all of these may have
been considered Beneficios towns at the time.
67. The twenty-seven towns that reported supplying the entrada to Tipuj
provided a total of 143 horses and fifteen mules, in addition to modest amounts of
maize meal.
68. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Petition of Conde de Miraflores, Pedro de Garrastegui Oleaga, to dean and ecclesiastical council of Merida, c. 29 August 1696;
Auto by dean and ecclesiastical council of Merida, 29 August 1696, ff. 2 2 0 V 221 v; Certifications by secular priests regarding Indian carriers, Sept. 1696, ff.
2 2 1 V - 2 2 4 V . The priests were from the towns of Jomun, Jokab'a, Joktun, Santiago
Tekoj, Mama, Tixkakal, Sakalaka, Yaxkab'a, Peto, and Bacalar (i.e., Chunjujub').
69. The friars' testimony, not cited again in this section, is from AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 6, Declarations of Franciscan guardianes from the Partido de la Sierra y
Bolonchen, 1 7 Aug. 1696, ff. 24V-3 5r.
70. Fray Andres de Avendano, also called upon to testify, had nothing to say
about this subject, presumably because his administrative duties in Merida prevented him from knowing what had transpired in the rural missions.
7 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 6, Declarations of additional witnesses concerning
the Itza enterprise, 20 Aug. 1696.
72. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Declaration of Avila, 29 Aug. 169 6, ff. 104V-107V.
73. These depositions are from AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Testimonies presented
on behalf of Ursiia, 26 Aug. 1696.
74. See AGI, G 15 i A , no. 7, Accounts of payments to soldiers and suppliers, including muster rolls, for the journey to Peten Itza, Jan, 1697, ff. i 5 v - 2 5 r .
In contrast to the absence of payment records to Maya, mulatto, and Spanish
Notes
to Pages
260-61
participants on the first two entradas, payments for Ursua's own, final entrada to
the camino real was meticulously documented. Governor Soberanis delegated the
responsibility of keeping these records to Juan Jeronimo Abad, the governor of
arms at Campeche. Countersigned by the public clerk, they provide a detailed
roster of many of the players and their duties on the final expedition to Chuntuki
and, ultimately, to Ch'ich' on the shores of Lago Peten Itza, They also record in
great detail the materials and food supplies required for such an ambitious undertaking. Although the extant records are not complete they extend only from
December 22, 1696, through January 1 1 , 1697 their contents are quite specific,
75. The spelling of this Basque name is uncertain. It appears as Aysucion
(AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 7, Accounts of payments to soldiers and suppliers, Jan. 1697, ff.
i5V-2 5r), Aizvam (AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de
guerra, 14 March 1697, ff. 3or~3 5v), and Ayzuani (Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 1 0 , ch.
5, p. 373). I follow Villagutierre's spelling with a slight modification.
76. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 0 , Auto by Ursua, 27 July 1695.
77. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra, 14
March 1697. Two of the fifty-two soldiers who remained on Nojpeten after Ursua's departure in May had Maya surnames (AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 3, Lista de la gente
de guarnicion del reducto del Peten de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San
Pablo, 9 May 1697, ff. 307V-309V).
78. More specifically, the items include tools for building the boats (1 anvil,
4 hammers, 4 tongs, 1 drill, files, 2 axes) and supplies for their construction (2,000
framing nails, 400 nails for the principal support beams [clavos de escora
mayor],
oarlocks [number unspecified], 1.5 quintals of iron and an unspecified amount to
make rudders, 19 pounds of steel, deerskin to make bellows, 2 boxes of pitch, 1
saw, 1 flag for the galeota, 1 sisal rope 5.5 inches thick and 81 fathoms (about 143
meters) long, 2 small lengths of sisal tackle, pulleys [motonoes vigotas], and friction material [rozamento,
probably used to sand wood]). In addition there were
supplies for muleteers and for packaging cargo (72 leather carrying bags, 1 bundle
plus 72 individual tie-ropes [lias], 1 bundle of rope for tying animals together in
the train [reata], 30 empty jars, jars for storing dried chicken, 1 2 bags [costales]
with tie-ropes for storing salted meat, 384 bags [costales], 6 sacks [sacas], and 2
bundles plus 1 3 7 individual palm-mats [petates] for bagging). Religious supplies
comprised 1 chest for vestments and 2 arrobas of decorative wax candles (cera
labrada)
486
for celebrating mass.
There were also arms and related services ( 1 2 long rifles [espingardas],
12
muskets, and charges for gun alignment by the armeros) as well as powder, ammunition, and related supplies (1,690 musket balls, 9 1 2 pounds of gunpowder, 2
reams of paper for cartridges, 4 pounds of agave for cartridges, 100 musket flints
for the long rifles, and 2 empty chests for carrying gunpowder bags
[frasqueras]).
Cooking equipment and food and alcoholic beverages included 6 iron griddles (comales); 1 large pan or kettle (paila)-, 1 long-handled iron pan (sarten); 4
cauldrons; bizcocbo cutters; 68.5 arrobas of salted meat; 9 fanegas of salt; 8 jars of
Notes
to Pages
261-64
honey; 400 hens to be dried and stored in jars; 9 8 cargas of maize to be ground into
meal; 294 cargas of maize meal (carried by a fleet of 50 mules); 1 0 2 mule-loads
(tercios) of bizcocho, wheat flour, salted meat, salt, etc.; 8 additional arrobas of
white bizcocho in a box; 1 carga of wheat flour to make bizcocho; 1 1 8 arrobas of
jerked beef; 20 arrobas of chocolate; 15 arrobas of sugar; 100 bundles of tobacco;
2 jars of vinegar; 2 pounds of saffron; 8 pounds of black pepper; 7 pounds of
cinnamon; 1.5 pounds of nutmeg; 32 arrobas of fish (robalo); 3 arrobas of oil;
aguardiente (40 pesos worth plus 1 cask [pipa] [180 pesos]); and 1 cask of wine
(also used for the mass).
Finally, there were 21 dogs, 8 large wax candles (bacbas), 80 candles, 1
crystal lantern, 1 balance, and 1 2-pound weight (for the balance).
79. The Campeche sellers and their receipts in January 1697 were as follows: don Sebastian de Sagiies y Sabalsa (922 p. 4 r.), unidentified suppliers (895
p.), don Bernardino de Zubiaur Isasi (557 p. 6 r.), Captain Alonso Garcia de
Paredes (355 p. 1 r.), Captain Francisco Guillen (226 p. 7 r.), Jose Pintado (180 p.),
Captain Juan Ramos Sarmiento (150 p. 2 r.), Francisco Rodriguez ( 1 2 1 p. 4 r.),
don Jeronimo de Solis (79 p. 3 r.), Manuel de los Santos (78 p.), Captain Antonio
Fernandez (54 p. 4 r.), Captain Juan de Frfas Salazar (40 p.), Alonso Palomino (30
p. 5 r,), the Armeros of Campeche (29 p.), and Jose de Sintla (3 p.). The amounts
add up to 3,746 pesos 4 reales.
80. AGI, P 237, ramo 10, Dispatch by the cabildo of Campeche, 7 May
1695, ff- 5i8v~52or.
81. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursua to Crown, 16 Dec. 1696.
82. AGI, P 237, ramo 3, Certification of Ursua's expenditures in the opening of the road to Guatemala, 2 1 Jan. 1696.
83. AGI, P 237, ramo 1, Ursua to Crown, 27 Oct. 1696.
84. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Petition from Francisco de Salazar y Cordoba to
Governor Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, c. 1 Jan. 1697, f. 8r-v.
4 Jan. 1697, ff. 8v~9v.
86. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Auto by Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, 1 7 Jan.
1697, f. i2r-v.
87. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Statement by Captain Juan del Castillo y Toledo,
8 Jan. 1697, f- 27r-v.
88. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Statement by Castillo, 8 Jan. 1697; Statement by
Captain Juan del Castillo y Toledo, 9 Jan. 1697, ff. 27v-28r; G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, List of
Maya road workers assigned to the journey to the montana, 9 Jan. 1697, ff. 28r29r; List of Maya muleteers assigned to the journey to the montana, 20 Jan. 1697,
ff. 29T-30V.
89. Mules and muleteers were even recruited from Merida (AGI, G 1 5 1 A ,
no. 7, Petition from Francisco de Salazar y Cordoba, c. 1 0 Jan. 1697, f. ior; Auto
by Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, with attached account, 1 2 Jan. 1697, ff. i o v -
Notes
to Pages
264-66
90. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Petition of Francisco de Salazar y Cordoba, c. 24

Jan. 1697, f- n r - v .
9 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Auto by Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, 24 Jan.
1697, ff- i v - i 2 r .
92. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Auto by Roque de Soberanis y Centeno and list of
runaway road workers and muleteers, 28 Feb. 1697, f. 32r-v.
93. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Francisco de Salazar y Cordoba to Governor
Roque de Soberanis, 3 Feb. 1697, ff. 3 0 V - 3 ir; Roque de Soberanis to Francisco de
Salazar y Cordoba, 7 Feb. 1697, f. 3 i r - v .
94. AGI, G 15 i A , no. 7, Auto by Soberanis and list of runaway road workers and muleteers, 28 Feb. 1697.
1
Chapter 11: The Eve of Conquest

1 . AGI, P 23 7, ramo 1, Ursua to Crown, 22 Jan. 1696, and ramo 1 1 , Ursua
to Real Acuerdo, 22 March 1697, give the departure date as January 23. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8, ch. 3, p. 347, indicates, apparently incorrectly, that it was
the twenty-fourth. In AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, 22 March
1697, Ursua gives the figure of 1 3 0 "hombres y gastadores" (men and carriers)
who had already been sent before he left Campeche.
2. This section is based on Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8, ch. 3, pp. 346-49.
3. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8, ch. 3, p. 346.
4. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 22 Jan. 1696; G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta
de guerra, 1 2 March 1697.
5. The precise location of this camp is not known, but it may have been
either near the place identified on modern maps as Bonxajan, just below the
descent from the karst hills northwest of Ch'ich', or at Aguada Kantixal to the
southeast of Bonxajan.
6. Don S. Rice and Prudence M. Rice, personal communications, 1995. The
question of the identity of Nich as opposed to Ch'ich' has not been completely
resolved. These may have been alternative names for the same place, or there may
have been two separate embarkments on the bay. Several people from Chak'an
Itza who visited Bacalar in September 1696 reportedly extended an invitation to
the Spaniards there to come to the lake in order to defeat Ajaw Kan Ek', whom
they described as their traditional enemy. They further offered to make five boats
that they would put "in a place named Chich, where they specify that the Spaniards should embark in order to pursue their intention, as it is the most adequate
and secure place found there for the operation." See AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 20 Sept. 1696. In another source Ch'ich' (Itzaj,
"fine gravel") is called the "embarcadero de Chichi," indicating that it, like Nich,
was also on the shore (AGI, G 343, no. 23, Memoria de las personas que . . . se
hallan en esta isla y presidio del Peten Ytza de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y
San Pablo, 6 Sept. 1699, f- 54 )v
Notes
to Pages
266-68
7. AGI, P 237, ramo n , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, 22 March 1697; G 15 i B ,

no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1697.
8. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 22 March 1697.
9. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1697.
10. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 22 March 1697.
1 1 . Other accounts indicate that braiding the women's hair would have
been in line with other acts of "adornment."
1 2 . AGI, G 15 i B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1697.
1 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra, 14
March 1697. This wall is described as a "trinchera de la custodia de dicho real"
(defensive wall for the protection of the said encampment). The term trinchera in
this and other, related documents refers to a defensive wall of stone or timbers, not
to a trench alone. During the 1995 excavations carried out by Proyecto Maya
Colonial, three ditch-wall complexes as well as a boat-launching ramp were discovered at the extensive site of Nixtun-Ch'ich' that cut the peninsula from north to
south. At least one of these must have been the defensive wall or walls constructed
(or perhaps reinforced upon an earlier wall) by the Spaniards. Single gunflints were
found in three partially cleared structures at the site (Don S. Rice and Prudence M.
Rice, personal communications, 1995; see also D. Rice et al., 1996, pp. 1 7 7 - 2 2 4 ) .
14. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra, 14
March 1697, provides the total number of troops on March 1 3 .
1 5 . The officers, listed according to rank, were as follows: Lieutenant Captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes; infantry captains Jose Fernandez de Estenos and
Pablo de Zubiaur Isasi; armored cavalry captains Nicolas de la Aya, Diego de Avila
Pacheco, and Bartolome de la Garma Alcedo y Salazar; lieutenants Juan Francisco
Cortes and Diego Bernardo del Rio; and Jose Laines, commander (captain) of
pardos and mestizos. In addition, five volunteers referred to as Ursua's criados
(i.e., relatives) held what amounted to honorary titles. Three of these Gaspar del
Castillo Cetina, Bernardo de Aizuani Ursiia (a known relative of Ursula's), and Bias
Felipe de Ripalda Ongay were alferezes, and Castillo Cetina held the additional
honorific of ayudante general, or aide-de-camp. Ursiia named Juan Gonzalez and
Jose de Heredfa as sergeants. Information on these officers comes mainly from
AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1697, d Certificacion de los
cabos y oficiales de guerra, 14 March 1697. On Laines's position see AGI, P 237,
ramo 10, Auto by Ursiia, 27 July 1695.
16. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Certificacion de los capellanes del ejercito, 13
March 1697, ff. 2 5 V - 3 or.
1 7 . The official interpreters were Ignacio de Solis, Sergeant Jose de Heredia,
Sergeant Luis Ricalde, and Juan Bautista de Salazar (AGI, G 15 i B , no. 2, Auto by 489
Ursiia, 1 0 March 1697).
18. The "common or geometric" equivalent of the codo, or cubit, is 42.8
centimeters, the equivalent of 0,5 vara. The Enciclopedia
Universal
Ilustrada
(c.
1 9 0 7 - 3 0 , s.v. "codo") provides conversions suggesting that the nautical cubit was
a n
Notes to Pages
268-72
48 centimeters. I have used this last equivalence in estimating the length of the
galeota.
1 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1 6 9 7 ; P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 ,
Ursua to Crown, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 ,
2 0 . Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada, c. 1 9 0 7 - 3 0 , s.v. "galeota"; Kemp,
p. 3 3 6 .
2 1 . "Piano del Ing. Luis Bouchard de Becour en 1 7 0 5 " (fig. 3 7 in Pina Chan,
1 9 7 7 , P. 8 5 ) .
2 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Memoria y razon de lo que . . . Martin de Ursua y

Arizmendi me ha entregado de armas, municiones, y otras cosas para la guarnicion
del reducto que en este Peten del Ytza deja formada y su defensa a mi cuidado, by
Jose Fernandez de Estenos, 9 May 1 6 9 7 , ff- 3 5 - 3 7
2 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Instruccion dada por Ursua al Cabo Jose Fernandez de Estenos, que quedo en el Peten del Ytza, 9 May 1 6 9 7 , ff. 3 0 3 V - 3 0 5 1 - ;
Memoria y razon by Jose Fernandez de Estenos, 9 May 1 6 9 7 .
2 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Lista de la gente de guarnicion del reducto del
Peten de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, 9 May 1 6 9 7 .
2 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Memoria y razon by Jose Fernandez de Estenos, 9
May 1 6 9 7 . There were 1 , 7 8 0 counted musket balls plus 4 quintals. In addition to
what was already in the hands of the troops, there were 6 2 cartridges of gunpowder for the no.s, 2 quintals ( 2 0 0 pounds) plus 3 barrels ( 2 0 0 lbs.) of fine and
semifine gunpowder, 1 barrel ( 5 0 pounds) plus 1 botija ( 5 0 pounds) of bombard
gunpowder, and 1 6 0 musket flints.
26. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra,
1 4 March 1 6 9 7 .
2 7 . One or more piezas and one pedrero aboard the attacking galeota are
mentioned by Ursiia, but not in the form of an inventory. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 ,
Ursiia to Crown, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 .
2 8 . The testimonies are found in AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don
Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 ; Declaration of Chamach Xulu and others from
Alain, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. i i v - i 3 r ; and Declaration of Ah Kin CanEk, 1 0 March
1 6 9 7 . Another copy of the testimonies includes a brief portion of AjChan's testimony that was omitted by the copyist from the G 1 5 i B copy just cited (see AGI, P
2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , f. 7 i 4 f f . ) .
2 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaration of Chamach Xulu and others from
Alain, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 .
3 0 . Further information on don Pedro Nikte appears in AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no.
1 , Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and Melchor de Mencos, 1 April
1 6 9 9 , ff. 6$v-6yr;
Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and Mencos,
16 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. r o o v - i o i r ; Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and
Mencos, 1 2 April 1 6 9 9 , ff- 9 8 r - 9 9 r ; Ursua and Mencos to Mendia y Sologastoa,
1 9 April 1 6 9 ; and no. 6, Declarations of Franciscan guardianes from the Partido
de la Sierra y Bolonchen, 1 7 Aug. 1 6 9 6 . Records of his baptism as Pedro Miguel
0
490
Notes
to Pages
272-87
Chan appear in AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 4 , Certification of baptisms of Chan and others,

3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 , d in P 2 3 7 , ramo 8, Certification by Carvajal Campo Frio, 3 1
Dec. 1 6 9 5 . His baptism is also mentioned much later in AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 ,
Declaration of Sopuerta, 1 4 June 1 6 9 7 .
a n
3 1 . Further information on Manuel Chayax is found in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 8,

Certification by Carvajal Campo Frio, 3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 ; G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Mendia y
Sologastoa to Ursua and Mencos, 1 April 1 6 9 9 ; Orden por Ursua a Mendia y
Sologastoa, 2 7 March 1 6 9 9 , ff. 6 i r - 6 2 v ; Cristobal de Mendia Sologastoa to Ursua and Mencos, 4 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 711--72V; no. 2 , Certificacion de los capellanes
del ejercito, 1 3 March 1 6 9 7 ; Declaracion del reyezuelo Ah Canek, 3 1 March
1 6 9 7 ; ^ no. 4 , Certification of baptisms of Chan and others, 3 1 Dec. 1 6 9 5 .
a n
3 2. That is, to stand at attention with guns on their shoulders.

3 3. AGI, G 15 i B , no. 2 , Declaration of Ah Kin Canek, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 . Although most sources identify AjK'in Kan Ek' as father's brother's son of Ajaw Kan
Ek', Ursua here stated, probably due to a mistranslation, that they were brothers.
3 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 .
3 5 . Ibid.
3 6 . This question is incorrectly placed at an earlier point in the AGI, G
1 5 i B version. This is the location as it appears in AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 . The copyist
of the G 1 5 1 B version made several apparent errors that changed the meaning of
the responses. I have followed the P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 version throughout.
3 7 . This translation is tentative. The original reads, "para que iba sino era
Espanol."
3 8 . Written Motzkal here and Motzcal later in the document, this is probably the same place called Matzkalek' elsewhere (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon
individual y general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de
Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8 o r - 8 4 v ) .
3 9 . Villagutierre embellishes his account of AjChan's answer: "[L]os embustes de los indios, eran todos de guerra contra los espanoles, y decian, los habian
de matar, sacrificarlos a sus dioses y comerlos" ( 1 9 3 3 , bk, 8, ch. 4 , p. 3 5 3 ) .
4 0 . In 1 6 9 8 AjTut's headquarters were ten leagues south of Nojpeten on
these lakes (AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Ursua to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 8 Sept,
1 6 9 8 , ff.
i5ir-i58v).
4 1 . This section is based on AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaration of Chamach

Xulu and others from Alain, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 .
4 2 . This section is based on AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaration of Ah Kin
Canek, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 .
4 3 . This section is from AGI, G 1 5 i B , no. 2 , Junta de guerra, 1 2 March
1697.
44.
45.
1 3 March
46.
Ibid.
AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los capellanes del ejercito,
1697.
The Spanish phrase is "sin haberse podido penetrar el intento."
Notes
to Pages
187-98
4 7 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 .

4 8 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1 6 9 7 .
4 9 . Sahlins, 1 9 8 1 , pp. 3 3 - 3 7 .
5 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Junta de guerra, 1 2 March 1 6 9 7 .
5 1 . Ibid., f. 20V.
5 2 . Ibid., ff. 2 i v . - 2 5 r .
Chapter 12: Occupation and Interrogation

AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Auto by Ursua, 1 3 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. 2 5 v - 2 6 r . The
two reports comprise AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los capellanes del
ejercito, 1 3 March 1 6 9 7 , and Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra, 1 4
March 1 6 9 7 . Although the officers' report is dated March 1 4 , Ursua's instructions
to the priests indicate that it had already been drafted by the previous afternoon.
The priests wrote most of their report on the evening of the thirteenth, but the last
section indicates that it was not completed until the next day.
2. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 .
1 4 March 1 6 9 7 .
4. Ibid. A similar version of this statement appears in AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 ,
Certificacion de los capellanes del ejercito, 1 3 March 1 6 9 7 .
5. These modern place names are not mentioned in the report, but they are
obvious from the description: "And having reached halfway, where there are two
points, one from the mainland and the other from an island . . . " (AGI, G 1 5 1 B ,
no. 2 , Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra, 1 4 March 1 6 9 7 ) .
6. See also AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo n , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 .
7. The original reads "y le dijese de su parte que le requeria una, dos, y tres
veces con la paz" (AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de
guerra, 1 4 March 1 6 9 7 ) . Ursua's later, simplified description of this episode, part
of his report to the king, differed from that of the officers and the priests in that he
made no mention of AjChan's interchange with the young man in the canoe or of
his own attempt to send a message to Ajaw Kan Ek'. Finding himself encircled, he
ordered the rowing to stop and instructed his interpreters "to tell them that I came
not in war but in peace and friendship" and that he would give them three chances
to give up their fighting (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March
1.
1697).
8. In his letter to the king describing the event, Ursiia did not admit to losing
control of his men, as had been claimed by his own officers. Rather, he claimed to
have himself ordered that the galeota be rowed to the shore (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 ,
Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 ) .
1 4 March 1 6 9 7 .
Notes
to Pages
298-301
1 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los capellanes del ejercito,

1 3 March 1 6 9 7 .
1 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 . Italics
added.
12.
13.
1 4 March
14.
15.
Ibid.
AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra,
1697.
Ibid.
AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Parecer of Fray Diego de Rivas, 1 5 Nov. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
20or-2ior.
16. AGI, G 1 8 0 , Fray Bernardo de Rivas, provincial, et al. to Crown,

2 6 June 1 7 0 0 .
1 7 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 9 , Toribio de Cosio, president of Guatemala, to
viceroy of New Spain, 26 Sept. 1 7 0 9 , ff. 2 i r - 2 9 v .
1 8 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra,
1 4 March 1 6 9 7 .
1 9 . The discovery of the effigy of San Pablo is mentioned in AGI, G 1 5 1 B ,
no. 2 , Certificacion de los capellanes del ejercito, 1 3 March 1 6 9 7 , and Documents
confirming Spanish possession of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo,
Laguna del Itza, 1 4 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. 35V-39V.
2 0 . Fuensalida and Orbita had first decided to name both San Pablo the
Apostle and his companion, San Bernabe, as the patrons of Nojpeten, but upon
leaving they designated specifically only San Pablo (Lopez de Cogolludo, 1 9 7 1 ,
vol. 2 , bk. 9 , ch. 9 , p. 2 2 8 ; bk. 9 , ch. 1 0 , p. 2 3 6 ) .
2 1 . Avendano, 1 9 8 7 , p. 4 9 . He also noted the town's name in another
account of this trip (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of Avendano and two other
religious, May 1696).
2 2 . The illogical construction of this sentence is preserved from the original. The two priests described the "idols" in a similar fashion: "[N]ot only were the
many temples filled [with them] but also all of the houses of this island, of much
deformity."
2 3 . Estoraque
usually refers to the resin of the storax tree (Styrax
officinalis), which has a vanilla-like odor. It may also refer to liquidambar, from the
sweet gum tree (Liquidambar
styraciflua),
which is what Thompson supposed this
to be ( 1 9 5 1 , p. 3 9 5 ; see also Comparato's comment in Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , p. 3 1 4 ,
n. 1 1 3 4 ) .
2 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Certificacion de los cabos y oficiales de guerra, 1 4

March 1 6 9 7 .
2 5 . Ibid,
26. The same account was repeated by Ursiia in his letter to the king (AGI, P
2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 ) .
2 7 . See Avendano, Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 29V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 3 3 .
Notes
to Pages
302-7
2 8 . Ursua claimed that the idol-smashing went on continuously from eight

o'clock in the morning until five o'clock in the afternoon. In fact, it must have
started later in the morning, because the ceremonies at the summit of the island
would have taken at least an hour (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo,
2 2 March 1 6 9 7 ) .
2 9 . Ibid.
3 0 . Ibid.; G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Documents confirming Spanish possession of
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza, 1 4 March 1 6 9 7 .
3 1 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 8, ch. 1 1 , p. 3 7 5 ; 1 9 8 3 , p. 3 0 0 .
3 2 . Ximenez, 1 9 7 1 - 7 9 , vol. 2 9 , bk. 5, ch. 7 7 , p. 4 2 2 .
3 3 . Jones, 1 9 8 9 , p p . 1 7 7 , 1 8 0 .
3 4 . Thompson accepted these descriptions without questioning their
source ( 1 9 5 1 , p. 3 9 3 ) , suggesting that the X-shaped crosses were of Mexican
origin.
3 5 . AGI, M 8 9 5 , Ursiia to Crown, 3 0 July 1 6 9 7 .
36. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Diego Bernardo del Rio to Gabriel Sanchez de
Berrospe, 1 0 July 1 6 9 7 , f. 7 0 o r - v .
3 7 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Documents confirming Spanish possession of
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza, 1 4 March 1 6 9 7 .
3 8 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Real Acuerdo, 2 2 March 1 6 9 7 . The
precise day on which the delegation arrived is provided in AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 5,
Certification by Br. Juan Pacheco de Sopuerta, 9 May 1 6 9 7 .
3 9 . AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 5 , Testimony of Sargento Mayor Miguel Ferrer, 3
July 1 6 9 7 , ff. 5 0 - 6 3 .
4 0 . The date of their departure is given both as April 2 4 (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo
1 1 , Ursiia to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1 6 9 7 , ff- 697V-699V) and as
April 2 3 (Alonso Garcia de Paredes to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 0 April 1 6 9 7 , ff.
64ir-642r).
494
4 1 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Garcia de Paredes to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 0

April 1 6 9 7 .
4 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Pacheco, 1 July 1 6 9 7 .
4 3 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1 6 9 7 .
4 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3 , Declaration of Br. Juan Sopuerta, 1 4 June 1 6 9 7 .
4 5 . AGI, G 1 5 i B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 .
4 6 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5 , Testimony of Nicolas de la Aya, 6 July 1 6 9 7 , and
Testimony of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1 6 9 7 .
4 7 . AGI, G i 5 i B , n o . 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 ;
AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Diego de Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1 6 9 7 .
4 8 . AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 5, Testimony of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1 6 9 7 ,
4 9 . This interrogation is found in AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion del
reyezuelo Ah Canek, 3 1 March 1 6 9 7 , ff. 39V-45V. I have edited the interrogation
like those in chapter 1 1 .
Notes
to Pages
308-17
5 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3 , Declaration of four Indians from Peten, 2 0 Sept.

1696; AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Declaracion de un indio que dijo llamarse Ah Chan, y
ser sobrino del rey Canek que lo es de la nacion de los Itzaes, 2 9 Dec. 1 6 9 5 ; G
1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1 6 9 7 .
5 1 . That Ajaw Kan Ek' had two sons at this time is reported in AGI, EC
3 3 9 B , no. 1 2 , Memorial by Nicolas de Lizarraga to Crown, 1 7 0 8 (about), ff. i 6 r i 8 v . In his report on his 1 6 9 6 visit to Nojpeten, Avendafio observed that IxChan
Pana, the wife of Ajaw Kan Ek', had more than one daughter (see Avendano,
Relacion, 1 6 9 6 , f. 46V; 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 1 ) . In his oral testimony, however, he mentioned
only one daughter about eighteen years old (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Testimonies of
Avendafio and two other religious, May 1 6 9 6 ) .
5 2 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 3 , Declaracion de un indio que dijo llamarse Ah
Chan, y ser sobrino del rey Canek que lo es de la nacion de los Itzaes, 2 9 Dec. 1 6 9 5,
ff. 1 9 i v - 1 9 6v.
5 3. This is the only reference to the kinship relationship between Ajaw Kan
Ek' and B'atab' Ajaw K'in Kante.
54. Reference to Avendano's belief that the Itzas practiced cannibalism appears in Chapter 8, p. 2 1 4 (with citation in n. 7 8 , p. 4 7 4 ) .
5 5 . AGI, M 8 9 5 , Ursua to Crown, 3 0 July 1 6 9 7 .
5 6 . Villagutierre opined that Ursua knew that what Ajaw Kan Ek' told him
was untrue but pretended to believe him ( 1 9 8 3 , bk. 8, ch. 1 6 , p. 3 2 4 ) . I have taken
a rather different position here, seeing no evidence in Ursua's writing that he
disbelieved what he heard.
5 7 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Ursua to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1 6 9 7 . F
information on these visitors, see AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Laines, 6
July 1 6 9 7 .
5 8 . Ibid.
6 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Ripalda Ongay, 2 July 1 6 9 7 ; Testimony of Laines, 6 July 1 6 9 7 ; G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declarations of Ah Kin Canek, Canek
(relative of Ah Canek), and the youth Carnal, 1 6 April 1 6 9 7 ; P 2 3 7 , ramo n ,
Ursua to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1 6 9 7 .
6 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5 , Testimony of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1 6 9 7 .
6 3 . Villagutierre 1 9 8 3 , bk. 8, ch. 1 7 , p. 3 2 7 .
64. AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declarations of Ah Kin Canek, Canek (relative of
Ah Canek), and the youth Carnal, 1 6 April 1 6 9 7 .
6 6 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5 , Testimony of Sergeant Miguel Ferrer, 3 July 1 6 9 7 . 495
67. The translation "he whistled" is from "silvaba," apparently a misprint
oisivlaba
or siblaba. This is the translation offered in Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , p. 3 2 7 .
6 8 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 8, ch. 1 7 . My translation.
r
Notes
to Pages
317-25
69. Ibid. My translation.

70. This interrogatory is found in AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2 , Declarations of Ah
Kin Canek, Canek (relative of Ah Canek), and the youth Carnal, 16 April 1697.
7 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 2, Declaracion de don Martin Chan, 1 0 March 1697.
72. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Capitan Bartolome de la Garma
Alzedo y Salazar, 10 July 1697, ff. 9 9 - 1 1 0 .
73. In 1699 a Chamay Kamal was being sought in the area of the town of
Chinoja, which was probably on or near Laguna Sacnab (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1,
Ursiia and Mencos to Mendia y Sologastoa, 19 April 1699). The name also appears in the eighteenth-century baptismal records from San Andres.
74. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1697.
75. Ibid.
76. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1697.
77. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Jose de Ripalda Ongay, 2 July 1697,
and Testimony of Laines, 6 July 1697.
Chapter 1 3 : Prisoners of Conquest

1. These included leaders from Yalain and three islands in Lagunas Sacpuy
and Quexil. People from the Kowoj town of Saklemakal had also reportedly
visited (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Laines, 6 July 1697). Questions prepared by Ursiia suggested that numerous other Kowoj towns also sent representatives (G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Questions for interrogation of witnesses presented by Ursiia,
1 July 1697), but other reports indicate that these probably came as a result of
Ursua's subsequent visit to the northern shore.
2. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Captain Nicolas de la Aya, 6 July
1697, ff- 86-99. Ursua noted that, according to these visitors, they actually came
from two towns with a total population of four hundred (AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 ,
Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 12 June 1697).
3. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Certification by Sopuerta, 9 May 1697; Testimony
of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1697; Testimony of Miguel Ferrer, 3 July 1697. See also
AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1697.
4. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Captain Jose Laines, 6 July 1697.
5. AGI, M 895, Ursiia to Crown, 30 July 1697.
6. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Captain Nicolas de la Aya, 6 July
1697.
7. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Capitan Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi, 1 July
1697, ff. 1 3 - 2 3 .
8. In 1698 Ajaw Kan Ek' and AjK'in Kan Ek' told the Spaniards that Kulut
Kowoj was from Kets. This is the principal basis for assuming that Ketz was the
Kowoj capital (AGI, P 237, ramo 1 , Razon individual y general de los pueblos,
poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1698). For
Notes
to Pages
325-29
the population of Kets see AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Declaration of Sopuerta, 14 June

1697.
9. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Certification by Sopuerta, 9 May 1697, d Questions for interrogation of witnesses presented by Ursua, 1 July 1697. The spellings
vary considerably among the several sources.
1 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Captain Jose de Laines, 6 July 1697;
M 895, Ursua to Crown, 30 July 1697. According to Captain Laines, all of the
Kowoj towns had also rendered their submission to the Spanish Crown.
a n
1 1 . AGI, M 895, Ursua to Crown, 30 July 1697.

1 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Captain Diego de Avila Pacheco, 1
July 1697. The account of AjKowoj's attack on and burning of Nojpeten is also
found in G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Ripalda Ongay, 2 July 1697; Testimony of
Laines, 6 July 1697; and Testimony of Nicolas de la Aya, 6 July 1697.
1 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no, 5, Testimony of la Aya, 6 July 1697.
14. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Laines, 6 July 1697.
1 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Ripalda Ongay, 2 July 1697.
16. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Zubiaur Isasi, 1 July 1697.
17. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1697. An
account of AjChan's participation is also found in AGI, G 15 i A , no. 5, Testimony
of Ripalda Ongay, 2 July 1697; Testimony of Ferrer, 3 July 1697; and Testimony of
la Aya, 6 July 1697.
18. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Instruccion dada por Ursua al Estenos, que quedo
en el Peten del Ytza, 9 May 1697; Memoria y razon de lo que . . . Ursua me ha
entregado de armas, municiones, y otras cosas para la guarnicion del reducto que
en este Peten del Ytza deja formada y su defensa a mi cuidado, by Jose Fernandez
de Estenos, 9 May 1697, ff. 303v~305r; Memoria y razon de lo que . . . Ursua me
ha entregado de bastimientos y otras cosas para la manutencion de cinquenta
hombres con que quedo en este Peten y reducto de guarnicion, 9 May 1697, f.
307r-v; Lista de la gente de guarnicion del reducto del Peten de Nuestra Senora de
los Remedios y San Pablo, 9 May 1697, ff. 307V-309V.
19. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Declaration of Br. Juan Pacheco Sopuerta, 14 June
1697.
20. Ibid.
2 1 . Ibid.
22. Ibid; AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 3, Fray Francisco Ruiz, provincial, to Franciscan comisario general, 22 Oct. 1697, ff. 4 3 7 ^ 4 3 9 ^
23. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Declaration of Sopuerta, 14 June 1697.
24. For Soberanis's criticisms of Ursua's enterprise, see AGI, P 237, ramo 1 ,
Roque de Soberanis y Centeno to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 5 June 1697, ff.
70V-75L Bishop Arriaga of Yucatan tried to remain neutral in this dispute, which
he detailed in P 237, ramo 14, Bishop Fray Antonio de Arriaga y Agiiero to Crown,
2 Sept. 1697, f. 869r-v. Guatemalan colonial and church officials also criticized
497
Notes
to Pages
330-34
Ursua's methods and goals, though less vehemently than Soberanis. See AGI, G
343, no. 2 1 , Junta de guerra, Guatemala, 8 Aug. 1697; P 237, ramo 1 1 , Junta de
teologos, Guatemala, 20 August 1697, ff. 776r-778r; and Sanchez de Berrospe to
bishop of Merida and Tabasco, 22 August 1697, ff- 789r~79or.
498
25. AGI, P 237, ramo 14, Auto by Bishop Fray Antonio de Arriaga, 2 June
1697, ff. 878v-88or.
26. The questions put to the witnesses are found in AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5,
Questions for interrogation of witnesses presented by Ursua, 1 July 1697.
27. The immediately preceding question included garbled information that
the Itzas had attacked and burned a town in the Kejach region shortly before
the troops had passed through their territory in early 1697 on their way to Lago
Peten Itza.
28. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Questions for interrogation of witnesses presented
by Ursua, 1 July 1697. The original phrase, common in such legal instruments, is
"por publico y notorio publica voz y fama."
29. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi, 1 July 1697.
30. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Avila Pacheco, 1 July 1697.
3 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 5, Testimony of Ferrer, 3 July 1697, He used the term
sacriftcadero,
apparently referring to the by-now-legendary slab upon which victims were said to have been killed and their hearts removed.
32. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Testimony of Laines, 6 July 1697.
3 3. Scholes and Adams 1 9 3 8; see also Clendinnen, 1987 (especially pp. 8 8 9 2 , 1 7 6 - 8 2 ) , in which the author examines the issues of human sacrifice, including
crucifixions, during the Franciscan-sponsored 1 5 6 2 trial and investigation.
34. Beneath the hyperbole there was probably some degree of truth to some
of these descriptions. Although there is no direct evidence for Itza human sacrifice,
it is highly likely that it was practiced, although not on the scale claimed by these
witnesses.
3 5. That is, "cebado," a term used here to refer to the desire for human flesh
once tasted.
36. AGI, M 895, Ursua to Crown, 30 July 1697.
37. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Auto (including questionnaire) by Ursua and
Melchor de Mencos, 9 April 1699, ff. 781-79v.
3 8. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1, Parecer by Br. Pedro de Morales and Jose Francisco
Martinez de Mora, 10 April 1699, ff. 79V-81V. Bovedas are rooms in ruins.
39. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1, Parecer by Morales and Mora, 1 0 April 1699.
40. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Parecer by Fray Gabriel de Artiga, 1 0 April 1699,
ff.84r-85v.
4 1 . See, for example, Clendinnen, 1987; Edmonson, 1984; Robicsek and
Hales, 1984; and Scheie, 1984.
42. One possible exception may be the reports by Landa and Cervantes de
Salazar that Jeronimo de Aguilar, one of several members of a shipwrecked party
who came ashore on the eastern coast of Yucatan in 1 5 1 1 , told Hernan Cortes that
Notes
to Pages
334-38
some of his companions were sacrificed and eaten and that he and the rest were
held in a cage, where they were to be fattened for the same fate. He and Gonzalo
Guerrero escaped, and he was rescued by Cortes at Cozumel (Landa, 1 9 4 1 , pp. 8,
236 [extract from Cervantes de Salazar, who wrote in 1560]). Landa also claimed
that in Yucatan sacrificial victims were eaten, but Tozzer, in a dispassionate review
of other sources, notes that other colonial sources denied that any form of cannibalism was practiced (Landa, 1 9 4 1 , p. 120, including n. 547).
43. AGI, G 344, Declaracion de Nicolas de Lizarraga, 16 May 1699, ff.
234V-235V.
44. Scheie, 1984. See also Clendinnen, 1987, pp. 1 7 6 - 8 2 .

45. AGI, EC 339B, no. 16, Br. Francisco de San Miguel y Figueroa to
Crown, 1 2 March 1 7 0 2 , f. $$r. The original passage reads, "Lord, the perversity of
this miserable people reached such a point [that] next to one of their principal
temples they had a walled-around large house of very decorous construction solely
for the habitation of the acquiescents, into which entered all of those who wished to
have their sodomitic copulations, especially those who are very young, so that they
could learn there, these ministers of the Demon wearing women's skirts and occupying themselves only in making bread for the priests and in their obscenities."
46. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Jose Fernandez de Estenos to Melchor de Mencos, 3 July 1697, ff. 772V-774v.
47. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Estenos to Mencos, 3 July 1697.
48. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Estenos et al. to Sanchez de Berrospe and Audiencia of Guatemala, 1 0 July 1697.
49. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Diego Bernardo del Rio to Mencos, 9 July 1697,
ff. 775r~776r.
50. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Declaracion de Juan de Barahona, Correo, 1
August 1697, ff. 760V-763V.
5 1 . AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Bernardo del Rio to Mencos, 9 July 1697.
52. Ibid.
53. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , del Rio to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 0 July 1697.
54. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Garcia de Paredes to Sanchez de Berrospe, 20
April 1697; Ursua to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1697.
55. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 22 March 1697, ff.
639r-640v; Respuesta del fiscal, L i e Jose Gutierrez de la Pena, Audiencia de
Guatemala, 30 April 1697, ff- 6 3 5 6 3 8 v ; Junta general de guerra (Guatemala)
and attached pareceres, 1 May 1697; Auto by Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 May 1697,
ff. 679V-681V; Memorial by Alonso Garcia de Paredes and Jose de Ripalda
Ongay, 2 May 1697, ff- 682r-684v.
56. AGI, P 237, ramo n , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 22 March 1697;
Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 2 June 1697.
57. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 2 June 1697.
58. Those in attendance included the following persons: President Gabriel
Sanchez de Berrospe; Bishop Fray Andres de las Navas y Quevedo (Mercederian);
v_
499
Notes
to Pages
338-40
oidores Lie. Jose de Escals, Lie. Manuel de Baltodano, Dr. Bartolome de Amesqueta, Pedro de Ozaeta, and Juan Jeronimo Duardo; Jose Gutierrez de la Pena,
fiscal; Fray Agustin Cano (Dominican); Fray Diego de Rivas, provincial (Mercederian); Captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes; Alferez Jose de Ripalda Ongay;
Manuel de Medrano y Solorzano, royal accountant; Postmaster (correo
mayor)
and Field Marshal Jose Agustin de Estrada y Azpeitia; Sancho Ordonez de Avilez;
Captain Juan de Lan Garcia, Knight of the Order of Alcantara; Sergeant Major
Francisco Lopez de Aluisuri; Captain Juan Jeronimo Mejia Cespedes; Captain
Pedro de Orozco; Governor Estevan de Medrano y Solorzano; Captain Juan Lopez
de Ampuero; Alferez Juan de Alarcon; and the public clerk (escribano
publico),
not identified in my notes.
$00
59. Two of these cedulas would have been those addressed to Ursua and to
the president and Audiencia of Guatemala granting Ursua the patent to open the
camino real between Guatemala and Yucatan; these were dated October 2 3 , 1 6 9 3 .
In addition, he read a cedula dated June 22, 1696, charging him with completing
the reduction of the "infidels of Choi and Lacandon" (AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Real
cedula to Sanchez de Berrospe, 22 June 1696, ff. 69 3r-69 3 V). As a result of the
obvious contradiction between the recent cedula and his decision to grant financial
support to Ursiia in order to maintain the Peten presidio, the president shortly
thereafter decided to rescind his previous order to suspend the Itza reductions (P
237, ramo 1 1 , Auto by Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 0 May 1697; Respuesta del Fiscal,
Valdez, 8 June 1697).
60. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 2 June 1697;
Auto by Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 0 May 1697, ff. 693v-695r; Respuesta del fiscal,
Pedro Velasquez de Valdez, 8 June 1697, ff. 6 9 5 ^ 6 9 7 ^
61. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Memorial by Paredes and Ripalda Ongay, 2 May
1697.
62. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Auto by Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 May 1697.
63. AGI, P 237, ramo n , Pedro Velasquez de Valdez to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 May 1697, ff. 69 i v - ( 3 9 2 1 - .
64. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, List of dispatches sent from Guatemala with the
messenger Juan Baraona, 4 May 1697, ff. 3 5v-37r; Sanchez de Berrospe to Roque
de Soberanis y Centeno, 4 May 1697, ff. 37r-38r.
65. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 2 June 1697.
66. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7, Declaration of Juan Baraona, messenger from
Guatemala, 27 May 1697.
67. AGI, P 237, ramo 1 1 , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 2 June 1697. See
also AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 5, Questions for interrogation of witnesses presented by
Ursiia, 1 July 1697, question 2. This source states that the messenger Baraona
returned to Guatemala via the Peten Itza road.
68. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 3, Fr. Francisco Ruiz, provincial, to Franciscan comisario general, 22 Oct. 1697; P 237, ramo n , Ursiia to Sanchez de Berrospe,
1 2 June 1697, ff. 7 0 5 1 - 7 1 iv. The provincial wrote that they had brought seven
Notes
to Pages
340-45
thousand pesos with them from Guatemala. Other sources indicate that the money
arrived late, probably in October. Perhaps they had stayed in Santiago de Guatemala until the funds were freed.
6 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Recibo de presos, 6 May 1 6 9 9 , f. i^yr-v.
7 0 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Junta de teologos, Guatemala, 2 0 August 1 6 9 7 ;
Auto by Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 1 August 1 6 9 7 , ff. 7 8 2 v - 7 8 3 r ; Sanchez de Berrospe to Ursua, 2 2 August 1 6 9 7 , ff. 7 8 3 ^ 7 8 9 ^ Sanchez de Berrospe to bishop of
Merida and Tabasco, 2 2 August 1 6 9 7 ; Sanchez de Berrospe to Soberanis y Centeno, 2 2 August 1 6 9 7 .
7 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 7 , Auto by Roque de Soberanis y Centeno, 1 7 Oct.
1 6 9 7 , ff. 4 3 v - 4 5 r . No further hiring of muleteers from the Sierra partido would be
permitted, because Soberanis believed they had already suffered too much on
previous supply missions.
7 2 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 1 4 April 1 6 9 8 , f. 7 8 r - v ; G 1 5 1 B ,
no. 8, Roque de Soberanis y Centeno to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 0 Oct. 1 6 9 7 .
7 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 8, Soberanis y Centeno to Sanchez de Berrospe,
2 0 Oct. 1 6 9 7 .
7 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 8, Soberanis y Centeno to Sanchez de Berrospe,
2 0 Oct. 1 6 9 7 ; P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 1 2 Nov. 1 6 9 7 , ff- 7 ~ 7 3 > Ursua
o r
to Crown, 2 5 Nov. 1 6 9 7 , ff. 7 5 r - 7 6 v .
7 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 1 2 Nov. 1 6 9 7 .

7 6 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Note by the Consejo de Indias, 3 Dec. 1 6 9 7 , ff.
6 i r - 6 6 v . Copies of these three cedulas, all dated January 2 4 , 1 6 9 8 , were reproduced by Villagutierre ( 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9 , ch. 4 ) . Another, prepared on the
same day, was sent to the president of Guatemala: AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Real cedula
to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 4 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8 i v - 8 5 r .
7 7 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 1 0 , ch. 4 .
7 8 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9, ch. 4.
7 9 . AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 8, Mederos to Aguilar, 2 4 Sept. 1 6 9 7 .
80. AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 1 2 Nov. 1 6 9 7 .
81. Ibid.
8 2 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 1 , Declarations concerning Peten del Itza, presented
in Guatemala by Zubiaur Isasi et al., 1 6 April 1 6 9 8 .
8 3 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Pedro Morales y Veles to Sanchez de Berrospe, July
1698.
84. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 7 , Auto by Soberanis y Centeno, 1 7 Oct. 1 6 9 7 . Ursua

complained that Soberanis had prevented him from hiring muleteers and road
workers from Tek'ax and Oxk'utzkab' (AGI, G 1 5 1 B , no. 8, Soberanis y Centeno
to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 0 Oct. 1 6 9 7 ; P 2 3 7 , ramo i , Ursua to Crown, 1 2 Nov.
1 6 9 7 and 2 5 Nov.
1697).
8 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Ursua to Crown, 1 4 April 1 6 9 8 , f. 7 8 r - v .

86. The following section is based on AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 1 , Declarations
concerning Peten del Itza, presented in Guatemala by Zubiaur Isasi et al., 1 6 April
501
Notes
to Pages
345-48
1 6 9 8 . Morales held the title "vicario y juez eclesiastico y capellan nombrado de la

infanteria," and Martinez de Mora was his "ministro companero." Morales stated
that he had left Peten Itza on March 2 4 , 1 9 6 8 , which would have been two months
after Zubiaur's departure. He also reported that there had been a third priest at
the presidio, Domingo de Gronca, who had become ill and returned to Campeche. They had apparently taken with them to Santiago de Guatemala a written
summary of depositions given by Ajaw Kan Ek', AjK'in Kan Ek', Captain Kulut
Kowoj, and AjChan on the topic of the territorial and political organization of the
entire region around Lago Peten Itza (AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 , Razon individual y
general de los pueblos, poblaciones, y rancherias de esta provincia de Zuyuha
Peten Itza, 6 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8or-84V). Father Morales's testimony was partially
based on this document.
502
8 7 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 1 , Junta de Hacienda, Guatemala, on payment of

missionaries to Peten Itza, 2 5 April 1 6 9 8 , ff. i 6 3 r - i 6 4 v ; Auto by Sanchez de
Berrospe, 2 5 April 1 6 9 7 , ff- 1 6 4 V - 1 6 6 V ; Sanchez de Berrospe to Ursua, 2 8 April
1 6 9 8 , ff. 1 6 6 v - 1 6 9 r ; Sanchez Berrospe to Fernandez de Estenos, 2 8 April 1 6 9 8 , ff.
1 7 0 V - 1 7 2 V . See also Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9 , ch. 4 .
88. AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez de Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe,
1 5 June 1 6 9 8 , ff. 5 8 r - 6 o r ; Morales to Sanchez de Berrospe, July 1 6 9 8 .
89. The carriers from two towns, Tamaxu and Saiama, had complained to
him that the alcalde mayor had not provided them with sufficient food for the
entire trip. Zubiaur sent them back to Cahabon for supplies, but they never returned (AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Zubiaur Isasi to Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 July 1 6 9 8 ) .
Others turned back to Cahabon on the grounds that they were ill (AGI, G 3 4 5 , no.
2 0 , Diego Pacheco to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 0 July 1 6 9 8 , ff. 7 7 r ~ 7 8 v ) , Diego
Pacheco, the alcalde mayor of Verapaz, wrote that some of the runaways were
being sought in order to punish them and recover their four-peso advance and the
stolen goods. Pacheco claimed to have spent 7 , 2 9 3 tostones, 2 reales on the purchase and shipping of supplies from Verapaz to Peten Itza and an additional 1 , 1 6 2
tostones in removing 2 2 5 Chols from the forests (AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Petition by
Alejandro Pacheco on behalf of Diego Pacheco, August 1 6 9 8 , ff. 8 o v - 8 i v ) .
9 0 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Morales y Veles to Sanchez de Berrospe, July 1 6 9 8 ;
Zubiaur Isasi to Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 July 1 6 9 8 .
9 1 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Zubiaur Isasi to Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 July 1 6 9 8 ;
Receipt for supplies received at presidio of Peten Itza, 4 July 1 6 9 8 , f. 7 7 r .
9 2 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Fernandez y Estenos et al. to Sanchez de Berrospe
and Audiencia of Guatemala, 1 0 July 1 6 9 7 . Note that Fernandez's signature in the
documents sometimes reads Fernandez y Estenos, rather than de.
9 3 . Ibid.
9 4 . Ibid.
9 5 . Ibid.
9 6 . Ibid.
9 7 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Morales y Velez to Sanchez de Berrospe, July 1 6 9 8 ;
Jose Fernandez de Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 5 June 1 6 9 8 ; Zubiaur Isasi to
Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 July 1 6 9 8 .
Notes
to Pages
349-57
9 8 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Zubiaur Isasi to Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 July 1 6 9 8 .

9 9 . Ibid.
1 0 0 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez y Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 5
June 1 6 9 8 . The last phrase, in the original, reads "enviandoles recaudos de mofa,
diciendo que capitanes o caciques de borondanga tenia." Borondanga
is the equivalent of morondanga,
and the phrase de morondanga
is applied to something that
is worthless, despicable, lowly, etc.
1 0 1 . The settlement, which is known by no other name, would have been
just south of Isla Pedregal, on the western end of present-day San Benito.
1 0 2 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez y Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 5
June 1 6 9 8, ff. 5 8 r - 6 o r .
1 0 3 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Br. Pedro de Morales y Veles to Sanchez de
Berrospe, July 1 6 9 8 .
1 0 4 . Ibid.
1 0 5 . Ibid.
1 0 6 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Testimonies concerning proposed entrada from
Peten Itza to Nuestra Senora de los Dolores del Lacandon, 2 July 1 6 9 8 , ff. 73-77L*.
1 0 7 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez y Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe,
1 4 Sept. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
111V-114V.
1 0 8 . There are actually two small islands in Laguna Quexil.

1 0 9 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez y Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe,
1 4 Sept. 1 6 9 8 .
n o . Ibid.
i n . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez de Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe,
2 2 Oct. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
i6ir-r4r.
1 1 2 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 1 , Sanchez de Berrospe to Ursua, 2 8 April 1 6 9 8 , ff.

166V-173V.
113.
114.
July 1 6 9 8 ,
115.
Ibid.
AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fernandez de Estenos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4
ff. 60V-164T.
AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Br. Pedro de Morales y Veles to Sanchez de
Berrospe, 3 0 Dec. 1 6 9 8 , ff. 2 4 8 r - 2 4 9 V .
1 1 6 . AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Zubiaur Isasi to Sanchez de Berrospe, 3 July 1 6 9 8 .
Chapter 14: Reconquest, Epidemic, and Warfare

1 . Some reports indicate that Spaniards actually purchased maize and beans
from the towns, but whether with currency (for which the Itzas would have had
little use at this early date) or by trading goods, particularly metal axes, is not
specified. See, for example, AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Morales y Veles to Sanchez de
Berrospe, July 1 6 9 8 . As more towns were abandoned, troops took what they
could from partially harvested milpas.
2. AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Real cedula to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 4 Jan. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
Notes
to Pages
35-7-62
The cedula to Soberanis is summarized in Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9 , ch.

9, p. 3 6 2 ; see also bk. 1 0 , ch. 5, p. 3 7 4 .
3 . Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9 , ch. 9 - 1 0 , pp. 3 6 1 - 6 4 . Villagutierre provides
information on these topics that appears to be from documents that have been lost
or misplaced in the Archivo General de Indias.
4. AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Ursua to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 8 Sept. 1 6 9 8 , ff.
1 5 1 r-158V.
5. Various written opinions by those who attended the meeting comprise a
fascinating commentary not only on the president's dilemma but also on the larger
issue of the degree to which Guatemala should support Ursua's enterprise. See, for
example, AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Pareceres of Bartolome de Amesqueta and Fr. Diego
de Rivas, 1 5 Nov. 1 6 9 8 .
6. For information on Rivas's attempts to reach Peten Itza between March
and June see AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Fray Diego de Rivas to Gabriel Sanchez de
Berrospe, 2 March 1 6 9 8 , ff. 46V-47V; Rivas to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 April 1 6 9 8 ,
ff. 47V-5or; Rivas to Sanchez de Berrospe, 5 June 1 6 9 8 , ff. 5 o r - 5 3V; Declaracion
de Bias Fernandez de Miranda, 1 0 June 1 6 9 8 ; Sanchez de Berrospe to Jose Fernandez de Estenos, 1 2 June 1 6 9 8 , f. 2 2 r - v ; Sanchez de Berrospe to Zubiaur Isasi,
1 2 June 1 6 9 8 , ff. 2 2 r - 2 3 v ; Rivas to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 3 June 1 6 9 8 ; G 2 3 4 , no.
2 0 , Sanchez de Berrospe to Br. Pedro de Morales, 1 2 June 1 6 9 8 ; AGI, Mapas y
pianos, Guatemala 1 3 , Mapa de lo reconocido por el Padre Fray Diego de Rivas en
el Peten Ytza, 1 3 June 1 6 9 8 .
7. AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Decreto by Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 Dec.
8iv-85r.
1 6 9 8 , ff. 2 3 8 v - 2 3 9 r .
8. Mencos y Medrano's age and the fact that his son accompanied him are
recorded in AGI, G 2 5 6 , Memorial ajustado por el cormsario general de la caballeria don Melchor de Mencos y Medrano, Caballero del Orden de Santiago, Santiago de Guatemala, 3 Feb. 1 7 0 1 , in Confirmacion de una encomienda de 1 8 0
pesos a favor de dona Ana de Mencos y por su falta doiia M a r i a de Guadalupe,
vecinas de Guatemala, 2 9 Aug. 1 7 0 4 .
9. AGI, G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Razon naming Melchor de Mencos as cabo principal, 4 Dec. 1 6 9 8 , f. 240T-V.
1 0 . Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , bk. 9, ch. 1 0 , p. 3 6 3 .

1 1 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 9, ch. 1 0 , pp. 4 5 5 - 5 6 ; 1 9 8 3 , p. 3 6 3 . AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Parecer del Lie. Jose de Lara, 2 Feb. 1 6 9 9 .

1 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Parecer del Lie. Jose de Lara, 2 Feb. 1 6 9 9 , ff. 1 4 5 1 i47v.
504
1 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Parecer del Lara, 2 Feb. 1 6 9 9 .

1 4 . Ibid.
1 5 . AGI, G 2 5 6 , Memorial ajustado por el comisario general de la caballeria don Melchor de Mencos y Medrano, Caballero del Orden de Santiago, Santiago de Guatemala, 3 Feb. 1 7 0 1 .
1 6 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 1 0 , ch. 2 , p. 4 6 2 .
Notes
to Pages
363-66
17. AGI, G 256, Memorial ajustado por . . . Mencos y Medrano, 3 Feb.

1701.
18. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Auto by Ursiia, 1 2 Feb. 1699; Villagutierre, 1983,

bk. 10, ch. 1, p. 366.
19. That is, "tienda de compana." The translation of this section in Villagutierre, 198 3 is in error in stating that Ursiia and the troops were living in tents or in
open-air situations (bk. 10, ch. i , p . 367); see Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 ^ . 4 6 2 .
20. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 10, ch. 1, pp. 462-63.
2 1 . AGI, G 256, Memorial ajustado por . . . Mencos y Medrano, 3 Feb.
1701
22. Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 1 0 , ch. 2, p. 3 69.
23. AGI, G 344, ramo 3, Mencos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 8 March 1699.
The date on this letter is incorrect, possibly a copyist's error. The correct date,
based on the context of the letter, is probably April 8, 1699. Nicolas de Lizarraga,
who was placed in charge of the families of settlers, later claimed that Mencos's
son, Juan Bernardo de Mencos y Coronado, had advanced him 3 , 1 5 0 pesos in
payment for leading the troops and supplies, in addition to 2,270 pesos in payment
for food supplies. Before the train reached the presidio, he claimed, 2 1 4 soldiers
and 3 19 Christian natives had died (AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 2 , Memorial by Lizarraga
to Crown, c. 1708).
24. Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , p. 466; 1983, bk. 1 0 , ch. 2, p. 369.
This arrangement of power sharing remained in place until Mencos departed in
May. Villagutierre continues his description of the arguments over joint leadership
in 1983, bk. 1 0 , ch. 3, pp. 3 7 0 - 7 1 .
26. AGI, G 256, Memorial ajustado por Mencos y Medrano, Caballero del
Orden de Santiago, Santiago de Guatemala, 3 Feb. 1 7 0 1 .
27. Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 1 0 , ch. 5, p. 372. Alejandro Pacheco was the
nephew of the governor of Verapaz (Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 6, ch. n , p . 240).
28. Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 10, ch. 5, p. 372.
29. I did not record the documentation for this meeting, which will be
found in AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, preceding Parecer del Ayudante General Cortes, 26
March. See also AGI, G 344, ramo 3, Mencos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 8 March
1699, in which Mencos reports on this meeting.
30. Mencos, however, wrote that sixty men would be sufficient (AGI, G
344, ramo 3, Mencos to Sanchez de Berrospe, 8 March 1699).
3 1 . Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 10, ch. 5, pp. 3 7 4 - 7 6 .
32. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Parecer del Ayudante General Cortes, 26 March
1699; Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 10, ch. 3, p. 370. Villagutierre reports this event as if
it occurred during the period reported in this section; it had probably happened
during 1698.
33. AGI, G 344, ramo 3, Marcos de Avalos to Ursiia and Mencos, 22
March 1699, ff. 96v~97r; G 1 5 1 A, no. 1, Ursiia to Estevan de Medrano y Solor?
505
Notes
to Pages
366-70
zano, 2 5 March 1 6 9 9 ,
4 7 r ~ 4 8 v ; G 2 5 6 , Memorial ajustado por . . . don
Melchor de Mencos y Medrano, 3 Feb. 1 7 0 1 .
3 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Ursua and Melchor de Mencos to Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes, 28 March 1 6 9 9 , ff. 6 2 r - 6 3 r . The term translated here as "fields"
is rancherias in the original. Usually meaning "hamlets" or a cluster of houses, the
context suggests that it refers here to the milpas.
3 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Ursiia and Mencos to Abalos y Fuentes, 2 8 March
1 6 9 9 ; Abalos y Fuentes to Ursua and Mencos, 2 7 March 1 6 9 9 , f. 6 3 r - v .
3 6 . This indicates that Ch'ulte was half a league east of Laguneta El Sos.
Abalos y Fuentes located Ch'ulte three leagues southwest of Joyop, placing the
latter off the southeastern shore of Laguna Sacpuy.
3 7 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Abalos y Fuentes to Ursiia and Mencos, 2 April
1 6 9 9 , ff. 67V-68V.
3 8 . Ibid.
3 9 . Ibid.
4 0 . AGI, G 3 4 4 , ramo 3 , Miguel de Pineda y Useche to Ursiia and Mencos,
3 April 1 6 9 9 .
4 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Abalos y Fuentes to Ursiia and Mencos, 6 April
1 6 9 9 , ff. 7 2 v ~ 7 3 r .
4 2 . AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 1 , Orden por Ursiia a Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa, 2 7 March 1 6 9 9 . The circumstances of the arrival of the Tipujans are unclear.
It is possible that the two "men" in question had been sent out from the presidio to
bring the Tipujans back there.
4 3 . A G I , G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and Mencos, 1 April
1699.
4 4 . Ibid.
4 5 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and Mencos, 1 April
1 6 9 9 . Amusingly, Mendia y Sologastoa referred to the Tipujans as "Arizas," referring, of course, to Francisco de Hariza, the Bacalarefio who had long held sway
over that town. On this occasion, however, the Hariza who accompanied the
Tipujans was Juan de Hariza, possibly Francisco's son.
4 6 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Juan de Hariza to Mendia y Sologastoa, c. April
1 6 9 9 , ff. 7 o v - 7 i r .
4 7 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and Mencos, 4 April

1699.
4 8 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Ursiia and Mencos to Mendia y Sologastoa, 8 April

1 6 9 9 , f- 7 3 ~ r
506
4 9 . The generals replied to this report that don Martin Chan was, upon his
capture, to be told that he would be granted full pardon (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 ,
Ursua and Mencos to Mendia y Sologastoa, 1 4 April 1 6 9 9 ) .
5 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. i , Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursiia and Mencos,
1 2 April 1 6 9 9 .
5 1 . Ibid.
Notes
to Pages
370-72
52. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Fray Simon de Mendoza y Galindo to Ursua, 10

April 1699, f. loor-v. The epidemic apparently spread from the Valley of Guatemala, where Molina documented "pestilence" that year (Molina, 1943, p. 1 7 2 ;
cited in Lovell, 1992, p. 247).
53. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Ursua and Mencos to Mendia y Sologastoa, 19
April 1699. They listed the following names: Ajltzk'in, AjChak May, Chak Itza,
YumKuk Tut, Chamach Chab'in, Chamach Kamal, Chamach Tek, NojTut, Chamach Chiken, and Kuk Xiken. Also missing were the children of the "parcialidad
de Chamach Xulu, and doubtless many others."
54. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1, Ursua and Mencos to Mendia y Sologastoa, 19
April 1699.
55. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Parecer of Cristobal de Mendia y Sologastoa, 29
April 1699, f. 97r-v.
56. These forty men apparently included paddlers, because he later reported that he took thirty men with him to the inland region (AGI, G 15 i A , no. 1,
Parecer by Marcelo Flores Mogollon, 14 April 1699, ff. 88r~95r).
57. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Orden al don Juan Guerrero por Martin de Ursua y
Melchor de Mencos, 2 April 1699, ff. 6$r-v. Juan Guerrero was the pilot of the
galeota.
58. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Flores to Ursiia and Mencos, 3 April 1699, ff. 69V7or; another copy is in G 344, ramo 3, ff. i 0 2 r - i o 3 v . He identified the rivers as
those of "Los Dolores y los de Los Achotales [Ah Chontales]" and claimed that he
met seven natives from San Agustin.
59. That is, "gozando de estar a orillas de la laguna,"
60. Ibid.
61. In a parecer written on April 14, after he returned to the presidio, Flores
Mogollon stated that he traveled for fourteen leagues to the southeast (AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Parecer by Mogollon, 14 April 1699). This must have been a copyist's
error, because the places he visited besides Saklemakal would all have been along
the northeastern shore of the lake (see also AGI, G 1 5 i A , no. 1, Auto [including
questionnaire] by Ursiia and Mencos, 9 April 1699, ff. 78r~79v).
62. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1, Parecer by Mogollon, 14 April 1699.
63. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Auto (including questionnaire) by Ursiia and
Mencos, 9 April 1699; Parecer of Fray Simon de Mendoza, 3 May 1699, f. 98r.
Apparently some few food supplies had arrived from Verapaz prior to April 8, but
Mencos described them as rotten and inedible.
65. The principal document on the junta is not recorded in my notes; it
appears in AGI, G 15 i A , no. 1 , just before Parecer of Mora, 24 April 1699, f.
i i 2 r - v . See also Villagutierre, 1983, bk. 1 0 , ch. n , p. 390.
66. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Parecer of Mora, 24 April 1699.
67. AGI, G 1 5 1 A, no. 1, Memorial by Teodoro O'Kelly, surgeon, April
1699, ff. I 2 4 v - i 2 5 r .
507
Notes
to Pages
373-76
68. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Memorial by Jose Fernandez y Estenos, teniente de

capitan general, April 1 6 9 9 , f. i i . 2 v .
69. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Auto by Ursua and Mencos, 2 8 April 1 6 9 9 , ff.
I 2 5 r - i 2 6 r . Other information on the state of sickness may be found in AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Ursua to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 4 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. i i 9 r - i 2 3 r , and
Ursiia to royal officials of Guatemala, 26 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 1 2 3 V - 124V. Their orders
were repeated on April 3 0 (AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Auto definitivo by Ursua and
Mencos, 3 0 April 1 6 9 9 , ff. 1 3 1 - 1 3 4 ) . For Mencos's reasons for opposing a hasty
withdrawal, see Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , bk. 1 0 , ch. 1 3 , pp. 3 9 4 - 9 5 .
7 0 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Junta para nombrar cabo del presidio, 3 0 April

1 6 9 9 , ff. 1 2 8 - 1 3 1 .
7 1 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Auto para el entrego de presos, by Ursiia, 6 May

1 6 9 9 , ff. i 3 6 r - i 3 r .
7
7 2 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1, Recibo de presos, 6 May 1 6 9 9 . The receipt was

prepared by Alferez Real Joseph de Ripalda Ongay, who countersigned it as official notary or clerk. Mencos later wrote that he took the Kan Ek' prisoners with
him when he began his march on May 5. Although the rear guard forces may have
caught up with him later, the prisoners departed with this latter group no earlier
than May 1 0 .
7 3 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Auto by Juan Francisco Cortes, 9 May 1 6 9 9 , ff.
I37r-i37v.
7 4 . AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Auto by Ursiia, 2 0 June 1 6 9 9 , ff. 147V-48V.

According to Comparato, Soberanis died of yellow fever (Villagutierre, 1 9 8 3 , p.
1 2 5 , n. 5 1 1 ) .
7 5 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 2 , Memorial by Lizarraga to Crown, c. 1 7 0 8 .
7 6 . This person would therefore have been a Kit Kan, one of the sons of the
Kan Ek' who ruled before the present one. We do know, however, that Ajaw Kan
Ek' had two sons; Juan may have been the second one, not mentioned by other
sources on these events.
7 7 . Villagutierre, 1 9 3 3 , bk. 1 0 , ch. 1 3 , p. 5 0 6 (author's translation); cf.
1 9 8 3 , p. 4 0 0 .
7 8 . AGI, G 2 5 6 , Memorial ajustado por el comisario general de la caballeria don Melchor de Mencos y Medrano, Caballero del Orden de Santiago, Santiago de Guatemala, 3 Feb. 1 7 0 1 .
508
7 9 . His name was spelled Yxquin and Exquin in the documents. This name
may be equivalent to the Yucatec day name Ix (ix k'in = ix day).
8 0 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Declaracion que hace el Capitan don Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes.. . , 1 0 March 1 7 0 4 , f. 5 4 r .
8 1 . AGCA, 1 . 1 2 - 1 1 , Exp. 3 9 , Leg. 3 , Petition by Antonio de Andino y
Arze, n.d. ( 1 7 0 5 ) .
8 2 . Ibid. Andino submitted two additional petitions to the audiencia in

1 7 0 7 , in which he stated that he had offered room, board, and instruction since
1 6 8 0 to "infidel Indians" from the eastern Choi towns of Kan Pamak (Kam-
Notes
to Pages
376-80
pamak), Tzun Kal (Tzuncal), and Chok Ajaw (Chocohau), as well as Peten Itza.
The purpose of these petitions was to seek monetary reward for services that he
could no longer personally afford. He noted that one of his guests, unidentified,
had been sent to prison for throwing drinking glasses at him during a meal. His
guests, he claimed, were free to come and go as they pleased (AGCA A. 1 . 5 , Exp.
3 6 9 5 , Leg. 1 8 1 , Two petitions by Antonio de Andino y Arze, 1 7 0 7 ) .
8 3 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Memoria on Peten Itza by Fr. Diego de Rivas, 2 6 May
1 7 0 2 , ff. 3 i r ~ 3 3v.
84. AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Autos and testimony on the state of the reductions and
doctrinas of Peten Itza administered by the secular clergy of Yucatan, Oct. 1 7 1 7 .
8 5 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Memoria de las personas que . . . se hallan en esta
isla y presidio del Peten Ytza de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, 6
Sept. 1 6 9 9 ; Memoria de las personas que han muerto en este presidio desde el mes
de abril hasta la fecha de esta, 6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 , ff. 5 7 V - 5 9 V .
8 6 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 2 , Memorial by Lizarraga to Crown, c. 1 7 0 8 .
Abalos y Fuentes . . . , 1 0 March 1 7 0 4 .
88. AGI, G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Mendoza y Galindo to Ursiia, 1 0 April 1 6 9 9 .
89. AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Memoria de las personas que . . , se hallan en esta
isla y presidio del Peten Ytza de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo,
6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 .
9 0 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 2 , Rivas to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 2 Aug. 1 7 0 0 .
9 1 . Rivas was by now sufficiently discouraged by his work in the area that
he requested a transferral to Tipuj.
9 2 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Memoria on the mission of Dolores del Lacandon, c.
1 7 0 1 , f. 3 o r - v ; G 1 8 0 , Fray Diego de Rivas to Crown, 2 3 Dec. 1 6 9 6 . The later
memoria, certified by Fray Antonio Margil de Jesus, is in error in stating that Rivas
had counted 5 0 0 people at these two towns three years earlier. In fact, he counted
5 0 0 at Dolores and 2 0 0 at San Ramon in 1 6 9 6 . San Ramon was a new reduction
settlement, formed that year from two small villages. The exact date of the 1 6 9 8
census is uncertain but is deduced from the fact that Rivas returned to Dolores
early that year, from where he attempted unsuccessfully to reach Peten Itza (AGI,
G 3 4 5 , no. 2 0 , Rivas to Sanchez de Berrospe, 4 April 1 6 9 8 ; Rivas to Sanchez de
Berrospe, 5 June 1 6 9 8 ) .
9 3 . Although some of the population loss at Dolores and San Roman may
have been due to flight, the fact that the settlements were under military security
would have reduced the possibility of escape. Margil attributed all of the population loss to death from illness.
9 4 . AGI, G 1 8 0 , Fray Bernardo de Rivas, provincial, et al. to Crown, 2 6 $ 0 9
June 1 7 0 0 .
9 5 . AGI, P 2 3 7 , ramo 1 1 , Diego Bernardo del Rio to Mencos, 9 July 1 6 9 7 .
9 6 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Lizarraga to Sanchez de Berrospe, 7 Sept. 1 6 9 9 , ff.
45V-48V.
Notes
to Pages
380-83
9 7 . Ibid, The original, translated loosely here, reads, "me cayo una fluccion
a la cara y me cargo en las narices de tal calidad que estan de los ojos a la boca
hechas una llaga de podridas, como es notorio."
9 8 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Memoria de las personas que , . . se hallan en esta
6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 .
9 9 . The reference was to the Kowoj port (embarcadero)
located near the
archaeological site of Ixlu, at a place then known as Saklemakal. The inland
milpas, which turned out to have been only recently planted, probably lay in a
northern direction from the eastern end of the lake.
100. I tentatively interpret "buscojol" (from huts' kojol ["smoke aim"]), as
fire-hardened wooden arrow points. Cortes was so impressed by the quality of the
arrows that he sent six of them to President Sanchez de Berrospe (AGI, G 3 4 3 , no.
2 3 , Memoria de las personas que . . . se hallan en esta isla y presidio del Peten Ytza
de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo, 6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 ) .
1 0 1 . Or "los Quetz y Popes" in the original.
1 0 2 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Memoria de las personas que . . . se hallan en esta
6 Sept. 1 6 9 9 .
103. AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Cortes to Sanchez de Berrospe, 7 Sept. 1 6 9 9 , ff48V-51V.
104. AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Certification of Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 ,
In 1 7 0 2 AjK'ixaw was living at Petmas, said to be twenty leagues from Nojpeten.
The distance was probably an exaggeration, and the location is unknown.
1 0 5 . AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 3 , Cortes to Sanchez de Berrospe, 7 Sept. 1 6 9 9 ; AGI,
EC 3 3 9 A , Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 2 0 June 1 7 0 3 .
1 0 6 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Cortes to Sanchez de Berrospe, 1 2 March 1 7 0 2 , ff.
9r-i2r.
107. AGI, G 3 4 3 , no. 2 2 , Rivas to Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 2 Aug. 1 7 0 0 .

1 0 8 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 6 , San Miguel Figueroa to Crown, 1 2 March
1702.
1 0 9 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 7 , Lista y memoria de los pueblos y parajes de los
510
indios vecinos de la Laguna del Peten, 1 7 0 2 (undated), ff. i 5 r - i 7 r .

n o . Examples include the following: Tzunpana comprises many towns
and "is very bold and bloodthirsty even among themselves" {es muy osado y
carnicero
hasta entre ellos); Xalal, "being at war, seeks the support of other
towns" (estando de guerra piden favor con otros pueblos); Saklemakal and Nab'a
are allied with the Kowojs; the Chans are feared by all; and the Tuts are particularly feared, because "the [sic] Tut is the principal enemy of as many Indians as
there are in the forests. He is a very high-ranking head. He constantly goes about
making wars and tricking the Spaniards. What is certain is that he is very bold and
bloodthirsty" (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 7 , Lista y memoria de los pueblos y parajes de
los indios vecinos de la Laguna del Peten, 1 7 0 2 [undated]). Lizarraga later wrote
Notes
to Pages
383-86
that at this time the Kowojs were also enemies of the Tuts (AGI, EC 3 39B, Mapa y
description de la montana del Peten Ytza, c. 1 7 1 0 , ff. x_9r-2ov).
i n . This name is written "Cunagau" in AGI, EC 339B, no. 7, Lista y
memoria de los pueblos y parajes de los indios vecinos de la Laguna del Peten,
1 7 0 2 (undated), ("Cunahau" in another copy, AGCA, A 1 . 1 2 - 1 1 , Exp. 3 1 5 5 , Leg.
4061). Lizarraga later wrote it as "Chumaxau" (AGI, EC 339B, Mapa y descripcion de la montana del Peten Ytza, c. 1 7 1 0 ) . In modern Itzaj chun means "base,"
and in colonial usage it could also refer to the foundation of a building (chun pak
a tree trunk (chun che'), etc. Its precise meaning in the case of Chun Ajaw and
Chun Mejen is not clear, but I assume that it refers to the place where the king
exerted his authority, perhaps to the location of the mat of governance. The English word "seat" seems most appropriate in conveying this meaning.
1 1 2 . Lizarraga wrote this name "Chumexen" (AGI, EC 339B, no. 7, Lista y
memoria de los pueblos y parajes de los indios vecinos de la Laguna del Peten,
1 7 0 2 [undated]; AGI, EC 3 39B, Mapa y descripcion de la montana del Peten Ytza,
c. 1 7 1 0 ) . Mejen is a term of reference meaning "son," from the father's perspective.
1 1 3 . AGI, EC 339B, Mapa y descripcion de la montana del Peten Ytza, c.
1710.
1 1 4 . Ibid.
1 1 5 . Ibid. In the earlier document Lizarraga lists B'alamtun, Chun Ajaw,
Saksel, Sakpuy, Joyop, Nek'nojche, and Gwakamay (El Guacamayo on modern
maps) in that order all apparently towns in the same western region around
Laguna Sacpuy.
1 1 6 . Ibid. The last three names would have been Yalain, Chinoja, and
IxTus, all names of towns in the old Yalain province. Either Lizarraga was in error
in including them or towns of the same names had been reestablished elsewhere.
1 1 7 . The best discussion of these place names is in Thompson, 1 9 7 2 , pp.
2 1 - 3 2 and foldout map.
1 1 8 . AGI, G 345, no. 20, Pedro de Zubiaur Isasi to Gabriel Sanchez de
Berrospe, 3 July 1698, ff. 67V~73r.
1 1 9 . AGI, M 1 0 1 4 , Pedro Navarrete to Ursua, 16 May 1 7 0 1 .
120. AGI, M 1 0 1 4 , Cortes to Ursua, 5 May 1 7 0 1 . Unlike the much more
elaborately fortified towns described by Hernan Cortes in Mazatlan in 1 5 2 5 , the
houses in the Kowoj town were apparently all outside the perimeter of the stockade.
1 2 1 . Navarrete may have had as many as eighty "warriors" with him from
Chanchanja (AGI, EC 339A, Juan Francisco Cortes to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 2 Feb. 1 7 0 1 , ff, i v - z v ) .
122. The Kowojs appeared open to religious overtures. Navarrete left a
simple wooden cross, made on the spot, before he left the stockaded town, leaving
it inside "the house where they have their meeting." When he returned on his way
back to Chanchanja, he found the building decorated and the cross "adorned with
its own arches and branches, which led us to conclude that they had been venerating it" (AGI, M 1 0 1 4 , Navarrete to Ursua, 16 May 1 7 0 1 ) .
Notes
to Pages
3 86-89
1 2 3 . AGI, EC 3 39A, Juan Francisco Cortes to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe,

1 Feb. 1 7 0 1 , f. i r - v . An apparent plot to attack Spaniards at IxPapaktun in March
1 7 1 2 was blown out of proportion by Cortes, who concluded that this western
town was the center of a pending large-scale rebellion. In a short fight, Spaniards
killed five individuals and wounded one. See EC 3 3 9 A , Cortes to Sanchez de
Berrospe, 1 2 March 1 7 0 2 .
Chapter 1 5 : Missions, Rebellion, and Survival

1. In sorting out the topics that I should include here, I have relied indirectly
on Norman B. Schwartz's chapter on the colonial-period social history of Peten
( 1 9 9 0 , pp. 3 1 - 7 6 ) . Because I slight the later colonial years, interested readers
should turn to his work for a fuller exposition of the history of the entire colonial
period in Peten, and for his excellent coverage of the nearly two centuries of
independence that followed.
2 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Cortes to Berrospe, 1 Feb. 1 7 0 1 ; Fray Diego de Rivas to
Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe, 6 March 1 7 0 1 , ff. 2 V - 4 V .
3. AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Juan Francisco Cortes to Gabriel Sanchez de Berrospe,
1 5 July 1 7 0 1 , ff. 6 v - 8 v .
4. AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 2 0 June 1 7 0 3 ; EC 3 3 9 B ,
no. 1 5 , Certification of Br. Francisco de San Miguel y Figueroa, 1 July 1 7 0 3 , ff.
5r-8r.
AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 2 0 June 1 7 0 3 .

6. AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Certification of Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 .
7. AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Ursiia to Rivas, 1 2 May 1 7 0 2 .
8. Ibid.
9. AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Ursiia to Cortes, 1 5 Dec. 1 7 0 2 .
1 0 . Ibid.
1 1 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 5 , Certification of San Miguel y Figueroa, 1 July
1 7 0 3 ; no. 2 8 , Certification of Bachiller Marcos de Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 ,
ff. i 8 r - 2 i r . Although Cortes wrote a third report on these events, it was almost
word-for-word a duplicate of Vargas's report (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Certification
of Capitan don Juan Francisco Cortes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 , ff. 2 2 r - 2 5 r ) .
1 2 . The locations of missions on map 1 0 is based both on textual descriptions as noted and on several eighteenth-century maps. Because several of the first
missions were short lived or abandoned early as the result of the 1 7 0 4 rebellion,
they cannot be precisely located; two or three of the later missions are also unlocated. The most useful maps of which I am aware are "Piano de la Provincia de
Yucathan . . . , " c. 1 7 3 4 ; "Descripcion piano hidrographica . . . , " c. 1 7 7 0 ; and Diez
Navarro, 1 7 7 1 . In addition, a watercolor bird's-eye view of the main lake and its
environs shows a number of missions (AGI, Mapas y pianos, Guatemala 2 6 , Mapa
de la provincia del Peten y del Castillo de su nombre, 1 7 4 0 ) . This painting was not
intended to be a precise map, and artist's license has distorted distances and loca5.
Notes
to Pages
391-93
tions. It has been reproduced in Reina, 1966; Cano, 1984; and Rice, Rice, and
Jones 1993.
1 3 . AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 5 , Certification of San Miguel y Figueroa, 1 July
1 7 0 3 . The actual date of the appearance of San Miguel is May 8; see Thurston and
Attwater, 1963, p. 699.
14. AGI, EC 339B, no. 28, Certification of Vargas Dorantes, 10 July 1 7 0 3 .
1 5 . Ibid.
16. Ibid.
1 7 . Vargas reported that after Aguilar captured Kulut Kowoj, allies of the
prisoner attacked the town known as Kitis, killing its leader and his wife and
children, Aguilar unsuccessfully pursued the guilty parties and, returning through
the same town, brought the remaining inhabitants with him to settle at San Jose.
18. All known eighteenth-century maps indicate that San Jose was adjacent
to San Andres (to its east), where it remains today. San Jeronimo was also adjacent
to San Andres (to its west). The earliest of these maps is dated about 1734 ("Piano
de la Provincia de Yucathan," c. 1734).
19. That is, "una punta que sobresale en la laguna una legua del cayo a la
parte occidental."
20. The later location is confirmed on an early map, "Piano de la Provincia
de Yucathan . . . , " c. 1734. It appears there on later maps as well, and is described
as being next to San Andres in AGI, G 859, Informe de Br. Juan Antonio Moreno
de los Reyes, vicario de San Andres, 1 2 March 1766, in Testimonio de los autos
seguidos sobre ei pre de dos reales diarios que se dan a los presidarios del castillo de
Peten Ytza, informes, y demas instruido en virtud de los resuelto por la Real Junta
de Hacienda, 1 7 7 1 , ff. 9 2 v - i o i r .
2 1 . Thurston and Attwater, 1963, vol. 4, p. 693.

22. That is, Saint Martin of Tours (ibid., p. 697).
23. Fray Diego de Rivas and Captain Alejandro Pacheco located San Martin two leagues east of San Andres, which would place it near present-day Chachaklum (AGI, EC 339A, Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 20 June 1703).
24. AGI, EC 339B, no. 28, Certification of Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1 7 0 3 .
The location of this K'ixab'on church and settlement is not entirely clear; Vargas
said only that it was "adjacent to" (junto al) San Martin; he used the same phrase
in describing the location of San Francisco, which was probably more than a
league from San Martin.
25. Thurston and Attwater, 1963, vol. 4, p. 682.
26. Ibid., p. 690.
27. AGI, EC 339B, no. 28, Certification of Vargas Dorantes, 1 0 July 1703.
28. The term translated as "settlement" in San Miguel's report is "rancheria."
29. San Miguel is the source for San Juan Baptista, San Pedro, and Nuestra
Senora de Guadalupe. This is not the same San Pedro established later near Santo
Toribio.
513
Notes
to Pages
393-97
3 0 . Thurston and Attwater, 1 9 6 3 , vol. 4 , p. 7 0 1 .

3 1 . AGI, EC 3 39A, Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 2 0 June 1 7 0 3 .
3 2. Punta Nijtun itself has also been known as Punta de Candelaria, probably a survival of the mission's name.
3 3 . AGI, EC 3 39A, Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 2 0 June 1 7 0 3 . The date of
his return is recorded in EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Capitan Jose de Aguilar y Galeano to
bishop of Yucatan, 8 Feb. 1 7 0 4 , ff. 2 3 r - 2 5 r . Although his report, dated June 2 0 ,
was cosigned by Aguilar y Galeano, it exhibits Rivas's personal style.
514
3 4. AGI, EC 3 39A, Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 2 0 June 1 7 0 3 .

3 5. AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Certification by Rivas, 2 3 Dec. 1 7 0 3 . The tenth
mission may have been San Antonio, which was included with San Martin in the
June report.
36. AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , n o . 2 6 , Gaspar Reymundo de Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1 7 0 4 , ff. 7 r - i o r . The identity of the eleventh mission is unknown.
3 7 . We cannot be sure whether their names were Kanek' or Kan Ek', but in
most cases I assume that nonmembers of the royal extended family bore Kanek' as
a patronym. Their "first" names may be "given" names.
3 8 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Certification by Rivas, 2 3 Dec. 1 7 0 3 . Masa was
probably from the Laguneta El Sos region southwest of Laguna Sacpuy (AGI, G
1 5 1 A, no. 1 , Abalos y Fuentes to Ursua and Mencos, 2 April 1 6 9 9 ; Parecer by
Artiga, 1 0 April 1 6 9 9 ) . Kali Kan Ek' was probably a close relative of Ajaw Kan Ek'
(G 1 5 1 A , no. 1 , Mendia y Sologastoa to Ursua and Mencos, 1 2 April 1 6 9 9 ) .
3 9 . The sources for the 1 7 0 4 rebellion comprise five documents. Aguilar y
Galeano first reported the event to the bishop of Yucatan the day after the murders
of the six soldiers. Although his report was quite detailed, information that turned
out to be erroneous was revised in later reports (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Aguilar y
Galeano to bishop of Yucatan, 8 Feb. 1 7 0 4 ) .
The next extant report was written by Aguilar to the president of Guatemala
on March 2 8 , following the trial and execution of six indigenous leaders (EC
3 3 9 A, Informe de Aguilar y Galeano, to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 2 8
March 1 7 0 4 ) . This was followed almost immediately, on April 3 , by a second
report to the president of Guatemala, written by the recently arrived Yucatecan
secular priest, Br. Bernabe de Herrera (EC 3 3 9 A , Herrera to Juan Jeronimo Duardo, president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 3 April 1 7 0 4 , ff. 9 i r ~ 9 2 v ) . Herrera's
account was largely a duplicate of Aguilar's March 2 8 report and was clearly
written at the behest of the captain, who sought additional military support from
Guatemala.
On June 1 7 Gaspar Reymundo de Varaya, an officer from the presidio who
had been absent from there when the events occurred, wrote a fairly detailed
account of the rebellion and subsequent related events to Ursua (EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 6 ,
Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1 7 0 4 ) . Although his account parallels for
the most part those by Aguilar and Herrera, it contains a few details that were
omitted in the earlier accounts.
Notes
to Pages
397-401
Finally, Fray Diego de Rivas, who had left the presidio for Santiago de
Guatemala prior to the rebellion, summarized what he had learned about it in a
letter written to Ursua on July 20 (EC 339B, no. 26, Rivas to Ursua, 20 July 1704,
ff. n r - i 2 r ) . Probably his only sources of information were the letters previously
written by Aguilar and Herrera to the president of Guatemala. Because there is
much overlap in these accounts, I have not cited specific references in this description of the rebellion except in cases where there is conflicting evidence.
40. AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 8 , Declaracion que hace el Capitan don Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes. . . , 10 March 1704; no. 26, Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7
June 1704. Aguilar y Galeano wrote that Cortes hoped to find husbands for his
daughters in Guatemala. He was probably back in Santiago de Guatemala by
March 1704 (AGI, EC 339B, no. 18, Aguilar to bishop of Yucatan, 8 Feb. 1704).
4 1 . AGI, EC 339A, Consulta de Rivas y Pacheco, 20 June 1 7 0 3 .
42. AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 2 , Memorial by Lizarraga to Crown, c. 1708; no.
26, Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1704.
43. AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 8 , Declaracion que hace el Capitan don Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes . . . , 1 0 March 1704.
44,, Ibid. A few years later Lizarraga claimed, with wild exaggeration, that
the estancia had more than six thousand head of cattle and forty-five hundred
horses (AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 2 , Memorial by Lizarraga to Crown, c 1708).
45. AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 8 , Aguilar y Galeano to bishop of Yucatan, 8 Feb.
1704; EC 339A, Informe de Aguilar y Galeano, to president of Audiencia of
Guatemala, 28 March 1704.
46. AGI, EC 339B, no. 26, Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1704.
47. AGI, EC 3 3 9 A, Informe de Aguilar y Galeano to president of Audiencia
of Guatemala, 28 March 1704.
48. Ibid.
49. This is the account provided by Varaya (AGI, EC 339B, no. 26, Varaya
to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1704). According to Aguilar, when the men on
board the galeota became suspicious after the others did not return, they began to
yell at people on shore; it was at this point, he wrote, that the fighting began (EC
339A, Informe de Aguilar y Galeano to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 28
March 1704).
50. AGI, EC 339B, no. 1 8 , Aguilar y Galeano to bishop of Yucatan, 8 Feb.
1704.
5 1 . AGI, EC 3 3 9A, Informe del Aguilar y Galeano to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 28 March 1704.
52. The original reads, "me trayeron dichos cuerpos que quebraban los
corazones" (AGI, EC 339A, Informe del Aguilar y Galeano, to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 28 March 1704). The first reports indicated that all, including de la Garza, had been decapitated (EC 3 39A, Informe de Aguilar y Galeano to
president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 28 March 1704). This apparently was not
the case, nor could the soldiers waiting in the galeota have known how their
Notes
to Pages
401-8
companions had been murdered. Decapitation was surmised by Spaniards to be a

favorite method of killing among the Itzas, as was the ritual removal of hearts
and subsequent consumption of the bodies. None of the 1 7 0 4 victims suffered
such a fate.
5 3 . Aguilar's later report stated that these four towns joined the rebellion
several days after the initial attacks, a statement that conflicts with the report
written on February 8, the day after the attack.
5 4 . That is, "vicario provincial y juez eclesiastico de estas montanas" (AGI,
EC 3 3 9 A , Herrera to Duardo, 3 April 1 7 0 4 ) .
5 5 . According to Varaya, twelve soldiers were guarding both the milpa and
the estancia in mid-June (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 6 , Varaya to governor of Yucatan,
1 7 June 1 7 0 4 ) .
5 6 . They charged with a "carga cerrada," a close formation charge with

swords or bayonets.
5 7 . That is, "el mas querido detodos" (AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Informe de Aguilar y
Galeano to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 2 8 March 1 7 0 4 ) .
58. Ibid.
5 9 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 6 , Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1 7 0 4 .
6 0 . Lizarraga later identified a Kitis as a Kowoj leader (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B ,
Mapa y descripcion de la montana del Peten Ytza, n.d., c. 1 7 1 0 ) .
Abalos y Fuentes. . . , 1 0 March 1 7 0 4 .
6 2 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Informe de Aguilar y Galeano to president of Audiencia
of Guatemala, 2 8 March 1 7 0 4 .
6 3 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 6 , Varaya to governor of Yucatan, 1 7 June 1 7 0 4 .
64. AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Ursua (Conde de Lizarraga) to Crown, 2 1 Jan.
1 7 0 8 , f. i 7 r - v . This was twice the amount he had requested in 1 6 9 6 (chapter 1 0 ) .
6 5 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Informe del Capitan Aguilar y Galeano to president of
Audiencia of Guatemala, 2 8 March 1 7 0 4 .
6 6 . Ibid.
6 7 . Ibid.
6 8 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Aguilar y Galeano to Toribio de Cosio, president
of Guatemala, 3 0 April 1 7 0 9 .
6 9 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 8 , Aguilar y Galeano to Cosio, 3 0 April 1 7 0 9 .
Sororal polygyny among captured leaders is described in AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Informe
del Capitan Aguilar y Galeano to president of Audiencia of Guatemala, 2 8 March
1704.
7 0 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 A , Informe del Capitan Jose de Aguilar y Galeano to presi-
516
dent of Audiencia of Guatemala, 3 1 March 1 7 0 4 , ff. 7 3 ^ 7 9 (f. 74V).

7 1 . Ibid. Vargas, for his part, complained that Aguilar mistreated his troops
and other Spaniards (EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 4 , Br. Marcos de Vargas Dorantes to oficiales
reales of Guatemala, 2 8 Feb. 1 7 0 4 , ff. i 9 V - 2 2 r ) .
7 2 . AGI, G 2 9 9 , Gaspar Reymundo de Varaya to Fray Juan del Cerro,
Notes
to Pages
408-9
24 August 1 7 0 8 (f. ^r); Jose de Aguilar y Galeano to Fray Juan del Cerro, 2 4 August 1 7 0 8 (f. i 3 r ) , in Testimonio de los autos fhos sobre la entrada del Sambo en
los pueblos del Peten y providencias dadas para efecto de rernitir a el de Consejo de
las Indias, 1 7 0 8 . By 1 7 0 4 most of the southern Mopans had fled east, presumably
into Belize (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 8 , Declaracion que hace el Capitan don Marcos de
Abalos y Fuentes . , . , 1 0 March 1 7 0 4 , ff. 5 0 v - 5 i r ) . Within the next two years a
presidio was reestablished at Mopan (San Luis), from where Guatemalan troops
made forays into Mopan territory; the details of these reductions have not emerged
in the documentation. According to Ursua, two thousand Mopan families had
agreed that year to be relocated at a place called Los Zinzontles on the camino real,
presumably in the vicinity of Mopan (AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Ursua to Crown, 1 2
Oct. 1 7 0 6 ) . The settlements that resulted from the Mopan reductions were San
Luis, Santo Toribio, San Francisco Xavier, and Dolores (G 2 9 9 , Gaspar Reymundo
de Varaya to Fray Juan del Cerro, 2 4 August 1 7 0 8 , in Testimonio de los autos fhos
sobre la entrada del Sambo en los pueblos del Peten, 1 7 0 8 , f. 9r).
7 3 . Fernando de Meneses Bravo de Sarabia took possession of the office of
governor of Yucatan in September 1 7 0 7 (AGI, M 8 89, Bravo de Sarabia to Crown,
2 0 Sept. 1 7 0 7 ) .
7 4 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no, 2 7 , Ursua to Crown, including real cedula ( 2 4 Jan.
1 6 9 8 ) , 1 2 Sept. ijoy^ ff. 2 3 r - 2 9 v .
7 5 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 2 7 , Ursua to Crown, 2 4 Jan. 1 7 0 8 .
7 6 . The population count noted for 1 7 1 1 in Table 1 5 . 3 was carried out by
Juan Antonio Ruiz de Bustamante, whom the Audiencia of Guatemala appointed
in 1 7 1 0 to investigate Aguilar's governance. According to this minuta, Ruiz personally visited fifteen towns, which were widely spaced from one another. For
further information see AGCA A 3 . 1 , Exp. 1 1 5 4 5 , Leg, 5 5 9 , Autos hechos para la
venta y remate de los nueve negros que envio Juan Ruia de Bustamante y lo demas
en ellos contenido, 1 7 1 0 ; A 2 . 3 - 2 , Exp. 6 8 3 3 , Leg. 3 0 1 , El maestre de campo don
Juan Antonio Ruiz de Bustamante es nombrado proveedor del presidio del Peten,
1 7 1 0 ; A . 1 . 1 2 , Exp. 7 0 4 4 , Leg. 3 3 4 , Providencias acerca de la mejor organizacion
de la reduccion de los infieles del Peten, 3 April 1 7 1 0 ; A . 1 . 1 2 , Exp. 7 0 4 5 , Leg. 3 3 4 ,
Razon que dan los oficiales reales de las cajas de Guatemala de lo gastado en la
reduccion de los infieles del Peten, 1 Sept. 1 7 1 0 ; A i . 1 2 - 1 1 , Exp. 3 7 8 5 , Leg. 1 8 5 ,
Juan Antonio Ruiz de Bautamante to President Toribio de Cosio, 2 Feb. 1 7 1 2 .
7 7 . AGI, M 7 0 2 , Memorial del Lie. Luis Coello Gaytan al Rey, n.d. (written
in Spain in late 1 7 1 5 or early 1 7 1 6 and seen by the Consejo de Indias on 5 Feb.
1 7 1 6 ) . This must have been the smallpox epidemic that struck Santiago de Guatemala in 1 7 0 8 , which was followed immediately by another, unspecified epidemic
that devastated the Maya towns of the Valley of Guatemala through 1 7 1 1 (Lutz, 517
1 9 9 4 , pp. 2 4 7 - 4 8 ; see also MacLeod, 1 9 7 3 , pp. 9 8 - 1 0 0 , and Lovell, 1 9 9 2 , p.
1 4 9 ) . Lutz notes "a series of smallpox and measles epidemics that killed many
more Indians and poor castas than Spaniards" in Santiago between 1 6 9 0 and 1 7 1 o
( 1 9 9 4 , p, 9 3 ) .
Notes
to Pages
409-11
78. AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Autos and testimony on the state of the reductions and
doctrinas of Peten Itza, administered by the secular clergy of Yucatan, Oct. 1 7 1 7 .
79. AGI, M 702, Memorial del Lie. Luis Coello Gaytan al Rey, n.d. (ca.
1 7 1 5 ) . A report submitted by the president of Guatemala in 1724 stated that at
that time there were six towns on the shores of Lago Peten Itza, all within a little
more than a league from Los Remedios; their church and houses were all roofed
with palm thatch. Of these the report named only three, with population figures,
all said to be "indios" and probably including only adults: San Miguel (50), Jesus
Maria (40), and San Jeronimo (40), The report named eight towns along the
road to Verapaz, with intermediate distances: Santa Ana (8 leagues from Los
Remedios), San Juan (5 or 6 leagues further), Santo Toribio (2 leagues further),
"Chinaco" (5 leagues from Santo Toribio and not on the road), Dolores (6 leagues
from Santo Toribio on the road), San Francisco Xavier (4 leagues further), San
Luis (6 leagues further), and Santa Isabel (14 leagues further, the last town on the
road). The journey from Santa Isabel to Cahabon took fourteen days over a difficult road that went through uninhabited territory.
The towns and distances along the road to Campeche, according to this
report, were Santa Rita (12 leagues from Los Remedios), San Martin (8 leagues
further), San Felipe (17 leagues further), Concepcion ( 1 1 leagues further), and San
Antonio (12 leagues further, the last town under Peten jurisdiction). The distance
from San Antonio to "Chivalche" (possibly Sib'alch'en, known on maps), the first
town in Campeche, was 1 2 leagues through uninhabited territory.
This report is found in Det Kongelige Bibliotek (Kebenhavn), NKS 348,
Breve resumen y noticia del descubrimiento de la Nueva-Espana, demarcacion, y
descripcion de aquellas provincias divididas en las cinco audiencias que la goviernan . , . , 1 7 5 0 , ff. 4 4 9 - 5 1 . The report itself is entitled "Razon del Presidio del
Peten," and a marginal notation indicates that the information was provided by
the president of Guatemala, don Francisco de Rivas, in June 1724.
80. The map on which Jesus Maria appears is "Piano de la Provincia de
Yucathan . . . , " c. 1734. It does not appear on maps drawn in the second half of the
century. One map of questionable accuracy has the mission named Concepcion at
this location (AGI, Mapas y pianos, Guatemala 26, Mapa de la provincia del
Peten . .. , 1740).
8 1 . AGI, EC 339B, no. 27, Real cedula to Ursiia, 24 Jan. 1698, ff. 23r-27r.
82. Elorza y Rada, 1958, p. 32. He had anticipated the countship for some
time (AGI, EC 339B, no. 18, bishop of Yucatan to Crown, 14 March 1704, ff.
6ir-68).
83. Patch, 1 9 9 3 , p . 1 2 6 .
84. AGI, EC 339B, no. 18, Auto by bishop of Yucatan, Fray Pedro Reyes de
los Rfos y la Madrid, despatched to Captain Marcos de Avalos, 4 Nov, 1 7 0 3 ,
containing Real Cedula to Bishop, 20 Sept. 1702; no. 27, Petition from Ursiia to
Crown, no date (c. 1709).
Notes
to Pages
411-13
85. AGI, M 889, Ursua to Crown, 29 May 1706; EC 339B, no. 27, Ursiia to
Crown, 1 2 Sept. 1707, ff. 27r-29v; Ursiia to Crown, 24 Jan. 1708, ff. I 2 r - i 5 r .
86. AGI, EC 339B, no. 27, Ursiia to Crown, 3 1 Jan. 1708, f. ijr-v.
87. AGI, EC 339B, no. 27, Br. Bernabe de Herrera to Crown, 25 Oct. 1707,
ff. 5r-6r.
88. AGI, EC 339B, no. 27, Ursiia to Crown, 24 Jan. 1708, ff, i 2 r - i 5 r . In an
undated printed petition from Ursiia to the Crown, he summarized his accomplishments and reiterated his request for the title of adelantado and encomienda
tribute "en perpetuidad" in the amount of four thousand ducats, to be adjusted if
the population decreased (AGI, EC 339B, no. 27, Petition from Ursiia to Crown,
no date). The Council of the Indies received the petition on May 1 1 , 1709, suggesting that they had refused to review it earlier. It must have been written no later
than January 1708, because Ursiia is identified in it as still serving as governor of
Yucatan, a post that he seems to have left around the end of that month.
89. AGI, EC 339B, no. 29, Testimonio de la junta general fecha por el sefior
virrey de la Nueva Espafia, 3 1 Aug, 1709, ff. i v ~ 9 r ; Duque de Albuquerque, viceroy of New Spain, to Toribio de Cosio, president of Guatemala, 4 Sept. 1 7 0 9 , f. ir.
90. AGI, EC 3 39B, no. 29, Testimonio de la junta general fecha por el sefior
virrey de la Nueva Espafia, 31 Aug, 1709, ff. iv~9r; Duke of Albuquerque, viceroy
of New Spain, to Jose de Aguilar y Galeano, 4 Sept. 1709, f. i 5 r - v ; Toribio de
Cosio, president of Guatemala, to viceroy of New Spain, 26 Sept. 1709, ff. 2ir-29v,
9 1 . These events are detailed in AGI, G 186, Consulta by the Consejo de
Indias, 5 July 1 7 1 6 . This consulta is based on an analysis of a large expediente,
not
yet located, sent to Spain by the president of Guatemala in 1 7 1 2 .
92. Ibid.
93. Coello Gaytan's letter of introduction to the Council of the Indies is
AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Cabildo Eclesiastico de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Merida to
Crown, 4 April 1 7 1 5 .
94. This cedula is noted in AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Dispatch by Sancho del Puerto,
maestre escuela of Merida Cathedral, on behalf of Juan Gomez de Prada, bishop of
Yucatan, 9 Dec. 1 7 1 6 . The background to the Crown's desire to send Jesuits to
Peten is unclear. As early as March 8, 1 7 0 5 , cedulas were sent to the viceroy of
New Spain and the Jesuit provincial in Mexico ordering that they recruit Jesuit
priests to go to Peten. These two cedulas are recorded in AGI, EC, no. 26, and are
cited in no. 27, Ursiia to Crown, 1 2 Oct, 1707.
95. The expulsion of the Dominicans is alluded to in the Council of the
Indies' document summarized here and is specifically mentioned in AGI, M 1 0 3 2 ,
Minuta by the Consejo de Indias, no date (about 1 7 5 5 ) .
96. AGI, G 186, Consulta by the Consejo de Indias, 5 July 1 7 1 6 .
97. AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Auto by Sancho del Puerto, maestre escuela of Merida
Cathedral, on behalf of bishop of Yucatan, 10 Dec. 1 7 1 6 . The auto includes a
quoted portion of a letter, dated 14 Aug. 1 7 1 6 , from Maestre de Campo Juan An-
519
Notes
52o
to Pages
413-15
tonio Ruiz de Bustamente, who then governed the presidio of Peten but wrote from
Santiago de Guatemala, to Br. Marcos de Vargas Dorantes, the vicar of Peten Itza.
9 8 . Ibid.; see also AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Dispatch to Crown by Sancho del Puerto,
maestre escuela of Merida Cathedral, on behalf of Juan Gomez de Prada, bishop of
Yucatan, 9 Dec. 1 7 1 6 .
9 9 . AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Autos and testimony on the state of the reductions and
missions of Peten Itza, administered by the secular clergy of Yucatan, Oct. 1 7 1 7 .
1 0 0 . AGI, M 1 0 3 1 , Archbishop of Yucatan to Crown, 1 8 March 1 7 5 5 . In
reaction to the archbishop's recommendation, the fiscal of the Council of the
Indies opined that Dominicans would be a better choice than Jesuits to serve in
Peten (AGI, M 1 0 3 2 , Statement by fiscal, Consejo de Indias, 5 June 1 7 5 6 ) .
1 0 1 . Oddly missing from the contemporaneous sources on the Peten missions is any mention of the obvious linguistic advantage that the bilingual Creole
secular clergy of Yucatan enjoyed in their knowledge of Yucatec Maya.
1 0 2 . AGI, G 8 5 9 , Informe del vicario del Peten, Manuel de Santiago y
Betancurt, 2 0 Feb. 1 7 6 6 , in Testimonio de los autos seguidos sobre el pre de dos
reales diarios . . . , f. 8 i r - v . The date is uncertain, said to have been when the vicar
first arrived in Peten. One of the threatened priests, Juan Antonio Moreno, was
serving at San Andres between 1 7 5 4 and 1 7 6 6 (Libro de matrimonios, San Andres
[also San Jose and San Jeronimo], 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 0 8 , Genealogical Society of Utah,
microfilm roll 1 2 2 0 0 8 7 ) .
1 0 3 . San Bernabe, according to all early maps, was located west of San
Martin on the Tayasal Peninsula.
1 0 4 . AGI, G 8 5 9 , Informe del vicario del Peten, 2 0 Feb. 1 7 6 6 .
1 0 5 . Ibid., ff. 8 2 v - 8 3 r . Br. Jose Estanislao de Sousa of San Andres made
similar claims in his informe, dated 2 8 Feb. 1 7 6 6 (f. 9 1 1 ' ) . He made the further
claim that Jacinto Kanek' had testified during his trial in Merida that he had earlier
lived in Peten.
1 0 6 . AGCA, A 1 . 2 4 , Expediente 1 0 2 2 4 , Legajo 1 5 8 0 , Titulo de Gobernador del Pueblo de San Andres de la nueva provincia del Hitza a don Bernardo
Chatha Casique y Principal, 1 5 May 1 7 1 3 .
1 0 7 . ACFPAA, San Andres, Libro de matrimonios, afios 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 0 8 .
1 0 8 . Among the 3 6 8 partners in 1 8 4 marriages that I recorded for these
years, the following names represent likely immigrants from Yucatan or Tipuj or
their offspring (total = 2 4 ) : Chab'le ( 1 male), Chay (1 male, 1 female), Chen ( 1
male), Koil ( 1 male), Kawich ( 1 male, 4 females), Kech (1 male), Kumil ( 1 male, 2
females), Moo (4 males, 2 females), Naa ( 1 male), Poot ( 1 female), Tzel ( 1 male),
and Tzuk ( 1 male). Ten men and three women have Spanish names. The earliest
report that I have seen regarding convicts or others sent as exiles to Peten is dated
1 7 5 5 (AGI, M 1 0 3 1 , Archbishop of Yucatan to Crown, 1 8 March 1 7 5 5 ) .
1 0 9 . AGI, G 8 5 9 , Testimonio de los autos seguidos sobre el pre de dos
reales diarios que se dan a los presidiarios del castillo de Peten Ytza . . . , 1 7 7 1 . The
reports by the priests comprise ff. 7 5 r - 1 0 4 v .
Notes
to Pages
415-19
n o . This total requires reconstructing the adult populations of Santa Ana

and San Luis, which, given the i-to-1.6 chiid-to-adult ratio suggested here, would
have been about 1 1 5 (with 7 1 children) for Santa Ana and about 6 0 (with 3 7
children) for San Luis.
i n . Norman Schwartz, who also summarized these data, reported a total
indigenous population of 1 , 1 6 8 and a total nonindigenous population of 4 1 9 . The
major difference between our calculations appears to be his omission of reported
children (pdrvulos) (Schwartz, 1 9 9 0 , p. 5 2 , Table 2 : 2 ) .
1 1 2 . Schwartz, 1 9 9 0 , p. 5 3 , Table 2 : 3 . 1 have not seen this census from AGI,
reported by Lawrence Feldman; the reference in Schwartz bears no signature
or title.
1 1 3 . Ibid.
1 1 4 . Ibid., p. 1 0 6 , Table 3 : 1 0 .
1 1 5 . AGI, M 1 0 3 1 , Fr. Francisco de San Buenaventura y Tejada, bishop of
Yucatan, to Crown, 1 0 June 1 7 5 0 ; Certification by Manuel de Santiago, vicar of
Peten Itza, 1 6 Feb. 1 7 5 0 .
1 1 6 . AGCA, A. 1 2 - 1 1 , Exp. 3 7 9 9 , Leg. 1 8 5 , Autos hechos en virtud de la
Real Cedula de su Magestad . . . Ano de 1 7 5 4 . This expediente was published by
the government of Guatemala in 1 9 3 6 , and I have taken all page references from
that edition. The years actually covered by the document are 1 7 5 4 to 1 7 5 8 . For a
brief commentary on this expediente see AGI, M 1 0 3 1 , Archbishop of Yucatan to
Crown, 1 8 March 1 7 5 5 .
1 1 7 . Guatemala, 1 9 3 6 , pp. 2 6 1 - 6 2 .
1 1 8 . Ibid.; Informe del vicario del Peten, Manuel de Santiago y Betancurt,

2 0 Feb. 1 7 6 6 , f. 831-.
1 1 9 . Ibid.; Castellano of Peten Itza to ?, f. 7 0 ; Informe del Br. Juan Antonio
Moreno de los Reyes, vicario de San Andres, 1 2 March 1 7 6 6 , f. loor.
1 2 0 . AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , Mapa y descripcion de la montana del Peten Ytza, n.d.
(ca. 1 7 0 8 - 1 0 ) , ff.
i9r-20v.
1 2 1 . "Descripcion piano hidrographica de la provincia de Yucathan Golfo

de Honduras y Laguna de Terminos," c. 1 7 7 0 .
1 2 2 . This section is based on AGI, EC 3 3 9 B , no. 1 2 , Memorial by Nicolas
de Lizarraga (to Crown), no date (ca. 1 7 0 8 ) , ff. i 6 r - i 8 v .
1 2 3 . Ibid.
1 2 4 . In 1 7 2 4 San Francisco Xavier was located six leagues north of San
Luis, four leagues south of Dolores, and about thirty-one leagues south of the
Peten Itza presidio (see note 7 9 , this chapter). The distance from Peten Itza to San
Luis had been reduced from about forty-five leagues in 1 6 9 5 to thirty-seven
leagues by 1 7 2 4 (AGI, G 1 5 2 , ramo 3 , Fr. Agustin Cano to Jacinto Barrios Leal,
1 5 May 1 6 9 5 , ff. 3 7 0 V - 3 8 H ) . Lizarraga's estimate of forty leagues from Peten Itza
to San Francisco Xavier would have been quite accurate in 1 7 0 8 .
1 2 5 . Lizarraga's reports were written as defenses against claims that he
owed the Guatemalan government two hundred pesos advanced to him in 1 6 9 8 ,
521
Notes
to Pages
420-21
He was apparently in prison for his debts when he wrote the documents quoted in
this section.
126. Guatemala, 1936, p. 279.
127. I am indebted to Scott Atran for providing me a copy of his notes on
eighteenth-century baptismal and marriage registers from the Archivo Apostolica
de la Iglesia Catolica de Flores Peten; I was unaware of the existence of some of
these (from San Luis and Dolores) when I worked there (Atran, personal communication, April 1997). Daniel Ruggiero, a Davidson College student, carried
out an analysis of San Luis baptismal registers for the period 1 8 0 1 - 8 in which he
demonstrated the presence and intermarriage there of Itzas, Mopans, Chols, and
K'ek'chis (from Cahabon) (Ruggiero 1997; see AAICFP, San Luis Baptisms, 1 8 0 1 16 [Genealogical Society of Utah, Salt Lake City, Microfilm roll 1220088]).
K'ek'chi migration to San Luis apparently began in the 1770s, resulting in gradual
assimilation with the local dominantly Itza-Mopan population. Although San
Antonio and San Luis have in recent years been commonly identified as "Mopan,"
their origins are in an ethnically mixed population.
128.
129.
130.
131.
522
Thompson, 1930, pp. 3 8 - 3 9 .

Ibid.
Ibid., p. 85.
Missy Garber, personal communication, February 1997.
Glossary
Ach Kat. Title of Itza nobility whose holder probably had military
and religious responsibilities.
Adoratorio. Spanish term applied to an indigenous, non-Christian
temple.
Aguada. Seasonal water hole in tropical forest environment.
Aguardiente. Distilled cane liquor,
Aj-. Prefix for a man's name and certain noun classes.
Ajaw. Title of the principal Itza ruler, always a Kan Ek'.
Ajaw B'atab*. Probable title of the second level of Itza rulership,
represented by four individuals.
AjK'in. Title designating a priest.
Alcalde. Principal magistrate and administrator of a cabildo (q.v.);
also alcalde ordinario.
Alcalde mayor. Spanish official who governed a district called an
alcaldia mayor.
Annatto. Achiote (Bixa orellana), a small tree whose seeds were
used as a red dye and food coloring.
Audiencia. Court and governing body of a region or the area of its
jurisdiction.
Ayikal. Itza. title of respect, which in colonial Yucatec meant
"rich."
B'ak'tun. Calendrical period of zo k'atuns (q.v.), or 400 tuns (q.v.),
a total of 144,000 days.
B'atab'. Among the Itzas, a title of the nobility for the third level of
rulership, represented by four provincial rulers; in Yucatan the head of a
b'atab'il.
B'atab'il. In Yucatan, the district governed by a b'atab'.
B'ob'at. Maya priest-prophet.
Cabecera. Principal town of a colonial province or region.
Cabildo. City, town, or village council; also the governing body of
a cathedral chapter.
Cacicazgo. Town or territory governed by a cacique.
Cacique. Indigenous local or territorial leader; a term used primarily by Spaniards.
Glossary
Cantor. Lay indigenous church officer with ritual duties, lit.
"singer"; see maestro.
Casta. Social category referring to persons of mixed racial or ethnic
ancestry.
Cedula. Written royal order.
Chayote. Pear-shaped fruit resembling a squash.
Classic period. The epoch of Maya civilization between about A . D .
2 5 0 - 1 0 0 0 , including the Terminal Classic period.
Cochineal. Cochinilla or grana, an insect (Coccus cacti) attracted
to a cultivated cactus plant, used to manufacture a red dye.
Copal. Resinous incense from the copal tree.
Cue. Spanish term for an indigenous, non-Christian temple.
Cycle seat. Location where a may (q.v.) was ritually installed.
Encomendero. Holder of an encomienda.
Encomienda. Royal grant to a Spaniard for right of tribute from a
specified native population, usually one or more towns.
Entrada. Expedition, military and/or religious, into an indigenous
region not under colonial control.
Escribano. Colonial notary or clerk.
Estado. Measurement of 2 varas (q.v.).
Estancia. Cattle ranch.
Fiscal. Offical government attorney.
Galeota. Galliota; a small galley with oars and usually one sail.
Holy Crusade (Santa Cruzada). Church institution for the sale of
indulgences, also applied in Maya towns.
Indigo. Plant (anil, Indigofera anil) used to make a blue dye.
Ix-. Prefix for a woman's name and certain noun classes.
Jalach Winik. In Yucatan, a territorial ruler of a kuch kab'al (q.v.);
among the Itzas, probably a senior military commander.
Jol Pop. In Yucatan, a position associated with council governance
(lit. "head of the mat").
Juez de grana. Spanish overseer of cochineal production.
Justicia. Cabildo alcalde or alcaldes.
Kuch kab'al. In Yucatan, the entire territory administered from a
central town under a single Jalach Winik (q.v.).
Kuch Pop. Itza. title, lit. "bearer of the mat," in essence the head of
government affairs.
K'atun. Calendrical period of 7,200 days, or 20 tuns (q.v.).
League. Measure of distance, usually approximately four kilometers.
Logwood. Small thorny tree (Haematoxylon campechianum) used
to make a purple dye.
Maestro. Native lay church officer assigned responsibility for religious instruction, sacramental duties, and ritual performance (also called
maestro cantor and maestro de capilla).
Matricula. Village or town census, often taken for tribute purposes.
Glossary
May. Calendrical period of 13 k'atuns (q.v.), or 260 tuns (q.v.), also
known as the k'atun cycle.
Mestizo. A casta (q.v.) social category comprising descendants of
indigenous people and Europeans.
Milpa. Indigenous subsistence cultivation, frequently a swidden
plot.
Milperia, Small horticultural settlement or hamlet, often seasonally
occupied.
Multepal. In Yucatan, term usually interpreted as referring to a
confederated system of government, especially at Mayapan.
Nakom. In Yucatan, a title for war captain.
Oidor. An audiencia official; a judge.
Parcialidad. Colonial designation for a town ward or a district; see
also partido.
Pardo. A casta (q.v.) social category comprising descendants of Africans and indigenous people or Europeans and indigenous people.
Partido. Colonial designation for a political-geographical province, usually an indigenous one.
Peten. Among Itzas, an island, peninsula, or local territory.
Pieza. Light cannon.
Piragua. Pirogue; long-boat with oars.
Piragua menor (piraguilla). Small piragua with three oars on a side.
Popolna. Building serving as center of council governance, lit. "mat
house."
Postclassic period. The epoch of Maya civilization from about A . D .
1000 to the time of the Spanish conquest.
Presidio. Militarily defended post or town.
Principales. Colonial term for high-ranking indigenous political
leaders.
Provincial. Governing superior of a religious order.
Ramada. Arbor or shelter covered over with wood or branches,
often a religious shrine.
Rancheria. Small horticultural settlement or hamlet, sometimes
seasonally occupied; also the horticultural fields themselves.
Rancho. Small horticultural settlement or hamlet.
Reduction (also congregation). A community established as a result
of resettlement of indigenous populations by colonial agents.
Regimiento. Members of a cabildo (q.v.), especially regidores.
Regular clergy. Members of a religious order, such as Franciscans,
Dominicans, and Mercederians.
Repartimiento. Labor draft, represented in Yucatan by advances of
cash or goods in return for demands of native-produced foodstuffs, crafts,
or natural products.
Repuhlica de indios. Colonially mandated governing council of an
indigenous town; equivalent to cabildo (q.v.).
Residencia. Official inquiry into a colonial governor's activities,
usually by his successor.
Glossary
Reyezuelo. Usually translated "petty king," a term given by Spaniards to principal indigenous rulers.
Sacristan. A lay religious officer responsible for the condition of the
church's religious objects.
Sakb'e. Maya stone causeway.
Secular clergy. Priests under the direct authority of the Vatican and
its local representatives; not members of a religious order,
Sefior. Colonial title of respect, equivalent to "lord."
Servicio personal. Work for Spaniards required of indigenous people by authorization of colonial authorities.
Tun. Calendrical period of 360 days.
Tzol k'in. Calendrical period of 260 days, comprising thirteen
named months and twenty named days.
Tz'akab'. Probable term in Yucatan for a matrilineal descent group.
Tz'o Kan. Probable title for the sons of the former Ajaw Kan Ek',
the Itza ruler.
Vara. Measurement of about 3 3 inches, or 84 centimeters.
Villa. Town serving as local seat of colonial government, subordinate to the provincial or viceregal capital.
Visita. Subordinate town of a parish; also, a tour of towns by a civil
or church official, sometimes for the purpose of imposing fines or collecting
contributions.
Visitador. Offical royal investigator who usually examines a governing official's behavior in office.
Xiquipil. Unit of measure (Nahuatl), equivalent to eight thousand
cacao beans.
Zontle. Unit of measure (Nahuatl), equivalent to four hundred cacao beans.
Zuyua. Riddle-like elite speech in Yucatan; also a legendary Nahuatl place name, the symbol of Mexican influences on the ruling class in
Yucatan, and possibly the source for the Itzas' name of their own territory.
526
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Index
For ease of reference, in this index words are alphabetized without regard to glottal stops.
An " f " after a number indicates a separate reference on the next page, and an " f f " indicates
separate references on the next two pages. Passim is used for a cluster of references in close
but not consecutive sequence.
Abad, Juan Jeronimo, 486075
Ajaw (Yucatec title), 449066, 4 5 2 0 0
Abalos y Fuentes, Marcos de, 58, 365ft,
Ajaw B'atab' (Itza title), 9 2 - 9 5 , 1 0 4 , 384

Ajaw B'atab' K'in Kante, see Kaote, Ajaw
373^375.40354301124
B'atab' K'in
Acevedo, Tomas de, 2.37

Acha, 3 1 , 3 8
Ajaw Che (town), 62
Achcauhtli (Aztec title), 8 7 - 8 8 , 1 0 1
AjB'ojom (town), 3 2 5 , 3 7 1 . See also B'oj;
Ach Kat (Itza title), 60, 7 1 , 7 3 , 85-86,

94,101-6passim, 451ml,
461113$
Tib'oj
AjChak May, 5 0 7 0 5 3
Ach Kat, Jalach Winik (Itza title), 85-86.
AjChak Tun (town), 4 6 1 0 3 5

AjChan, 5 5 1 , 1 6 8 , 2 3 9 , 2 7 0 - 7 3 , i95~99
See also Jalach Winik

Ach Kat Kit Kan, 89
passim, 306, 3 1 5 1 , 3 2 7 1 , 33 5, 348, 389,
Acte, 8 , 1 7 , 4 7 1 0 1 5
4 6 8 1 1 4 , 4 9 2 0 7 , 506049; baptism of, 1 8 4 ,
Acufia, Diego de, 5 1
1 8 6 , 2 2 4 ; ascacique, 3 9 1 , 4 0 2 , 4 1 8 , 4 2 0 ;
Adams, Eleanor B., 5 1 , 4 4 o n 7 1
deserts Spaniards, 2 3 0 - 3 2 , 2 5 0 , 2 7 5 ,
Adeiantado, 3 9 , 4 1 1 , 4 5 5 0 1 7 , 5 1 9 0 8 8
302,323,343-45,356,388,391,418,
Agriculture, 1 5 i f , 1 6 0 . See also Itzas, agri-
4751196; iohiding, 3 4 3 ^ 3 56, 3 6 7 - 7 0 ,

3 8 8 , 3 9 6 ; as Itza emissary, x x v - x x v i , 1 3 8 ,
culture of
i6j-86passim, iSyiy 2 1 3 , 2 1 7 ,
Aguada Kantixal, 488n5
i62f,
Aguada Yawilain, xx, 1 3 0
2 1 9 , 2 2 3 , 2 3 1 , 24of, 2 4 6 - 5 0 passim, 2 5 6 ,
Aguardiente, 2 2 6 , 2 8 7
2 7 1 - 7 7 passim 2 8 4 ^ 2 9 1 , 3 0 8 - 1 1 , 3 2 4 ,
Aguilar, Jeronimo de, 4 9 8 - 9 9 0 4 2
3 2 6 , 3 8 4 , 4 1 8 , 4 2 6 m , 4 6 8 0 1 1 ; as post-
Aguilar y Galeano, Jose de, 3 8 8 - 9 8
conquest ruler, xxvii, 2 3 1 , 3 6 8 , 3 8 4 ^ 3 8 8 ,
passim,
4 0 4 - 1 1 passim, 5 1 3 0 1 7 , 5 1 4 0 3 9 ,
4 1 8 - 2 1 ; relatives of, 1 1 , 5 6 , 1 6 7 - 7 3
51500,516071,517076
sim, 2 7 1 - 7 4 , 297, 304, 3 2 8 , 3 4 3 , 3671,
as
4 6 7 0 2 , 4 6 8 0 0 ; testimooy of, 89,93f,
Aikales, 2 1
Ain (estaocia), 416
Aio (towo),
P'
469x116
Aizuaoi Ursiia, Bernardo de, 260, 4 8 9 0 1 5

Ajaw (Itza title), 8 1 , 9 2 , 308, 3 1 8 , 3 83f
1 8 0 - 8 4 , 2 2 6 , 2 7 3 - 8 2 , 290, 308, 502086.

See also Chao, Martin Francisco
AjChant'ao, 1 7 0 , 4 6 8 0 1 0 . See also Chan,
Nikte; Chan, Pedro Miguel; Nikte, Pedro
Index
AjChata, N o j , 87, 90, 96, 96, 2 7 7 . See #/so
Chata; Tesukan, Reyezuelo
4 5 1 1 1 9 1 , 4 9 i n 4 0 , 5 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 . See also Tut,

B'atab', 92; Tut, Cacique; Tut, Captain
AjCh'ata, N o j , 85
AjTzam, 63
Aj Ch'atan Ek', 85, 90, 96. See tf/so Kan Ek',
AjTz'ik Tzin, B'atab', 85, 87, 90, 9 i f , 96,

244. See also AjTz'ik Tzin; Tzin, Ajaw;
Cacique
AjChata P'ol, 4 3 , 4 5 , 49, 4 5 2 0 9 2 , see P'ol,
AjChata. See tf/so AjK'in P'ol; P'ol,
Nakom
Tzin Ajaw, Reyezuelo; Tzin, Cacique;

AjTz'ik Tzin
AjTzuntekum, 62
Ajltza, 50. See also Itzas

Ajltzk'in, 5071153
Akalan (province), 3 1 , 4 3 5 1 1 1 0 , 4521198.

See also Chootals
AjKan, 90, 1 9 1
Akalan Chontals, see Chontals
AjKan Chi, 7 6 - 7 7
Ak'alche, 1 5 1
AjKan Kanek', 62
Ak'e, Juan, 1 5 0
AjKan Kante, 9 5 . See also Kan, Cacique;
Akjok (town), 62
Kante, Ajaw Batah' K'in; Kante, Reye-
Akte (site, town), 8, 17, 4 7 1 m 5
zuelo K'in
Alarcon, Juan de, 5001158
AjKawil Itza, 62. See also Kawil Itza
Alcaraz de la Mancha (town), 50
AjKawil K'in, 4381136
Alcoser, Fray Tomas de, 1 4 8 , i6of, 227
AjK'in Kan Ek', see Kan Ek', AjK'in
Alliances, Maya, xxiv, 58f, 1 0 1 , 3 4 4 , 3 8 1 ;
AjK'in Okte, 2 7 2 , see, Okte, AjK'in
Chak'an Itza-Kowoj, 9 5 , 1 6 7 , 2 2 3 , 3 2 6 ,
AjK'in P'ol, 4 8 - 4 9 . See also AjChata P'ol;

P'ol, Nakom
402-3
Altars, Maya, 50
AjK'in, Reyezuelo, 90, 1 8 2
Alta Verapaz, see Verapaz
AjKit Kan, Reyezuelo, see AjK'in P'ol; Kit
Alzayaga, Jacobo de, 2 3 3 , 243

Amesqueta, Bartolome de, 2 3 3 - 4 5
Kan
AjK'ixaw, 89, 1 4 0 ! , 1 7 2 , 2 3 3 - 3 7 , 3i8f,
369, 3 8 2 , 3 9 1 , 3 9 6 , 4 0 2 , 4 0 4 , 4 6 1 1 1 1 1 ,
4621144, 5 1 0 1 1 1 0 4
AjKokaj Mut, 7 1 , 1 9 7 , 4441126. See also
Yax Kokaj Mut
AjKowoj, 1 9 7 , 2o6ff, 2 2 7 , 273 f, 2 8 0 , 3 1 1 ,
passim,
5001158
Ammunition, 2 5 2 ^ 268f, 3 2 7 , 3 4 7 , 3 5 9 ,
366, 4 8 6 n 7 8 , 49on25
Anahtes,
470x133
Analtes, 1 8 3
Anatto, 1 8 4 , 43 3n48
3 2 4 - 2 8 passim, 33 5 " 3 7 , 348f, 3 8 5 ,
Ancona, Eligio, i 2 4 f
4 9 7 1 1 1 2 . See also Kowoj, Cacique;
Andino y Arze, Antonio de, 3 7 6 , 5o8~9n92
Kowoj, Captain
Antigua Guatemala, see Santiago de
AjK'u, 1 7 0 , 468ml
AjK'u, B'atab', 4 6 1 0 3 5
AjKuch Kab' (title), 97
AjKukulin (province), 4 3 8 0 3 6
Guatemala
Archaeological evidence, 66, 266, 4 8 9 1 1 1 3 .
See also Ruins, archaeological
Archers, 4 3 , 48, 1 3 4 - 3 9 passim, 2 2 9 , 2 3 9 ,
AjLalaich (town), 6 3 , 65
266, 280, 2 9 7 ^ 3 8 2 , 3 9 1 , 4 0 0 , 408. See
AjMatzin, 62
also Weapons, Maya
AjMay (town), 240
Archivo General de Ceotro America, xxiii
AjMojan, 3 f , 4371133
Archivo General de Iodias, xxiii
AjMuan Pana, 62. See also Moan Pana
Armor, cottoo, 1 3 9
AjPana, 2 7 8 , 2 8 2
Arriaga, Fray Antonio de (bishop), 246,
AjTek, i7of, 1 8 6 , 4681110. See also Tek,

juan Francisco
AjTut, 9 2 , 9 5 , 96, 3 1 2 , 3 8 4 , 3 9 6 , 4 0 2 ,
252, 3281, 4 9 7 4
n i
Arroyo Cantetul, 6, 8, 17, 4 7 1 1 1 1 5

Artiga, Fray Gabriel de, 3 3 3f, 366
Index
Artillery, 2z8f, 2 5 1 , 2 5 3 , 165-72
passim,
298, 3 2 7 , 3 6 3 , 3 6 5 , 4ooff, 4 8 6 0 7 8 ,
B'alamna (lineage name), 24

B'alamtun (town), 6, 8, 63, 65, 3 8 4 ^
51111115
49ori27
Atran, Scott, 4 2 9 0 9 , 5 2 2 m 2 7
B'alche, 2 1 7
Augustinians, 3 2 8 . See also Arriaga, Fray
Baltonado, Lie. Manuel de, 500058

Baptisms, 2 3 2 , 3 0 9 , 3 6 5 , 3 7 9 ; of Itzas aod
Antonio de
Kowojs, 1 6 8 , 1 7 7 , 1 8 2 - 8 6 passim,
Avendano, Juan de, 240

Avendano y Loyola, Fray Andres de, 1 0 , 67,
7 i f f , 84, 85-86,
8 8 - 9 5 passim,
1 4 3 , 1 4 8 - 6 4 passim, ijoi,
101,
175ff, 1 8 2 ,
1 8 7 - 2 1 9 passim, 200, 2 2 3 - 3 0
passim,
203-
7 passim, 2 1 4 , 224, 2 3 0 , 3 2 8 , 336f, 344,

3 7 3 ff, 4 1 1 , 4 1 9 ; of Kejaches, 1 8 4 ^ 248;
of Musuls, 1 6 9
Barajoao (Navarra), 1 1 3
255, 262, 2 7 1 , 275, 281, 283, 300, 3 0 9 -
Baraooa, Juao, 3 3 9
1 3 passim, 3 2 1 - 2 6 passim, 3 3 4 , 426115,
Barcena, Juan Jose de, 1 2 4
4 2 7 1 1 1 , 4 3 2 0 4 2 , 4 4 4 0 2 6 , 4641111,
Barrera Vasquez, Alfredo, 42808, 4 5 3 0 1 1 5
4 6 9 0 2 1 , 4 7 1 0 0 , 4 7 9 0 , 485070
Barrios Leal, Jacinto de, 57, 1 2 0 , 1 2 4 - 2 8 ,
Avila, Fraocisco de, 1 7 8
i 3 ~ 3 5 . i 4 f . 1 4 6 , 1 5 0 . 6 2 , 232ff,
Avila Pacheco, Diego de, 2 9 1 , 3 0 6 , 3 2 1 ,
426m,
326, 489015
Axes, 1 3 5 - 3 9 passim, 1 4 4 , 2 0 5 , 208, 2 1 2 ,
4691121
Barter goods, 3 6 4 - 6 7 , 5 0 3 1 1 1 . See also

Trade, Maya-Spaoish
2 6 7 , 2 8 3 , 288, 309, 3 1 5 , 3 2 4 , 348, 3 5 4 ,
Bastan, Valle de (Navarra), 1 i 4 f
365ff, 3 9 0 , 5 0 3 m . See tf/so Tools, metal
B'atab' (Itza title), 65, 87, 9 1 - 9 5 , 1 0 1 ,
Aya, Nicolas de la, 2 9 1 , 3 3 2 , 4 8 9 m 5
140
Ayikal (Itza title), 2 1 , 1 3 8 , 4601132
B'atab' (lineage name), 24
Ayikal Chan, 1 3 8, 46003 2
B'atab' (Yucatec title), 1 4 4 , 449x166
Ayikal Puk, 1 3 8 , 2 7 7 , 4 6 0 0 3 2
B'atab' Ajaw (town), 4 6 1 1 1 3 5
Aztecs, 88, 2 0 9 , 4 4 1 - 4 2 0 2 , 4 5 1 0 8 8 . See
B'atab' AjK'u (town), 461x13 s
also Mexicas
B'atab' Sima (town),
461x135
B'atkab' (town), a;*, 2 3 , 1 5 7 - 6 2

Bacalar, Salamanca de, xx, 4, 3 9 - 4 6 passim, 5 2 - 5 5 , 7 5 . 9 5 . 1 3 0 . 1 6 8 , 1 7 5 , 2 3 0
1 8 9 , 2 2 6 , 2 5 4 ^ 466x144,
passim,
467x160,
484n53,48400,485062
Bacalar-at-Chunjujub' (villa), 1 6 8 , 1 7 1 ,
Batons, see Staffs of office
1 7 6 , 1 8 8 , 4 7 7 0 3 1 , 4 8 5 0 6 8 , 48806
B'atun (lineage name), 24
Bahia de Amatique, xx, 3 1 , 38, 1 3 0
B'atun, Ach Kat, 85
Bahia de Campeche, xx
B'atun, Alonso, 4 8 4 ^ 9
Bahia de Chetumal, xx, 1 3 0
Beads, 1 9 2 , 2 6 7 , 2 8 3 , 287, 3 1 5 , 3 2 4 , 3 5 9 ,
Bahia de Espiritu Santo, xx, 1 3 0

Bahia de la Asceocioo, xx, 1 3 0
3 7 > 398
6
Beans, 2 0 2 , 2 0 7 , 346, 369, 4 7 3 ^ 6 , 5 0 3 m
Baizabal, Juan de, 2 3 0
Beef jerky, 2 3 5 , 346
B'aka (town), 88, 1 0 3 , 4 5 0 0 8 2
Beeswax, 4 7 , 1 1 7 , 3 8 0 , 4 5 8 0 5 5
B'aka, Ach Kat, 85
Beheadings, 48, 228f, 2 9 1 , 400, 4 7 2 0 2 2 ,
B'ak'jalal, 43 8040. See also Bacalar, Salamanca de
476023
B'elaik (town), 4 6 1 - 6 2 0 4 1
B'akpeten Laguna (town), 63
Belen (town), 242f
B'ak Tun, 62
Belize,xx, 3, 20, 2 2 , 39f, 1 2 0 , 2 1 8 , 3 8 5 ,
B'ak'tun (calendrical period), 1 4 , 4 3 1 0 3 3
388, 408, 4 1 7 - 2 0 , 5 1 7 0 7 2 . See also
B'alam (lineage name), 24. See also B'alam,
Toledo District, Belize
Te; IxKan B'alam
Belize River, xx, 3, 1 2 , 2 2 , 4 0 , 5 3 - 5 6 pas-
Index
sim, 7 5 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 1 3 0 , 1 6 8 , 1 7 1 , 2 1 8 , 4 1 2 ,
B'uk'te (towo), xx, 130,
418,433-341148
Burgos, Fray Fraocisco, 4 8 0 0 8 1
1 5 2 - 5 6 passim
Bells, 1 5 8 , 1 6 1 , 1 8 0 , 4 2 1
Beltran, 1 3 7
Cabecera, 3 2 , 93
Belts, 2 8 3 , 2 8 7 , 324
Cacao, 3 5 , 39f, 1 5 1 , 207, 4 3 3 4 ^ , 4 3 7 ^
B'en, Tus, 4 3 3 n 4 5 , 459nicj
Cacicazgo, 44, 93
Benches, 72f, 1 9 7 , 3 0 2 , 4 4 4 0 3 6
Cacique (title), 6 5 , 9if, 1 4 0 . See also
Beneficios Altos (partido), 2 5 0 , 256f, 2 6 3 ^
B'atab'
Cacique priocipal (title), 84
485n66
Beneficios Bajos (partido), 2 5 0 , 256f, 2 6 3 ^
Cadiz, Spaio, 1 2 4
Cahaboo (town), xx, 7 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 4 2 ,
485n66
B'e Ob'on, AjKali, 63
35> 33?U 345*> 3 5 ^ 3 7 5 ~ 3

502089,518079
8
Bey, George, 9, 450068
passim,
Bilateral desceot, 446x144
Cakchiquel laoguage, 42908
Biliogualisro, 5
Caleodar, Mayapao, 97, 4 3 1 0 3 4
Blacksmiths, 2 6 2 , 3 4 7
Calendar, Tik'al, 4 3 1 0 3 4
Blood letting, 204
Calendrical prophecies, see K'atuns; Prophecies
B'ob'at (Yucatec title), 4 7 , 4 5 2 0 9 8
Calendrical rituals, see New Year rituals;
B'ochan,6
Body decoration, see Scarification; Tattoo-
Wayeb' rituals
Calpolli, 87
ing; under Itzas

B'oj (town), 8, 17, 3 2 5 , 3 7 1 , 4 6 9 0 1 6 , See
Camino real, 6, 1 1 1 - 1 5 passim, 1 1 9 , 1 2 5 ^

130, 2 3 2 , 3 3 9 , 3 4 3 , 4 5 5 0 1 6 , 5001159;
also AjB'ojom; Tib'oj

Bolio, Maouel, 1 1 9 , 1 8 6
northern section of, xxiv-xxv, 1 2 0 - 3 2
Bolio y Ojeda, Juana, 1 1 9 , 1 2 1
passim, 1 4 4 - 6 4 passim, 1 7 0 , 1 8 5 - 9 0
B'oloo (lineage name), 43 5nn,
461x141
265f, 2 8 1 , 3 8 8 , 398, 410,
B'olonch'eo (partido), 4841157

B'olonch'en Kawich (towo), xx,
passim, 218f, 2 2 4 - 2 9 passim,
130,144-
50 passim, 4 6 4 0 1 3 . See also Kawich
245-64,
483nn,
5 i 8 n 7 9 ; salaries and payments for, 2 4 7 ,

252, 257-64, 467n6i, 482023, 4 8 5 -
B'olonch'en Tikul (towo), 2 5 8 , 263
87074; southern section of, 1 3 3 - 4 1 pas-
Bones: horse, 3 0 1 ; human, 2 3 0 , 3 0 3 ^
sim, 1 4 4 , 244, 2 5 2 , 2 8 0 - 8 4 passim, 288,
337
Bonxajan (town), 48805
Books, Maya, 1 0 1 , 1 8 3 ^ 206. See also
Chilam B'alam, books of
Boot, Eric, 9, 4 3 0 0 1 8
Bovedas, 3 3 3 , 3 3 7 , 498038
Bows and arrows, see Archers; Weapons,
Itza and Kowoj
Bravo, Feliciaoo, 4 i f , 4 3 8 0 4 5
Bricker, Victoria Reifler, 4 2 5 0
British Hooduras, see Belize
Bucareli y Ursua, Aotooio Maria (viceroy),
455012
Buenavista (towo), 6, 384
Bugles, 1 8 5 , 2 2 9 , 23 5, 2 3 7 . See also
Trumpets
290, 304, 3 3 8 , 3 4 1 , 3 4 5 ^ 3 6 5 , 4 0 1 , 4 1 0 ,
4 1 3 , 420, 5 1 7 1 1 7 * , 5
l 8 n
79, 5
supply trains on, 40, 2 4 5 - 6 4
2 i n i
24;
passim,
4 8 2 n 2 3 , 486nn, 4 8 7 0 7 8 ; working conditions on, 2 4 5 , 2 5 6 - 6 4 passim

Camino real (partido), 2 5 6
Campeche (villa), xx, xxv, 4 2 , 4 7 , 1 1 7 - 2 0
passim, 1 2 5 - 2 9 passim, 130, 1 4 2 , 1 5 0 ,
1 5 2 , 1 6 2 , 230, 241, 2 4 5 - 5 3
passim,
2 6 0 - 6 8 passim, 286, 3 1 9 , 3 2 7 - 3 3 passim, 3 3 7 - 4 1 passim, 3 4 5 , 3 4 7 , 3 7 4 , 3 8 8 ,

4 1 4 , 454x17, 483x137, 486n74; merchants
of, 1 1 6 , 1 1 9 , 1 4 3 , 26if, 4 5 8 n 5 5 , 4 8 7 n 7 9
Campo, Fray Andres de, 2 5 8 , 4 8 4 n 5 7
Campos, Francisco de, 2 2 9 , 4 7 6 n 2 3
Canek Manuscript, 426of
Index
Canizan (town), xx 5 7 - 5 8
Censers, 4 7 , 3 0 1
Cannibalism, claims of, 5 1 , 57, 1 3 3 , 138f,
Censuses, 5091192; of Peten, 360-61,
360^,
1 9 1 , 2 1 4 , 2 7 6 , 304, 3 1 3 , 3 1 8 - 2 1 , 3 3 0 -
3 7 7 - 7 8 , 3 8 7 , 3 9 4 , 3 9 4 - 9 5 , 4 0 4 - 1 1 pas-
34, 3 7 2 , 495^55,
sim, 407, 4*o, 4 i 5 " 7 > 4*6, 5 1 7 1 1 7 6 ,
498n42, 498ml,
5i6n52
Cano, Fray Agustin, 2 2 , 1 1 3 , 134ff, 1 4 1 ,
2 3 4 , 2 3 7 ^ 2 4 2 , 3 0 3 , 4 7 8 0 0 , 50on58
Canoes, 3 3 ^ 4 1 , 4 3 , 57, 64, 9 5 , 1 9 4 1 , 2 1 5 ,
228f, 23 6f, 2 4 2 ^ 2 6 6 - 7 1 passim, 2801,
5 1 8 0 7 9 , 5 2 1 0 0 ; of Tixchel, 449x163.
See also Matriculas; Populatioo
estimates
Chab'in (lineage name), 24, 62, 63, 393
Chab'in, AjB'en, 62
286, 288, 2961, 3 1 4 , 3 3 ^ , 3 4 8 , 3 5 i , 3 5 9 ,
Chab'in, AjNoj, 62
3 6 5 , 3 9 8 , 400, 436nn, 4 7 2 0 2 4 , 478nn,
Chab'in, Chamach, 507n53
479n
Chab'in, Juan, 4 1 9
Cano y Sandoval, Juan (bishop), 1 2 4 , 1 2 6 ,

1 6 3 , 1 6 9 , 246
Cantores, see Maestros
Capitals, indigeous, see Tik'al, Chetumal;
Chich'en Itza; Itzam K'anak; Mayapan;
Nojpeten; Tenochtitlan; Tipuj
Chab'le (lineage name), 24. See also IxKib'

Chab'le
Chacha (town, Belize), 385
Chacha (town, Peten), 62, 3 8 i f , 442n4
Chachach'ulte (town), 62. See also
Chach'ulte
Captain (Itza-Kowoj title), 9 2
Chachaklum (estancia), 416
Cardenas, Diego de, 46, 48
Chachaklun, 4 4 3 1 1 1 5
Cardenia, Nicolas, 1 4 4 , 1 8 0
Chach'ulte (town), 384. See also
Caribbean Sea, 7
Carlos II, King of Spain, 1 2 3 , 1 7 7 , 1 8 1 ,
i99ff, 2 0 6 , 2 2 4 , 1 8 3 , 3 1 0 , 3 3 5
Carlos V, King of Spain, 1 8 8
Carmack, Robert M., 4 2 5 n
Carpenters, 260, 2 6 5 - 6 8 passim, 347
Chachach'ulte
Chakak'ot (town), 1 7
Chakal (town), 1 3 0 , 2 3 4 , 238ff, 4 3 8 0 3 4
Chak'an (town), xx, 6, 8, 17,130,
3 2 5 . See
also San Andres, 33

Chak'an Itza (province), 6, 8,19,
67, 9 2 ,
Carrillo, Dr. Gregorio, 3 7 5
9 5 , 4 0 2 , 4 3 o n i 8 , 4 4 3 4 , 483*139,
Carrillo y Ancona, Crescencio, 1 1 3 - 1 6 pas-
488n6
sim, 45 5 m 6
n i
Chak'an Itza (territory), 9 6 - 1 0 0
passim,
Cartagena (city), 1 1 4
1 5 7 , 1 6 7 , 1 8 8 - 9 4 passim, 208, ziîL
Carvajal, Antonio de, 345
also Rulers of the north; under Alliances,
Casanova, Juan Bernardo, 48

Castas, 1 4 4
Caste War of Yucatan, 444n20
Maya
Chak'an Itzas, 96, 1 5 7 , 1 6 7 , 1 8 8 - 9 4 passim, 2 1 3 , 226f, 2 5 3 , 2 8 l
Castillo (title), 4 1 1
Chak'an Peten, 4 3 0 0 1 8
Castillo Cetina, Gaspar del, 27of, 4 8 9 0 1 5
Chak'an Putun, 4 3 0 1 1 1 8
Castillo y Arrue, Juan del, i43f, 1 4 7 , 1 5 0 ,
Chak'an Putun (town), 1 5 - 1 6
263
Castillo y Toledo, Juan del, 1 2 0 , 1 2 3 , 1 4 3 ,
263f, 4 5 6 1 1 3 1 , 4 8 4 n 6 2
Chaklol (town), 55
Chakok'ot (towo), 8
Chaktemal, see Chetumal
Cattle, 244, 3 5 9 , 398
Chaktis (towo), 62
Cattle ranches, see estancias
Chakujal (town), 43 5 n i o
Caves, 304, 4 6 1 1 1 4 1 , 479n
Chaltunja (town), 6 , 1 7 , 4 3 , 65, 3 2 5 ,
Cedulas, i i 2 f , 1 1 9 - 2 4 passim, 1 8 1 , 1 8 8 ,
439^55
Chamach (Itza title), 63
Chamach Xulu, see Xulu, Chamach
2 4 8 - 5 1 passim, 3 4 2 , 3 5 7 ^ 404, 4 i 2 f ,
4i7
See
Index
Chamay Zulu, see Xulu, Chamach
Chayax, Juan, 368
Champoton (town), xx, 130, 4 3 0 0 1 8
Chayax, Manuel Joseph, 1 7 1 , 2 7 2 , 297,
Chamuxub' (town), 2 3 0
3 0 2 , 3 0 6 , 3 1 3 , 3 2 8 , 3 6yff, 4 6 8 0 1 1 ,
Chan (AjChan's father), 5 6 , 1 6 7 , 273
49in3i
Chan (Itza prisoner), 1 3 7 - 3 9
Che (lineage name), see Noj Che, Cacique
Chan (lineage name), 2 3 , 2 4 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 1 3 8 ,
Che, Cacique N o j , 9 1 . See also Ajaw
140, 434n53, 441095, 448055, 4 6 0 ^ 2 .

See also AjChan; IxChan Pana; IxKan
Che (town); AjTut; Tut, B'atab'; Tut,

Cacique
Chan; Kan Chan; K'eyan Chan; NaChan
Chekao (town), 37
Ch'el; NaChan Kanche
Chek'ub'ul (towo), 130, 4 5 8 0 5 6
Chan (province), 384
Chel (lineage name), see K'awil Chel
Chan, Ach Kat, 4 6 i n 3 5
Ch'el, see NaChan Ch'el
Chan, Ayikal, 1 3 8 , 4 6 0 0 3 2
Ch'em (lineage name), 2 1 , 2 4 , 433x146
Chanchanja, Santa Clara de (town), xx,
Chen (lineage name), 24
1 2 0 , 130, 1 6 1 , 2 1 8 , 3 8 0 , 3 8 5 - 9 1
passim,
Chenak (town), 6zi
5 1 i n i 2 i . See also Santa Rosa de la Pi-
Chetumal, xx
mienta
Chetumal (province), 3, 3 9 ^ 2 4 2
Chan, IxMuluk, 7 6 - 7 7
Chetumal (town), 39
Chan, K'in, 1 3 8 , 460x13 2, 467x12. See also
Chetumal Bay, 3
K'in Chan, Ach Kat

Chan, Martin Francisco, 1 6 8 , 1 8 6 , 274,
3 1 5 , 3 2 7 ^ 3 4 6 , 3 8 4 ^ 4 0 2 , 4 1 8 - 1 9 . See
also AjChan
Chan, Nikte, 1 7 0 . See also AjChant'an;
Chan, Pedro Miguel; Nikte, Pedro
Chan, Pedro Miguel, i7of, 1 8 6 , 3 2 8 , 369L
Cheusij (towo), 4 5 8 0 5 6
Chi (lineage oame), 24. See also AjKao Chi
Chiapas, xx, 3 0 , 4 2 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 f t , 3 3 9 , 3 4 1 ,
358
Ch'ib'al, 80, 4 4 7 0 5 1
Ch'ich' (town), 6, 8,17,
95, 192, 2 2 8 - 3
passim, 296f, 3 0 2 , 3 0 6 - 9 passim, 3 1 3 ^
See also AjChant'an; Chan, Nikte; Nikte,
3 6 7 , 4 6 3 0 6 6 , 4 8 6 0 7 4 , 4 8 8 0 5 , 488n6,
Pedro
4 8 9 1 1 1 3 ; as Spanish encampment, 2 5 3 ,
Chan, Tab'in, 4681116
2 6 5 - 7 0 , 2 7 4 , 2 8 6 - 8 9 . See also Nich;
Chan, Taxim, 2 1 , 1 3 4 - 3 5 , 459nn
Nixtun
Chan, Tz'ib'it, 369
Chich'en Itza, xix, xx, 9 - 1 8 passim, 7 4 , 8 3 ,
Chaneb' (lineage name), 2 4 , 4 4 8 n 5 7
1 0 5 , 2 7 3 f , 308, 4 2 9 m l , 430ml, 4 3 1 1 1 2 8 ,
Chan Pana, see Chan Pana, K'in; IxChan
454nn6
Pana
Chikb'ul (town), 58
Chan Pana, K'in, 3 1 8 .
Chiken, Chamach, 5071153
Chans, 1 6 0 , 3 8 4 , 466x160, 4 7 6 0 1 0 ,
Chikuy (lineage name), 2 1 , 2 4 , 4 3 3 0 4 8
4 8 4 ^ 3 , 5 1 0 m 1 0 . See also Pak'ek'em
Chilam B'alam, books of, 9 - 1 5 passim;
Chata, 276f, 28of, 3 1 2 . See also AjChata,
Chumayel, 1 5 , 1 0 4 - 5 , 9> 428118,
Noj; Tesukan, Reyezuelo

Chata (lineage name), 24, 62, 4 6 1 - 6 2 0 4 1
Chata, Beroardo, 4 1 4 , 5 2 0 0 1 0 7
4 2 9 n 9 , 4 3 i n 3 0 , 4 3 2 i i 3 9 , 45 3 n i i 5 ;
Mani, 1 0 4 , 4 5 3 m l 5 ; Tisimin, 1 0 4 ,
42909,432039,4530115
Ch'atan (Itza title), 87
Chilonche (estancia), 416
Chatas, 3 i8ff
Chioa (town), 1 3 0 , 4 5 8 ^ 6
Chatoko (towo), 384
Chinaco (town), 5 i 8 n 7 9
Chavez Figueroa, Nuiio de, 42
Chinamitas, 1 9 - 2 2 , 4 3 , 1 0 1 , 4 3 2 n 4 3 , 4 3 3
Chay (lineage name), 24

Chayax (lineage name), 2 4 , 63, 2 7 2
34n48, See also Mopans

Chinoja (town), 6, 18, 63, 6 5 ^ 368ft, 3 7 8 ,
Index
4961173, 5 1 i n n 6. See also Nuestra
Ciuatecpan (town), 3 1
Senora de los Dolores de Chinoja
Ciudad Real, xx, 1 2 7 , 248, 3 3 9 . See also
Chirimias, 1 9 4 , 2 7 2 , 2 8 2 , 4 7 0 0 3 6
San Cristobal de las Casas

Ciudad Vieja, 67, 4 4 3 m 5. See also Ciudad
Chiwoja (town), 1 3 0 , 4 5 8 n 5 6
Cho, Gaspar, 3 80
Real
Chok Ajaw (town), 240, 48on67,
Clareda, Fray Gregorio, 258f
509n82
Classic period, 3 , 9, 78, 1 0 5 , 4 4 5 ~ 4 6 n 4 4 ,
Cholan language family, 5
452n93
Choi Lakandons, 4 1 , 5 8 , 1 i2f, 1 1 9 - 2 2 passim, 1 3 2 ^ 1 4 2 - 4 7 passim, 2 3 2 , 23 5,

2
4 J M 3 , 3 3 9 , 3 7 9 , 3^4, 4 7 * M , 4 9 m o ,
r
Clergy, see Dominicans; Franciscaos; Mercederians; Secular clergy, Yucatan

Cloth, see Cotton cloth
509nn. See <?/so Nuestra Senora de los
Cloth, European, 1 8 8 , 2 0 1
Dolores del Lacandon; Sakb'ajlan; San
Clothing: Itza, 47, 50, 1 6 9 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 4 ^ 2 0 5 ,

2 3 6 , 2 3 9 , 3 3 4 , 4 8 0 0 6 3 ; Spanish, 1 8 8 ,
Roman Nonato
1 9 1 , 2 0 8 - 1 4 passim
Cholo (estancia), 416

Chols, 38, 8 3 . See also Manche Chols
Coban (town), xx, 4 9 , 1 3 0 , 3 3 8 , 3 4 5 , 3 7 1
Chomach Ajaw (Itza title), 208
Cochineal, 4 6 , 1 8 4 , 2 0 7 , 4731164
Chontal language, 30, 1 4 0 , 43 5nn
Coe, Michael D., 96
Chontals, 5, 9f, 2 3 , 3of, 4 4 9 n 6 3 , 4 5 2 0 9 8 ,
Coello Gaytan, Br. Luis, 4 1 2

Coins, silver, 366
458056
Chronicles, Maya, see Chilam Balam,
books of
Colegio de Cristo Crucificado (Santiago de

Guatemala), 3 7 6
Chuk, Maria, 1 5 0
Collins, Anne C , 4 6 4 m 1
Ch'ulte (town), 8, 366, 5 0 6 0 3 6
Comitan (town), xx, 1 3 2
Chultuns, 1 5 1
Communion, Christian, 1 8 5
Chulul (town), 62
Companies, see Militias
Chumayel, see Chilam Balam, books of
Company of Jesus, see Jesuits
Chun Ajaw (town), 3 8 3 , 5 1 inn. See also
Comparato, Frank E., 463x110,

Concepcion (stream), 1 5 3
Chun Mejen
Chunjujub' (town),xx, 1 3 0 , 1 7 5 , 1 7 9 , 2 3 0 .
See also Bacalar-at-Chunjujub'
Chun Mejen (town), 3 83f, 5 1 i n n . See also
Chun Ajaw; Mejen
Concepcion (town), 410,
5i8n79
Concepcion, Fray Pedro de la, 1 3 2

Conversion, religious, see Baptisms
Cooks, 2 4 5 , 267, 3 7 9 , 406
Chunpich (town), 1 3 0 , 1 3 1 , 1 5 4 - 5 7 passim, 465nn, 4 8 5 n 6 2
Copal, 47, 3 0 1
Copan, see Kopan
Chuntuki (towo), xx,
130,145,147,156-
63 passim, 1 8 9 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 9 , 225ft, 2 5 1 f t ,
2 5 6 - 6 3 passim, 46^66,
481ml,
474n8o
469ml,
Corozal Bay, 3
Cortes, Hernao, xxiii, 5, 2 3 , 2 9 - 3 9 , 99,
200, 284, 3 0 1 , 42-9119, 4 3 5
4 3 7 0 2 9 , 4 3 8 0 0 , 44on88,
4867174
Chunuk'um (town), xx, 5 4 - 5 5 , 7 5 , 76f, 84,

1 3 0 , 44000, 4 4 1 0 9 5 , 4 4 5 4 3
n
Churches, missioo, 4 7 ^ 5 2 , 7 2 , 1 6 0 , 348,

390,513024, 518079
Church oroaments, 48, 5 2 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 8 , 1 9 1 ,
3 2 0 , 3 2 9 , 396
n n
, 4361123,
499^4^
511020
Cortes, Juan Francisco, 2 9 7 , 3 2 7 , 345ft,
373, 3 8 1 - 9 2 p a s s i m , 397, 400, 489015,
5i2ni23
Cosio, Toribio de, 4 1 1 f t
Cosmology, spatial, 60, 9 3 - 1 0 4 , 96, 98,
Cihuacoatl (Aztec title), 9 1 , 4 5 i n 8 8
206, 4 4 1 0 2 , 4 5 2 0 9 8 . See also New Year
Ciuatan River, 30
rituals; Wayeb' rituals
Index
Dolores (town), 4 0 8 - 1 9 passim, 410,
Cotton, 3 7 , 1 1 7 , 1 8 4 , 437*132-
416,
5i7n72,5i8n79,52ini24, 522ni27
Cotton armor, 1 3 9
Cotton cloth, 40, 4 4 , i i y f , 2 0 7 , 4 0 5 ^
Dolores del Lacandon, see Nuestra Senora

de los Dolores del Lacandon; Sakb'alan
45^55
Dominicans, xxiv, 4 1 , 4 9 , 8 3 , i i 2 f , 1 3 4 ,
Cotton thread, i i 7 f , 4 0 5 f
Council of the Indies, xxii, xxiv, 4 2 , 4 6 ,
1 1 1 - 2 3 passim, 1 4 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 3 , 2 3 8 ,
i4of, 1 6 1 , 2 3 2 1 , 2 4 2 , 244, 3 0 3 , 3 3 7 1 ,
4 1 2 , 4 5 9 n i 8 , 479n, 5 1 ^ 9 5 , 5 2 o n r o o
2 4 5 - 5 5 passim, 3 4 2 , 3 5 7 , 4 1 2 1 , 4 5 5 n i 6 ,
Double descent, 4 4 7 n 5 i
519ml, 52onioo
Drums, 1 8 5 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 7 , 4 5 3 n i i 2 . See also

Tunkul
Cozumel, xx, 130, 2 4 1 , 499x142
Dual rulership, 6 0 , 7 3 , 9 2 - 9 7 , 3 0 8 , 4 4 i n 2 ,
Crossbows, 3 5 , 4 3 7 n 2 7
Crosses, 47, 1 5 1 , 2 5 9 , 2 9 1 , 3 2 5 , 4 6 4 1 1 1 9 ;
among Itzas and Kowojs, 3 4 , 3 6 , 44,
45 i n 8 8 , 4 5 2 n i o i . See also Itzas, political

organization of; Ranking, senior-junior
Duardo, Juan Jeronimo, 5 0 0 ^ 8
348, 3 6 9 ^ 378,51111111
Crowns, Itza, 1 7 5 , 206, 2 4 0 , 3 0 1 , 308
Duran, Bartolome, 298
Crucifixes, 5 3 , i94f, 2 1 3
Dyes, 2 0 7 , 4 0 5 , 4 7 3 n 6 4
Crucifixion, 3 0 3 , 47911, 4981133

Cuauhpipiltin, 88
Ear plugs, 5 0 , 1 3 8
Cuauhtemoc, 4 3 5 1 1 1 2
Earrings: Itza, 2 1 1 , 2 3 6 ; Spanish, 1 7 3 , 2 6 7 ,
Cuba, 38
287
Echevarria, Fray Diego de, 1 5 8 , 1 6 0 , 1 8 9 ,
Dancing, Itza, 7 3 , 9 7 , 1 9 1 , 2 0 3 , 4 5 3 n i i 2
310
Edmonson, Munro S., 429x19, 4 3 o n i 7 ,
Davila, Alonso, 39
Decapitation, 4 7 ^ 1 9 4 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 , 5 1 5 -
43 i n n , 4 7 1 m 5 , 1 0 2 , 428n8, 4 3 2 n 3 9
Eguaroz Fernandez de Ijar, Pedro de, 3 7 5
i6n52
Deer, 3 6 1 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 9
Egiies y Beaumont, Diego, 1 1 4
Deerskins, 50
Ek' (lineage name), 24, 7 6 - 7 7 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 1 6 7 ,
Deities, 428n8, 43 i n 2 8 , 4 6 1 1 1 4 1 ; Itza,
4 4 7 1 1 5 1 . See also AjCh'atan Ek'
74, io2f, 1 9 7 , 3 1 7 . See also AjKokaj
Ek', AjCh'atan, 87
Mut; Itzas, ritual objects of; Itzimna
Ek' B'alam, xx
K'awil; Job'on; Joxchuncham; K'in Chil
Ek', Bernardino, 48, 2 3 6
Kob'a; Pak'ok; Talking "idols"; Yaxcheel
Ek'ixil (town), 8,17,
Kab'
344-51
passim,
469x116
Delgado, Fray Diego de, 46ff, 1 3 4 , 2 3 0 ,
Ek' Mas, 7 6 - 7 7
El Guacamayo (town), 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 . See also
4331148,4591115
Descent systems, see Double descent; Lin-
Gwakamay
eages; Matrilineal descent; Patrilineal
El Naranjo, 4 3 8 n 4 5
descent
Elorza y Rada, Francisco, 1 1 3 f f

El Salvador, 88
Diarrhea, 3 7 3
Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 5, 2 9 - 3 7
passim,
69,429n9, 435ni3,436nn
Diaz de Velasco, Juan, 83f, 1 3 2 - 4 2 , 2 3 2 43 passim, 3 1 8 , 3 3 2 , 3 3 9 , 3 8 2 , 4 7 9 0
Diaz, Ramon, 2 3 6
El Tigre, 43 5 n i o
Encomiendas, 3 , 2 3 , 3 0 , 3 9 - 4 3 passim, 49,
1 1 7 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 4 3 , I55f,458n56
Engineer-surveyor, 2 4 5 , 2 5 1 . See also
Sesere, Manuel Jorge
Diez de Armendariz, Miguel, 1 1 4
English, see Slave raiding, English
Dogs, 1 3 5
Enriquez de Guzman, Enrique, 1 1 2 , 1 2 2 ,
Dolores (estancia), 416
455ni6
Index
4 8 9 ^ 3 , 5 i i n u 6 ; Spanish, 1 3 3 , 2 3 2 ,
Ensenada de San Jeronimo, 3 3 , 4 2 , 99f,

1 4 0 , 266, 4 3 ^ n 2 0
240, 2 5 3 , 2.67U 272., 3 4 3 , 347, 3 5 ,
Ensenada San Pedro, 234

Epidemics, xxvii, 3 3 7 , 360-61,
463x166, 483nn. See also Peten Itza (pre370, 3 7 6 -
80, 3 8 7 , 3 9 7 , 408, 5 0 7 n 5 2 , 5171177.
See
also Diarrhea; Illness; Influenza; Measles;

Pneumonia; Smallpox; Yellow fever
Escals, Jose de, 1 3 4 , 1 4 0 , 2 3 3 , 2 3 8 ,
sidio), fort of; Stockades

Fox, James A.,
445-46x144
Franciscans, xix, xxv, n f , 3 4 , 4 2 , 54, 57,

1 2 0 - 2 5 passim, 1 4 6 - 6 4 , 1 7 1 - 8 2 passim, 1 8 6 - 2 2 0 passim, 244, 248f, 3 0 3 ,
3 8 0 , 4 1 2 ; on camino real, 1 5 6 - 6 4 , 2 2 5 ,
48on75,5oon58
4 7 6 n i o ; conflict with
Escobar, Br. Francisco de, 57
2 5 3 - 5 7 , 469x121,
Escribano mayor, 1 7 8
secular clergy, 1 5 7 , 1 6 3 ^ 1 7 6 , 1 8 0 , 2 2 0 ,
Espiritu Santo (villa), 29f
2 2 5 - 3 0 , 245f, 300
Estancia del Rey, 416,
5 1 ^ 4 4 , 5 1 6 ^ 5 . See
Freidel, David, 1 0 5 , 4 2 8 n 8 , 446n44,
also San Felipe (estancia del rey)

Estancias, 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 398, 4 1 6
Fresno de la Fuente, Conde de, 1 1 4
Estoraque, 3 0 1 , 493x12.3
Frias Salazar, Juan de, 4 8 7 n 7 9
Estrada y Azpeitia, Jose Agustin de, 5oon5 8
Fuensalida, Fray Bartolome de, n f , i9f,
Executions, 3 3 6 , 3 4 8 , 43 5 m 2. See also Beheadings; Hangings
4 3 - 4 9 passim, 5 3 ^ 69, 7 1 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 1 9 7 2 0 2 passim, 3oof, 4 2 6 m , 439nn,

451x192, 4 5 3 n i i 2 , 4 9 3 ^ 2 0
Families, extended, see Households, Itza

Farriss, Nancy M., 4 2 6 m
Fugitive Mayas, 5 5 . See also Flight, Maya;

La Pimienta
Feldman, Lawrence, 4 2 9 m o , 5 2 1 m 1 2
Felipe III, King of Spain, 1 1 4
Galeota, xxvi, 1 9 2 , 2 7 i f , 2 8 1 - 8 5
passim,
Felipe IV, King of Spain, 1 1 4
289, 2 9 5 - 3 0 2 passim, 3 1 5 , 3 2 4 - 2 7 pas-
Felipe V, King of Spain, 409
sim, 3 4 6 - 5 0 p a s s i m , 363, 3 7 3 , 3 9 9 - 4 0 3
Fernandez, Antonio, 487n79
passim, 4 8 3 m l , 492n8; construction of,
Fernandez de Estenos, Jose, 1 4 3 f, 1 5 2 -
2 5 2 ^ 2 6 0 - 7 2 passim, 463x166, 486n78,
55 passim, 1 8 5 , 2 6 0 , 2 9 1 , 3 2 7 ^ 3 3 6 ,
346-52passim,
372$, 380, 4 6 5 ^ 2 ,
489ni5
Fernando, King of Castile, 199
Ferrer, Miguel, 3 1 6 , 3 3 1
492ns, 5 1 5 ^ 2
Galindo, Fray Simon, 363
Gallegos, Fray Francisco, 1 3 4
Galve, Conde de (viceroy), 1 2 4 . See also
Sandoval, Gaspar de, Conde de Galve
Figueroa, Antonio de, 44, 200
Garcia de Bustamante, Manuel, 45 5 n i 6
Flight, Maya, 4 6 - 5 2 passim, 2 5 3 - 2 5 9 pas-
Garcia de Colmenares, Fray, 338
sim, 45 5x118, 5 i 7 n 7 2 . See also Itzas,
Garcia de Monsabal, Francisco, 4 1 4
abandon towns; Kowojs, abandon towns
Garcia de Palomares, Fray, 3 3 7
Flores (city), 69, 39of, 4 1 7

Flores Mogollon, Marcelo, 3 5 8 , 370!",
507n6i
Garcia de Paredes, Alonso, 5 7 , 1 2 5 - 3 4 passim, 1 4 2 - 6 3 passim, 1 7 6 , 187ft, 2 1 3 - 1 7

passim, 2 2 3 - 3 0 passim, 2 4 4 , 2 5 i f , 260,
Flutes, 4 5 3 m 1 2
2 6 2 , 2 6 7 , 2 7 0 , 2 8 5 - 9 1 passim, 3 0 4 ^
Food, Itza, 50, 1 3 6 , 1 3 9 , i96f, 2 0 2 , 2 0 4 ,
3 2 8 , 3 3 7 - 4 0 , 458nn, 4 7 6 1 1 1 7 , 47911,
2 1 1 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 8 , 1 3 5 f , 368, 3 9 9 , 4 7 2 n 3 6
Forest products, 40. See also Beeswax; Logging; Logwood
Fortifications: Maya, 2 3 , 3 i f , 66, 1 4 7 , 1 5 2 ,
2-78, 2 9 7 , 3 1 4 , 348, 3 8 5 1 , 4 3 5 - 3 6 n i 4 ,
483x139, 4 8 4 n 6 2 , 4 8 7 n 7 9 , 4 8 9 n i 5 ,
50on58
Garma Alcedo y Salazar, Bartolome de,
i62f, 2 2 9 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 8 , 2 7 1 , 2 9 1 , 3 2 1 ,
476n25, 489ni5
Index
Hacienda Papactun, 4 7 1 m 5
Garrastegui y Oleado, Pedro de, 1 1 8 ,

1 8 6 , 249, 2 5 7 . See also Miraflores,
Hamlets, 64ff, 1 3 1 , 1 5 4 , * 5 7 , 3 3 5 , 3 ^ 7 ,
Conde de
396,443^0
Garza, Diego de la, 4 0 0 , 5 1 5 n 5 2
Hangings, 4 8 1 , 43 5 n i 2
Garzon, Juan, 40
Hanks, William E , 426x15
Gifts: Itza, 3 5 , 4 4 , 1 6 9 , 2 8 5 , 3 6 8 , 3 8 6 ,
Hariza, Juan de, 5061145
4 3 6 n 2 3 ; Kowoj, 3 2 4 ^ Spanish, 34, 1 7 2 -
Hariza y Arruyo, Francisco, 1 6 8 - 7 5
P~
as
75 passim, 1 8 8 - 9 4 passim, 2 0 1 , 2 1 6 ,
sim, 2 1 6 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 4 ^ 2 3 0 ^ 2 8 2 , 4 7 5 n 9 6 ,
2 3 0 , 2 3 5 , 2 4 0 , 2 4 3 , 2 5 4 , 266f, 2 7 2 , 2 7 5 ,
5o6n45
2 8 2 - 8 9 passim, 296, 3 1 5 , 3 2 4 , 3 5 i f ,
Hawaii, 288
3 59, 3 9 , 3 9 8 , 46>9n2i, 4 8 5 n 6 2 . See also
Heart excision, 47f, 3 0 3 , 3 1 6 , 3 2 0 , 3 3 0 -
Barter goods
34, 479x1, 4 9 8 n 3 1 , 5 i 6 n 5 2 . See also Sac-
Gil de Azamar, Pablo, 1 7 1 - 7 5 passim,

250,
188,
rifice, human
475*196
Hellmuth, Nicholas, xxiii
Gillespie, Susan, 4 5 i n 8 8
Heredia, Jose de, 4 8 9 m 5
Gold, 3 5f, 1 8 4 , 2 1 1
Herrera, Br. Bernabe de, 4 0 1 , 4 0 9 , 4 1 1 ,
Golfo Dulce, xx, 3 1 , 1 3 0 . See also Lago de
5141139
Hidalgo, Mateo, i62f, 2 5 5 , 259
Izabai
Hieroglyphic writing, 9 - 1 3 passim, 1 9 5 ,
Gomez, Br. Francisco, 477113 1

Gonzalez, Juan, 298, 4891115
37, 333, 445~4 44,45 93,470*133.
Gonzalez Ricardo, Francisco, 1 2 7
See also Books, Maya
6 n
History, Maya theory of, see K'atuns;
Gracias a Dios Falls, 38

Granaries, 366-69
Prophecy
passim
Gregorian calendar, 1 4
Hofling, Charles Andrew, 4x9x19,
Gronca, Domingo de, 502n86
431x135,
437*133
Grube, Nicolai, 9, 4 3 0 m 8
Guatemala, Audiencia of, 1 2 0 - 2 4
2 n
passim,
3 3 0 , 3 3 8 - 4 2 , 3 5 6 , 3 7 5 ^ 394, 3 9 7 , 4 1 1 ,
50on59; presidents of, see Barrios Leal,
Jacinto de; Cosio, Toribio de; Enriquez de
Holy Virgin Mary of Cortes, 50

Homosexuality, see Sexuality, Itza
Honduras, 3 0 , 1 1 2 , 290
Honey, 3 5 , 1 8 4
Horse, Cortes's, xxiii, 3 6f
Guzman, Enrique; Escals, Jose de; San-
Horse bone, 1 9 8
chez de Berrospe, Gabriel
Horse image: legends of, 3 6 - 3 7 , 44, 5 3 , 7 2 ,
Giiemes, Br. Gaspar de, 23of, 4 7 7 n 3 1

Guerra, Fray Joseph, 4 5 9 m 5
Guerrero, Gonzalo, 39, 24if, 499x141.
Guerrero, Juan, 507n57
Guillen, Francisco, 4 8 7 n 7 9
Gulf of Honduras, xxiii, 30
Gunflints, 4 8 9 m 3 , 49on25
Gunpowder, 252f, 268f, 366, 486n78,
49on25
1 9 7 , 3 0 1 , 4 3 7 n n . See also Tzimin Chak

Horses, 2 2 8 , 2 3 5 , 2 5 2 , 256f, 2 6 1 , 3 4 1 ,
347,359,398,485n67
Households, Itza, 8if, 394ft, 4 0 6 , 4 0 6 ,
449x163
Hoxchuncham, 1 0 2
Huehuetenango (province), 384
Huehuetenango
{towx\),xx, 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 0 ,
1 3 2 , 2 3 2 , 2 4 8 , 3 1 4 , 3 4 2 , 384
Gutierrez, Roque, 2 5 5
Hunak' Keel, 1 5
Gutierrez de la Pena, 5 0 0 ^ 8
Hunting and hunters, 6 5 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 9 , 1 6 0 , 2 2 7
Guzman, Antonio ("Guatemala"), 3 2 4
Hurricanes, 240, 3 1 7
Gwakamay (town), 8, 62, 5 1 i n i 1 5 . See

also El Guacamayo
Gwakut (estancia), 416
Ichek (town), 62
Ichmul (town),xx, 130
Index
Ichmuxan,
itary organization and practices of, xxiv,
4831139
Ichtun (town), 4 6 8 m 6
3*> 4 3 , 5 4 - 6 i , 83, 87ft, l o i f f , 4 4 0 1 1 7 1 ,
Ich Tutz (town), 385
4 5 i n 8 5 , 4 5 3 m 1 2 ; nobility of, 6of, 8 2 -
Idols, see Itzas, ritual objects of; Ritual
1 0 4 , io6ff, i67f, 404; political organiza-
objects
tion of, xxiv, 3 1 , 4 3 , 4 5 , 6of, 64ft, 7 1 ,
Illness, 1 4 1 , 1 5 4 , 2 3 3 , 1 3 8 ^ , 2 5 4 , 2 5 9 , 3 2 8 ,
3 6 9 - 7 3 passim. See also Epidemics
8 2 - 1 0 7 , 1 3 6 - 4 0 passim, 2 0 7 , 278f, 2 9 5 ,
3 0 7 - 1 1 passim, 42511, 4 5 4 m 1 6 ; post-
Indigo, 207
conquest kingdoms of, xxvii, 3 83ff, 3 88,
Indios del monte,
4 0 3 ; precontact history of, 3 , 7 - 1 3 ;
Influenza, 3 8 1
priests of, 4 4 , 1 8 3 , 1 9 4 , 2 0 3 - 7
Inheritance of kingship, see under Itzas
277ft, 2 9 i f , 308, 3 3 4 , 384; prophecies
Interpreters, 5, 8 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 4 ,
passim,
cited by, xxiv, 4 4 ^ 2 0 2 - 8 passim; reli-
178ft, 232ft, 2 3 8 - 4 2 passim, z68f, 3 0 7 ,
gion and rituals of, 1 0 2 , 1 9 1 , 203f, 2 1 7 ,
4 2 6 m , 43 5n7, 4 8 o n 8 i , 4 8 9 m 7
2 9 i f , 3 1 3 - 3 8 passim, 453nn; reputation
Isabel, Queen of Castile, 199
of, xxi, 39, 4 * i33 39^

1
* 3 , M4>
Isla Pedregal, 5 0 3 n i o i
29of, 3 2 9 - 3 5, 5 1 0 m 1 0 ; ritual objects of,
Islote Grande, 2 3 4 , 2 7 9 . See also Motzkal
xxvi, 3 4 - 3 7 p a s s i m , 41, 44, 50, 5 3 , 7 3 ,
Islote Lepete, 297
102, 1 9 4 , 1 9 7 , 277^ 300-303, 333, 418,
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, 29
4 4 o n 7 i , 4 5 3 n i i 2 , 4 6 i n 4 i , 493nn,
Itza (defined), 428n8
494x1x8; ruling council of, 64, 84, 89, 9 2 ,
Itza (lineage name), 24, 3 i8f, 5071153. See

also AjKawil Itza; Kawil Itza
1 0 3 - 4 ; territorial expansion of, 7f, 54,

8 3 ; territory of, 5, 6, 7, 4 1 , 67, 1 3 3, 3 66,
Itza, Ach Kat, 85
4 2 9 n i o , 434x151.
Itza, Chak, 5 0 7 n 5 3
spatial; Deities; Horse image; Milpas;
Itza, Pascual, 1 4 4
Milperias; Quadripartite governance;
Itza language, see Itzas, language of
Quarters; Ranking, senior-junior; War-
See also Cosmology,
fare
Itzaj language, 429n9

Itzam (defined), 4 2 8 - 2 9 n 8
Itzimna K'awil, 1 9 7
Itzam K'anak (town), xx, 3 1 , 3 8 , 4 3 5 n n ,
Itzk'in Tzakwan, 4341149

Itzunte (town), 62
452n98
Ix, yearbearer, 97, 98
Itzamna, 428n8
Itzas, xxv, 2 1 , 4 3 , 1 9 0 , 204, 2 3 9 ; abandon
towns, 3 3 5 , 3 4 5 , 3 5 0 , 356f,
365-68,
379, 3 8 7 , 3 9 0 , 4 0 1 , 4 0 9 , 4 1 1 , 4 1 7 ,
IxB'akab' (town), 2 5 4 , 4 8 4 n 5 3 . See also

Yajb'akab'
IxB'am (town),
130,157
4 4 3 n i o ; agriculture of, 7, 3 3 , 3 7 , 57, 6$i,
IxB'en Kan, 7 6 - 7 7
184, 207, 229, 244, 3 i 5 , 4 2 9 n i o ,
IxB'ol (town), 2 3 4 , 240, 478n43
4 3 7 n 3 2 , 4 4 3 1 1 1 0 ; ancestry of, xix, 8, 1 1 ,
IxChan Pana, 79, 2 1 4 - 1 8 passim, 2 8 2 ,
1 7 2 , 1 8 3 ^ 2 7 4 , 308, 4 3 o n 2 4 ; attack
308, 3 1 3 , 3 6 7 , 4 4 8 n 5 5 , 4 7 4 n 8 o , 4 9 5 5 i
n
neighbors, 22f, 4 9 - 5 2 , 56ft, 3 3 1 ,
IxKab' Us, 7 6 - 7 7
4 4 o n 7 i , 4 4 i n i o i , 484n62, 498n27;
IxKan B'alam, 7 6 - 7 7
body decoration of, 5 3 , 1 3 j-40
passim,
IxKan Chan,
76-77
1 9 1 , 2 0 5 , 2 1 of, 2 2 6 , 319ft, 4 7 8 n 4 9 ; burn
IxKan Jaw,
their towns, 3 5 7 , 3 6 6 , 3 7 0 , 3 7 9 ; inheri-
IxKante, 1 6 7 , 273f, 3 1 1 , 4 6 7 m
tance of kingship among, 8 3 - 8 4 , 9 4 - 9 5 ,
IxKib' Chab'le,
1 3 6 , 1 6 7 , 308, 3 8 3 ^ 3 9 3 , 4 3 9 ^ 5 8 ,
IxKi May,
4 4 7 1 1 5 1 ; language of, 3 , 1 3 7 , 1 9 5 , 2 0 1 1 ,
IxKojech (town), 62
208, 244, 4 2 6 - 2 7 1 1 1 , 4 3 4 0 5 0 , 479n; mil-
IxKotyol (town), 62
76-77
76-77
76-77
Index
IxKoxoI (estancia), 416
Jola (lineage name), 2 4 , 4 2 1
Ixlu(site), 1 7 , 6 6 , 4 3 9 1 1 5 5 , 5 i o n 9 9
Jolail (town), 1 3 0
IxMen Kan,
Jolalil (town), 62
76-77
IxMukuy (town), 384
Jolkaj (town), 62
IxMuluk Muk'ul,
Jolpat (town), 62
76-77
IxMutnaj (town), 62
Jol Pop (Yucatec title), 89, 97, 4 5 i n 8 6
IxPapaktun (town), 6 2 , 5 i 2 n i 2 3
Jomun (town), 485n68
IxPetzeja (town), 8, 17, 62
Jones, Grant D., 426x15
IxPimienta (town), xx, 4 6 - 4 7 , 452n98
Jop'elch'en (town), xx, 46f, 5 5 , 1 3 0 , 1 5 0 ,
I55f, 1 6 1 , 2 5 4 ,
IxPop (town), 4 5 o n 8 i . See also Pop
Joxchuncham, 1 0 2
IxPuk, 1 3 8 , 46on3 2
Ixtatan, San Miguel de (town), xx,
263,484x162
130,
Joya, Francisco Antonio de la, 3 3 1
132,358
IxTinal, 76f
Joyop (town), 8, 62, 6 5 , 366f, 3 8 4 ,
IxTus (town), 18, 6 3 , 66, 368ft, 3 7 8 , 3 8 5 ,
Juez de grana, 46
51111115
5 1 1 n 1 1 6 . See also Ich Tutz; San Jose de
Julian calendar, 1 4
IxTus
Junak Keel, 1 2
IxTutz Pix,
76-77
Izamal (town), 1 5
Juntecholol, 478n43
Justeson, John S., 4 4 5 ~ 4 6 n 4 4
Izot, 3 1 2
Kaan (lineage name), 7 5 , 76-77,
80, 84
Jalach Winik (Itza title), S j , 89, 94, 1 0 1
Kaan, Chuen,
76-77
Jalach Winik (Yucatec title), 1 0 4 , 449x166,
Kaan, IxMen,
76-77
45* 93
Jamaica, 4 1 2
Kab' (lineage name), 24,
Jaw (lineage name), 24. See also IxKan J a w ;
Kab'an Kawil, 4 4 9 ^ 9 . See also Kawil,
Mas Jaw, K'in
76-77
Kab'an (day name), 8 1

Kab'an
Jaw, Gabriel, 4 8 4 ^ 9
Kab'an Kawil (town), 461x13 5
Jekelchak'an (town), 47, 1 3 0 , 3 4 1 , 3 4 5 ,
Kaj Jol (Nojpeten quarter), 84, 98, 99,
356
45on70
Jerena, Conde de, 1 1 4 , 4 5 5 1 1 1 0
Kalk'ini (town), 1 3 0 , 1 5 0
Jesmoj (town), 62
Kamal (lineage name), 2 1 , 24, 3 1 9 f t , 3 2 1 ,
Jesuits, 1 7 8 - 7 9 , 4 i 2 f , 4 1 9 , 5 1 9 1 1 9 4 ,
5ionioo
33of
Kamal, Ach Kat, 85
Jesus Maria (town), 3 9 0 , 4 0 9 , 4 1 0 , 5 1 ^ 7 9
Kamal, B'atab', 4 3 i n 2 8
Jesus Maria, Fray Joseph de, 1 4 8 - 5 2 pas-
Kamal, Chamach, 496x173,
sim, 1 5 7 ^ 1 8 9 , 2 1 3 , 3 1 0 , 466n50
Jewelry, 1 8 4 , 2 1 1 , 288. See also Beads; Earrings; Necklaces
Jews, 1 9 9
507n53
Kamal, Chamay, see Kamal, Chamach

Kampin River, xx
Kan (lineage name), 2 4 , 6 2 , 4 4 7 n 5 i . See
also K'ix Kan
Jicaques, 2 3 7
K'an (yearbearer), 9 7 , 98
Job'on, 4 5 3 n i i 2
Kan, Cacique, 9 5 , 4 7 6 m 2. See also Kante,
Job'onmo (town), 6 5 , 4 6 4 ^ 1 6
Jocotenango (town), 67
Joil (lineage name), 24
Ajaw Batab' K'in; Kante, Reyezuelo K'in

Kanchan (lineage name), 2 4 , 62, 8 1 ,
448n57
Jokab'a (town), 4 1 , 485n68
Kan Chan, 8of, 3 2 0 , 4 4 9 ^ 8
Joktun (town), 485n68
Kanchan, Koti, 62
Index
Kanche (lineage name), 24,4x1.
See also
7 6 , 4 7 4 n 8 9 , 5 o 8 n 7 2 ; testimony of, 283ft,
NaChan Kanche; NaMay Kanche

Kan, Chuen,
3 1 6 - 1 9 , 3 3 0 , 3 3 2 , 502n86; Kan Ek',
76-77
Francisco Nicolas
Kanch'ulte (town), 63
Kanek', AjTzazko, 63
Kan Ek', see Kanek'
Kan Ek', B'atab', 98
Kan Ek' (cousin of Ajaw Kan Ek', of 1 6 9 5 -
Kan Ek', Cacique, 90, 9 1 . See also
99), 3 2 4 ^ 3 4 9 ; exile of, 3 7 2 - 7 6 ; as political prisoner, 3 1 2 , 3 1 8 f f , 3 4 4 , 3 5 i f , 3 7 2 7 6 , 5 o 8 n 7 2 ; Kit Kan
Kan Ek', Francisco Antonio, 3 7 3 1 . See also
Kanek' (lineage name), 2 4 , 6 2 , 366f,
Kan Ek', cousin of Ajaw Kan Ek'
448n57, 5141137
Kan Ek', Francisco IxK'in, 374f. See also
Kan Ek' (Nojpeten quarter), 84, 98, 99, 298

Kan Ek', Ajaw, of 1 5 2 5 , xxiii, xxv, 3 4 - 3 6 ,
Kan Ek', IxK'in

Kan Ek', Francisco Nicolas, 3 4 4 , 3 7 3 . See
also Kan Ek', AjK'in
44
Kan Ek', Ixk'in, xxvii, 3 5 7 , 3 7 2 - 7 6 , 3 7 3 ,
Kan Ek', Ajaw, of 1 6 1 6 - 1 9 , 4 4 ^ 200

Kan Ek', Ajaw, of 1695-99,
xxvi, 1 1 , 1 9 ,
20, 29, 3 8 , 5 5 , 60, 84, 8 9 - 9 6 passim,
90,
95, 98, 1 0 6 , 1 3 8 , 1 5 9 , 1 7 1 , 1 8 7 - 2 2 0
passim, 2 2 6 , 2 3 1 , 2 4 1 , 2 5 3 , 2 6 5 , 2 7 2 - 9 1
passim, 298, 3 0 2 - 6 passim, 3 1 5 - 2 8 passim, 3 6 7 , 3 8 4 ^ 4481155, 449H64, 4 5 ,
4 6 m 3 5 , 468n4, 4 7 2 n 2 2 , 488n6,
4 9 i n 3 3 , 4 9 2 n 7 , 5o8n76, 5 1 4 ^ 8 ; baptism of, 3 4 4 ; exile of, xxvii, 9 5 , 3 5 7 ,
3 7 2 - 7 6 ; family of, 56, 7 9 , 1 6 7 , 2 1 4 - 1 8 ,
95> 3 5
Kan Ek' dynasty, 5 5 , 80, 84, 2 7 4 , 2 8 1 , 3 0 8 ,

439ii59
Kan Ek' (defined), 80
AjCh'atan Ek'
- I
passim, 3 1 5 , 4 6 7 m ,
4 7 4 n 8 o , 4 9 5 n 5 i ; palace of, 69, 7 1 , 99,

3 6 3 , 4 4 4 n 2 6 ; as political prisoner, 3 0 5 28 passim, 3 3 2 , 3 4 4 , 3 4 9 - 5 2
passim,
3 5 7 , 3 7 2 - 7 6 , 5 o 8 n 7 2 ; spoke Spanish,
375f; and submission to Spaniards, xxv,
1 7 , 1 6 2 - 6 4 , 1 6 8 - 7 7 passim, 1 8 1 , 1 8 6 ,
2 0 8 - 1 3 passim, 2 1 9 - 2 4 passim, 2 3 0 ,
240, 3 0 8 , 4 7 4 n 7 7 ; temple of, 7 3 ; testimony of, 6 1 , 67, 9 2 , 3 0 6 - 1 5 , 3 2 5 ,
4 9 5 n 5 6 , 502n86. See also K a n E k ' ,
Joseph Pablo
Kan Ek', Ajaw, penultimate, 8 3 , 87, 9 1 ,
104
Kanek', AjBak', 63
Kanek', AjKan, 62
Kan Ek', AjK'in, 60, 7 3 , 94, 98, i86ff, 2 7 2 ,
278ft, 3 3 1 , 3 6 3 , 479n, 4 9 1 1 1 3 3 ; baptism
of, 344; exile of, 3 5 7 , 3 7 2 - 7 6 ; as political prisoner, 3 0 3 , 3 0 8 , 3 1 2 , 3 1 5 , 3 2 0 - 3 0
passim, 3 4 4 , 3 4 9 - 5 * passim, 3 5 7 , 3 7 2 -
449x164, 5o8n79. See also Kan Ek', Francisco IxK'in

Kanek', Jacinto, 4 1 4 , 5 2 o m o 5
Kan Ek', Joseph Pablo, 3 4 4 , 3 7 3 - 7 6 . See
also Kan Ek', Ajaw, of 1 6 9 5 - 9 9
Kan Ek', Kali, 3 6 9 ^ 3 9 6 , 5 1 4 ^ 8
Kan E k ' , T z ' i b ' i t , 3 9 6
Kan Itzam (town), xx, 5 7 - 5 8
Kan, IxB'en, see IxB'en Kan
Kan, IxMen, see IxMen Kan
Kan Kante, AjK'in, 96. See also Kante,
Ajaw Batab' K'in
Kan matrilineage, xxiii, 5 4 ^ 7 5 , 8of, 94f,
103-6passim, 140,167, 414,
447x151.
See also Ach Kat Kit Kan; Kit Kan (Itza

title); Kuch Pop Kit Kan; Noj Tz'o Kan
Noj; Noj Tz'o Kan Punab'; Tz'o Kan
Tz'ik
Kan Noj, Noj T z ' o , 85, 96
Kan Panak (town), 5o8n82
Kan Punab', Noj T z ' o , 90,96.
See also Noj
Tz'o Kan Punab'

Kante, see IxKante
Kante (lineage name), 2 4 , 4 2 1 , 4 4 8 n 5 7
Kante, Ajaw B'atab' K'in, 95ft, 98, 106,
140, 1 6 7 , 1 9 1 , 205, 213f, 253, 274,
3 i o f , 3 2 6 , 3 8 5 , 4 5 1 1 1 8 7 . See also AjKan
Kante; Kan, Cacique; Kan Kante, AjK'in;
Kante, Reyezuelo K'in
Kante, Domingo, 243
Kante, IxMen,
76-77
Index
Kante, Reyezuelo K'in, 90. See also AjKan
Kech, IxKaw,
76-77
Kante; Kan, Cacique; Kante, Ajaw Batab'
Keel, see Junak Keel
K'in
Kej, Juan, 2 4 0 , 48on67

Kejach (defined), 43 5 n i 3
Kantemo (town), 254

Kantetul (town), 6, 8,17,190,
469x116,
Kejaches, xxv, 3, 1 9 , 3 1 - 3 4 , 4 2 , 5 2 , 58,

1 0 0 , 1 2 0 , 1 3 2 , 145, 154-60
47ini7
1 8 4 ^ 1 8 9 - 9 4 passim, 213^
Kan Tz'ik, T z ' o , see Tz'o Kan Tz'ik
passim,
262, 385,
Kan, Tz'o, 87, 9 i f , 384
466x160, 4 6 8 m l , 4 7 6 n i o , 4 8 4 n 5 3 ,
Kanul (lineage name), 24
484n62; abandon missions, 249, 2 5 3 -
Kanul, Marcos, 1 5 0
56, 3 6 3 ; Franciscans among, 4 2 , 1 5 4 -
Kanyokte (lineage name), 24, 448n57
6 1 , 2 4 5 , 249, 255ft; territory of, xxiv, 5,
Kastamay, Hacienda de, xx, 130,
251
K'atun 1 Ajaw, 1 0 3
n f , 3 ^ > 99, 1 3 1 , 1 5 0 , 1 7 5 , 2.85. 4651130

K'ek, Juana, 378
K'atun 2 Ajaw, 284
K'ek'chis, 4 2 1 , 433x146,
K'atun 3 Ajaw, 43ft, 428n8
Keliz (lineage name), 24
521x1127
Ken (lineage name), 63
K'atun 4 Ajaw, 1 0 , 1 9 0
K'atun 8 Ajaw, 1 0 - 1 6 passim, 44$,
1041',
Ken, Diego, 1 5 0
1 7 4 , 1 9 0 , 404, 4 3 o n i 7 , 4 3 2 n 3 6 ,
Ketz (lineage name), 24
453
Ketz (town), 6 , 1 7 , 6 3 , 66, 3 2 5 , 3 4 7 , 3 5 0 ,
n i
i5
K'atun cycle, 1 4 1 , 101-6
passim, 1 9 0 , 206,
3 8 2 , 44XV14, 4 4 3 m l , 496x1%
K'eyan Chan (town), 4 6 1 ^ 5
43oni7, 4311134
K'atun prophecies, io2f, 1 7 2 . See also
Ki (lineage name), 2 5 ,
Prophecy, under individual k'atun
Ki, Luis, 1 5 0
periods
Kib' (lineage name), 2 5 ,
76-77
76-77
K'atuns, 1 0 , 1 4 , 60, xorff
Kib', Ik,
Kaufman, Terrence, 4 2 6 m
K'iche Mayas, 87
Kawak (yearbearer), 97, 98
K'in (lineage name), 2 1 , 2 5 , 4 3 3 n n . See also
Kawich (lineage name), 24

Kawich (town), xx, 1 2 9 , 1 3 0 , 1 4 4 - 5 0 passim, 1 5 5 , 2 2 4 , 3 4 2 , 464nn. See also
B'olonch'en Kawich
Kawich, Ventura, 484n59
76-77
AjKawil K'in
K'in, Mas, 4 6 9 m 6
K'in Chan, Ach Kat, 8j, 467XIX.
See also
Chan, K'in
K'inchil (lineage name), 2 5
Kawij (lineage name), 24
K'inchil (town), 88, 1 0 3
Kawij, IxEtz'nab', 7 6 - 7 7
K'in Chil, Ach Kat, 85
Kawij, IxKawak,
K'in Chil Kob'a, 88, 1 9 7 , 4 5 i n 8 3
76-77
Kawil, see Kab'an Kawil

Kawil (lineage name), 1 3 , 2 4 , 8 1 , 1 4 0
K'awil Chel, 4 3 i n 3 0
Kawil Itza, 8 1 , 449x159. See also AjKawil
Itza
King's milpa, 3 6 4 - 6 5 , 3 9 8 - 4 0 3
passim,
5^1155
Kinship, see Double descent; Households,
Itza; Lineages; Matrilineal descent; Patrilineal descent
Kawil, Kab'an, 8 1 , 461x13 5
K'inyokte (lineage name), 2 5 , 4 4 8 n 5 7
K'ayom, 4 5 i n 8 3
Kischan (lineage name), 25, 4 3 3 n 4 6
K'ayom, Ach Kat, 85
Kisteil (town), 4 1 4
K'eb', Andres, 1 7 1 - 7 5 passim, 3 2 4
Kisteil rebellion, 4 1 4
K'eb', Catalina, 4 6 8 m 5
Kitis (Kowoj leader), 5 i 6 n 6 o
K'eb', Pedro, 4 6 8 m 5
Kitis (lineage name), 25 6 2 , 4 0 2
Kech (lineage name), 24
Kitis (town), 3 9 1 , 5 i 3 n i 7
Index
Kowoj, Cacique, 9 2 , 2 1 3 . See also
K'itis, AjChikan, 62
AjKowoj; Kowoj, Captain
Kitkaan (Itza title), 208

Kit Kan (Itza title), 8 9 - 9 5 passim, 98,
272, 283, i88f
5081176.
3 1 2 , 384, 393,
103,
4511188,
See also Ach Kat Kit Kan; Kan
Ek' (cousin of Ajaw Kan Ek'); Kuch Pop

Kit Kan
Kowoj, Captain, 66, 9 2 , 9 5 , 3 2 5 , 348,

3 7 1 , 4 4 3 n i 4 . See also AjKowoj; Kowoj,
Cacique
Kowoj, Captain (son), 3 7 1 . See also Kowoj,
Kulut
Kitkan (lineage name), 25
Kowoj, Kitam, 4 0 2
Kit Kan, Ach Kat, 85
Kowoj, Kulut, 66, 3 7 i f f , 3 9 1 - 4 0 2
passim,
Kit Kan, Ajaw B'atab', 9 8 , 1 3 8
4 4 3 n i o , 4 5 2 n i o i , 496n8, 502n86,
Kit Kan, AjUs, 62
5 i 3 n i 7 . See also Kowoj, Captain (son)
Kit Kan, B'atab', 98
Kowoj, Lax, 280
Kitkan, Cacique, 90, 9 1
Kowojs, 3 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 27, 56, 1 0 6 , 1 6 7 , 1 7 3 ,
Kitkan, Jose,
1 9 2 , 2 1 4 , 2 2 0 , 2 2 6 - 2 7 , 280, 289, 3 1 5 ,
413/
3 2 3 , 3 3 4 , 344-sopassim,
Kit Kan, Kuch Pop, 89, 90, 9 7 , 1 3 8 ,
385, 387, 392,
403, 4 4 3 n i o , 446n45, 4 9 6 m , 4 9 7 m o ,
4601132
Kit Kan, Reyezuelo, 90, 9 2 , 1 8 2 , 4 5 1 1 1 9 0 ,
5 1 0 m 1 0 , 5 1 1 1 m , 5 i 6 n 6 o ; abandon
towns, 3 2 3 , 3 4 8 - 4 9 , 4 0 1 , 4 0 9 , 4 1 1 , 4 1 7 ,
4611141
Kit Kan, Tesak, 62
4 4 3 n i o ; capital town of, 66, 3 2 5 , 348;
K'ix (lineage name), 62
history of, xix, 3 , 1 1 , 1 6 - 1 9
K'ixab'on (cacique), 4 0 2
4 3 o n 2 4 ; political organization of, 66,

4 5 2 n i o i ; territory of, 5, 6, 1 7 , 1 7 ,
K'ixab'on (lineage name), 2 5 , 62, 392f,

4 3 3 4 6 , 4481157, 5 i 3 4 > 5 ^ 3
n
n 2
passim,
66-
6%,99i, 3 1 5 , 3 2 4 ^ 3 4 6 , 3 6 5 , 37off, 3 8 1 -
n n
K'ixab'on, Ach Kat, 89, 90, 9 1 , 96, 1 0 1
84 passim, 3 9 1 , 4 0 2 ; Alliances, Maya
K'ixan, see AjK'ixaw; K'ixaw
K'u (lineage name), 2 5 , 1 4 0 , 47on3 5
K'ixaw, 1 8 5 . See also AjK'ixaw
K'u, B'atab', 65
K'ixaw (lineage name), 2 3 , 2 5 , 1 4 0 ,
K'u, Cacique, 1 8 5 . See also Joseph K'u

Kuch Kab'al, 9 3 - 9 4
47on36,484n53
K'ixaw, Bartolome, 1 8 5 , 468n.11
Kuch Pop Kit Kan, see Kit Kan, Kuch Pop
K'ixaw, Juan, 4 8 4 ^ 9
K'u, Francisco, 1 5 0
K'ixchan (lineage name), 25
K'u, Joseph, 1 8 5 , 4 6 8 m l . See also K'u,
Kixchan (lineage name), 2 1
Cacique
K'ix Kan, 62
Kuk (lineage name), 5 0 7 ^ 3
Knives, 1 8 8 - 9 2 passim, 2 0 1 , 2 0 5 , 2 2 9 ,
Kuk, Martin, 5 1
2 3 5 , 2 6 7 , 3 2 4 , 3 5 2 , 366. See also Tools,
K'uk'ulkan, temple of, 74
metal
Kulut Kowoj, see Kowoj, Kulut
K o b ' (lineage name), 2 5
Kuman, 2 3 6 , 4 7 8 ^ 5
Kob', IxMen,
Kumux, Francisco, 43
76-77
Kob'a (town), 1 7 , 1 8 , 4 5 1 ^ 8 3
K'uml (lineage name), 25
Kokom (lineage name), 1 0 , 1 3 , 1 8 , 2 5 ,
Kupul (lineage name), see NaOb'on Kupul;

O'bon Kupul; Tzuk Kupul
43on2o, 4 5 4 n n 6
Kol (lineage name), 25
K'u, X o k ,
Kontal (town), 6, 62, 3 8 2 , 3 9 1
Kwa (lineage name), 25. See also Matan
Kopan (site), xx
Kowoj (lineage name), 1 9 , 2 5 , 6 2 , 63,
76-77
Kwa
413^
Kowoj (wife of AjChan), 1 6 7 , 2 7 3 , 304
Labranzas, 33
Kowoj, AjK'itan, 63
La Costa (partido), 2 5 6 , 345
Index
Lago de Izabal, xx, 3 1 , 38, 130. See also
Laoguages, see Cholao laoguage family;

Chontal laoguage; Nahuatl laoguage;
Golfo Dulce
Lago Peten Itza, xx, xxiv, xxvi, 5, 7, 8, 1 0 ,
Yucatecao language family
1 7 , 2.if, 38, 64, 66, 67, i n , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 ,
La Palotada, 1 9 0
1 3 0 , 1 3 3 , 1 4 1 - 4 5 passim, 1 5 6 , 1 8 7 , 1 9 0 ,
La Pimienta (province), 3 , 46, 1 2 0 , 1 4 3 . See
200, 2 0 7 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 5 , 2 2 6 - 4 4
2 4 8 - 5 3 passim, 260, 2 6 5 - 7 2
passim,
passim,
also Santa Rosa de la Pimienta

Lara, Br. Joseph de, 3 59
2 7 8 - 8 7 passim, 3 0 6 , 3 2 4 , 3 4 2 , 3 4 4 , 3 5 6 ,
Lara, Fray Pedro de, 258
3 5 8 , 3 6 3 , 3 7 i , 3 7 5 " 4 ! 7 p a s s i m , 390,
Lard, 346
4 1 7 , 4 2 1 , 4 4 3 n i o , 486n74, 5 ^ 7 9 ,
Las Casas, Guillen de, 4 1
5 2 m l 24
Layseca Alvarado, Antonio de, 55

Lineages, 5 4 - 5 5 , 60, 65. See also Double
Laguna Chunpich, 465x133

Laguna de Bacalar, xx,
descent; Kan matrilineage; Matrilineal
130
descent; Patrilineal descent
Laguna del Civalon, 4 6 5 ^ 5
Lizarraga, Conde de, 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 , 4 0 9 , 4 5 4 1 1 1 .
Laguna Ija, 6, 64, 2 8 1
See also Ursiia y Arizmendi, Martin de
Laguna la Amapola, 465x13 5
Lizarraga, Nicolas de, 3 3 3 , 360-61,
Laguna Mangiiito, 4 6 5 0 3 5
Laguna Oquevix, 6, 64, 1 3 8, 2 8 1 , 3 82
Laguna Quexil, 6, 7, 8,17, 1 0 0 , 3 5 1 ,
Loaysa, Fray Miguel de, 4 8 o n 8 i

Logging, 1 2 7 , I 4 3 , 4 5 8 n 5 5
496m, 503nioi
18, 2 2 , 56, 66, 1 0 0 ,
Logwood, 4 2 , 1 2 7 , 4 5 8 n 5 5
Lopez de Cogolludo, Fray Diego de, 1 1 , 1 9 ,
280, 3 6 8 , 496n73
Laguna Sacpuy, 6, 7, 8, 68, 9 5 , 9 9 ^ 1 4 5 ,
306, 3 2 6 , 3 4 8 , 365ft, 3 8 2 , 3 8 4 , 3 9 3 ,
441x14,496m,
Lizarraga, Nicolas de (son), 400
Laguna Petenxil, 1 0 0
Laguna Siviltuc,
5 0 5 n 2 3 , 5151144
Laguna Perdida, 1 0 0
Laguna Sacnab, 6,17,
374,
3 7 7 , 3 , 3 4 , 3 9 7 , 4*8f, 4 2 9 1 1 1 0 ,
5 3 , 69, 78f, 1 0 2 , 3 0 1 , 4 3 7 1 1 2 9 , 4 3 9 ^ 5 3 ,
451092
506036, 514038
Lopez, Fray Domingo, 244
464x111
Lorenzo, Fray Pedro, 4 i f
Laguna Yaxha, 6, 7, 1 7 , 18,11,
56, 66,
1 0 0 , 280, 3 4 8 , 368
Los Remedios (presidio), see Peten Itza

(presidio)
Laguneta El Sos, 6, 7, 8, 5 0 6 0 3 6 , 5 1 4 1 1 3 8
Los Zinzontles (town), 5 1 7 0 7 2
Laguneta Macanche, 6, 7 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 56, 6 4 -
Lovell, W. George, 4 3 7 n 2 9
66, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 278
Lucas de San Francisco, 1 4 8 , 1 5 9 - 6 1 , 1 8 9
Laguneta Picu, 6, 8, 65
Laguneta Salpeten, 6, 1 7 , 1 8 , 6$t, i o o f
Macal River, xx, 5, 130, 2 1 8
Laines, Jose, 1 5 2 , 2 6 0 , 2 7 1 , 3 2 5 , 4891115
Machetes, 1 3 5 - 3 9 passim, 144, 1 7 3 , 1 8 8 ,
Lakandon Mayas (Choi), see Choi Lakandons

Lamanai, xx
1 9 4 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 8 , 2 1 2 , 2 2 8 , 235f, 2 8 3 ,
288, 3 0 3 , 3 0 9 , 3 1 5 , 3 2 4 , 3 5 1 , 3 5 4 , 3 6 5 67, 3 9 0 , 4 0 0 . See also Tools, metal
Lamanay (town), 53
Machich (town), 58, 1 3 0 , 254
La Mejorada, Convent of, 1 7 8 , 1 8 0 , 259
Machuca, Antonio, 1 3 5 - 4 1
La Natividad de Nuestra Senora (villa),
MacLeod, Barbara, 43 3n47
38
Lances, 4 3 , 2 0 5 , 207
Landa, Fray Diego de (bishop), 7 9 , 97, 1 0 5 ,
Madrid, Juan Bernardo de, 1 8 6
4461149
Lan Garcia, Juao de, 50005 8
passim
Madrid, Spain, 1 1 2 , 1 1 5
Maestros: cantores, 1 5 0 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 2 , 204,
2 1 5 , 2 2 6 , 4 6 4 m l ; de capilla, 1 5 0 ,
4 6 4 m 1 ; de escuela, 4 6 4 m l
Index
Maize, see Granaries; Itzas, agriculture of;
Milpas; Milperias
sim, 3 i 2 f , 3 1 8 f , 3 2 7 - 3 2 passim,
339,
396-401,4741189,47911
Makanche (town), see Tajmakanche

Makocheb' (Nojpeten quarter), 84, 98, 99,
M a t a b ' (lineage name), 2 5

Matan, Ajaw, 90
Matan, Ajaw, Reyezuelo, 9 2 , 1 8 2
450070
Maktum (site), 4381145
Matan Kwa, 8j
Maler, Teoberto, 4 7 i n 1 7
Matriculas, 2 7 , 4581156, 4 6 7 n 6 o , 484ml; of
Malinali, see Marina, dona
Chunuk'um, 54, 7 5 , 76-77,
Malnutrition, 3 7 7
4 4 1 0 9 5 , 4 4 5 0 4 3 , 4 6 8 0 0 . See also Cen-
44onn,
suses
Mama (town), 485ft

Mamantel (town), 1 3 0 , 4 5 8 n 5 6
Matrilineal descent, xxiii, 7 8 - 8 1 , 4 4 5 -
Manche (town), xx, 5, 4 9 - 5 0 , 1 3 0, 2 4 0 ,
46n44, 4 4 7 n 5 i , 449x163. See also

Tzakab'
433n48
Manche Chols, 5, 7, 4 9 - 5 2 , 6 5 , 99, i n ,
120,122, 133-34, 34, 4 4 3
J
passim,
3841, 417-2-O5 4 3 3 4 8 , 4381136, 4 5 9 1 1 1 8 ,

n
479n, 502n89, 5 2 2 1 1 1 2 7 . See also Chols
Matrilocal residence, 449063

Matronyms, 7 5 , 8 0 - 8 1 , 445x143,
4481155
Mats, bark, 50
Matza, Ajje, 62
Mani (province), i 8 f
Matzin (lineage name), see AjMatzin
Mani (town), xx, 48, 1 3 0 , 2 1 9 , 2 6 3 ,
Matzkalek' (town), 4 9 1 0 3 8 . See also
4 5 2 n 9 3 . See <sIso Chilam B'alam, books
Motzkalek'
Maxkanu (town), 1 5 0
of
Manila, Philippines, 1 1 4
May (calendrical period), 1 4 , 430x1x7
Mantas, 3 3 . See also Cotton cloth
May (lineage name), zj. See also AjChak

M a y ; IxKi May; N a M a y Kanche
Mantilla, Pedro de, 2 3 0

Maps, 5 1 2 1 1 1 2 , 5 i 3 n n
May, Nicolas, 1 5 0
Marcus, Joyce, 8 2 , 449066
Mayaktun (defined), 7 1
Margil de Jesus, Fray Antonio, 2 4 3 , 3 79,
Maya Mountains, xx, 3 8

Mayapan, xx, xxi, 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 6 - 1 9
59n92
Marina, dona, 3 0 - 3 5 passim,
435x17
Marriage, 7 5 - 8 1 passim, 3 5 4 , 3 8 2 , 4 4 5 -
passim,
74,79,104-5, 199,429^1,45311115,
45411116
46044, 446x145. See also Polygyny;
Mayapan calendar, 1 7 4
Polygyny, sororal
Mazatecas (province), 4 3 5 0 1 3 . See also
Martin, Br. Manuel, 4 7 7 n 3 1

Martin, Fray Nicolas, 2 5 4 - 5 5
Martinez de M o r a , Br. Jose Francisco, 268,
Mazatlan
Mazatlan (province), 3 1 , 5 1 1 1 1 2 0 . See also
Kejaches; Mazatecas
2 7 0 , 286, 296, 3 2 8 - 2 9 , 3 3 3 , 3 3 8 , 3 4 5 ,
Measles, 5 i 7 n 7 7
348-51,502086
Media anata, 2 5 2
Mas (lineage name), 25. See also Ek' Mas
Medina, Juan de, 324
Mas, Nicolas, 1 5 0
Medrano y Solorzano, Estevan, 3 5 8 , 3 6 3 ,
Masa, Tzutz, 3 9 6 , 5 1 4 1 1 3 8
373,5n58
Mejen (title), 4 4 7 0 5 1 , 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 . See also
Mas Jaw, K'in, 63

Mas K'in (town), 4691116
Chun Ajaw; Chun Mejen
Mas K'in, Ach Kat, 8j
Mejia Cespedes, Juan Jeronimo, 5001158
Mass, Christian, 3 4 , 1 7 9 , 1 8 5 , 2 0 3 , 296,
Men (lineage name), see IxMen K o b '
33f 4 3
I
Massacres, 4 7 - 5 2 passim, 1 3 4 , 228ft, 244,

2 7 2 , 2 7 7 , 2 8 1 , 2 8 5 , 2 9 1 , 2 9 6 - 3 0 3 pas-
Mencos y Coronado, Juan Bernardo de,

3 5 8 , 366, 505n23
Mencos y Medrano, Melchor de, xxvii,
Index
332.> 33 5 , 3 5 ^ - 7 7 passim, 3 7 7 , 389,
Mis (lineage name), 25
4 0 9 , 4 1 9 , 504118
Miskitos, 408, 4 1 2 , 4 i 9 f
Missionaries, see Dominicans; Franciscans;
Mendez, Br. Manuel, 4 7 7 0 3 1

Mendez de Canzo, Antonio, 48
Jesuits; Mercederians; Secular clergy,
Mendia y Sologastoa, Cristobal de, 3 5 8 ,
Yucatan
Missions, Peten, xxvii, 3 4 4 , 3 4 9 , 3 5 7 , 387
367-70
Mendoza, Juan de, 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 9i
J1
1 2 2 , 378
4 2 1 passim, 390, 395, 407,
Mendoza y Galindo, Fray Simon de, 3 7 0
Mixe, 29
Meneses, Br. Pedro, 4 1 4
M o (lineage name), 25
Meneses Bravo de Sarabia, Fernando,
M o , Diego, 1 5 0
M o , IxKab'an,
5i7n73
Mercederians, 68, i i 2 f , 1 3 2 , 2 4 3 ^ 299,
3 3 3 , 3 3 8 , 3 6 6 , 3 7 0 , 3 7 2 , 3 7 6 , 4991158
5i8-2inn
76-77
Moan (lineage name), 2 5 , 8 1 , 4 3 7 n 3 3

Moan Pana, 8 1 . See also AjMuan Pana;
Mompana
Merchants, Maya, 3 1
Merida ( c i t y ) , * * , xxv, 39, 89, i n ,
n8ff,
Moho River, 385
1 2 7 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 8 , I49f, 1 5 6 , 1 6 1 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 8 -
M o j o River, xx
80 passim, 1 8 4 - 2 0 1 passim,
Mompana (province), 6, 9 5 , 3 8 2 - 8 5 pas-
216-20
passim, 2 2 5 , 2 3 1 , 2 4 5 - 5 6 passim,
274^
sim. See also Moan Pana
2 8 2 , 286, 3o8f, 3 2 4 , 3 2 6 , 3 3 9 , 3 9 7 , 4 1 2 ,
Monkey River, xx
4 8 7 0 8 9 , 5 2 0 1 1 1 0 5 ; cathedral of, 1 7 7 - 7 8 ,
Montejo, Francisco de (Adelantado), 39,

242
1 8 5 - 8 6 . See also Tihoo

Mesoamerica, 60
Montejo, Francisco de (son), 1 3
Mestizoization, 354
Montezuma, 200, 209
Mestizos, 1 4 4 , 267
Montezuma, Conde de (viceroy), 2 5 1
Metates, 366
Monzabal, Jose, 4 1 7
Mexicas, 29f, 3 7 , 39. See also Aztecs
Moors, 1 1 8 , 1 9 9
Mexico, Audiencia of, 1 2 4 - 2 6 , 245ft, 2 5 2 ,
Mopan (town), xx, 7, 1 9 , 2 2 , 49, 5 1 ,
260
130,
1 3 4 , 2 3 3 , 2 4 0 , 2 4 3 , 3041, 3 3 8 , 3 5 8 , 4 1 9 ,
Mexico City, 3 7 ^ i i 7 f , 1 2 2 , 1 2 6 , 2 4 6 - 5 0
433nn, 4 6 i n 4 i , 48on75, 5 i 7 n 7 2 ,
5 2 i n 1 2 4 . See also San Luis
passim, 343
Migrations, xix, 3 , 8 - 1 3 passim, 56,
52onio8, 522ni27
Mopan (town, Yalain area), 4 6 8 1 1 1 6

Mopans, 3, 1 9 , 49, 5 1 , 56, 6 5 , 67, 83, 1 3 3 -
Militias: Maya, 1 4 2 - 4 4 , 1 5 3 - 5 4 , 1 6 2 - 6 3 ,
Spanish
260, 2 6 3 , 2 9 7 , 4 6 2 n 4 9 , 465x133;
3 7 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 5 , 1 8 3 , 2 3 6 , 2 4 2 , 408, 4 1 8 2 1 , 4331147, 4 3 4
n n
, 43
8 n
3 4 , 439^54,
and mixed-caste, 1 4 2 , 1 4 4 , 1 5 i f , i62f,
4 4 6 n 4 5 , 4591m, 5 2 2 n i 2 7 ; Itza influence
2 2 9 , 260, 2 6 7 , 467x161,
over, 99, 1 3 5 , 2 3 9 , 4341152; language of,
489ni5
Milpas, 3 4 8 - 5 4 passim, 366-69,
390, 398,
1 9 , 1 3 7 , 2 3 4 , 240, 4 1 9 , 4 2 1 , 4 2 6 - 2 7 0 1 ,
406, 4 7 8 n 4 3 , 5061134; and Spanish bar-
4 3 4 0 5 0 ; lineage names of, 2 1 , 2 7 - 2 8 ,
ter, 3 4 5 , 3 5 7 , 3 6 3 , 3 7 2 , 3 8 i ; Spanish
34f, 459; territory of, 5, 1 9 - 2 2 , 1 0 1 ,
pillaging of, 2 2 9 , 3 2 3 , 347f 3 5 7 , 3 5 9 ,
2 3 2 , 3 4 1 , 3 8 4 , 4 3 3 m l , 517072-;
3 6 7 , 3 7 i f , 3 8 1 , 4 7 6 1 1 1 7 , 5 0 3 m . See also
Chinamitas; Musuls
Itzas, agriculture of; King's milpa

Milperias, 65, 2 1 6 , 346, 3 6 6 , 3 7 1
Miraflores, Conde de, 1 1 8 , 1 8 6 , 249. See
also Garrastegui y Oleado, Pedro de
Mirones y Lescano, Francisco de, 4 5 - 5 1
passim
Morales y Vela, Br. Pedro de, 3 2 8 , 3 3 3 - 5 0

passim, 3 5 4 , 366, 388, 502n86
Moran, Fray Francisco, 4 9 - 5 2 passim
Moreno, Juan Antonio, 5 2 0 0 1 0 2
Motul de Sao Jose,
6,8,17
Motzkal (island), 8,17,
278f, 2 8 2 , 4 9 1 0 3 8
Index
Motzkalek' (town), 4691116. See also
NaOb'on Kupul, 1 3 , 4 4 8 n 5 3 , See also

Ob'on Kupul
Matzkalek'
Muk'ixil (town), 385
Navarra, 1 1 3 ff, 409
Muknal (estancia), 416
Navarrete, Pedro de, 3851", 5 1 1 n 1 2 1
Muk'ul (lineage name), 2 5 . See also
Navas y Quevedo, Fray Andres de las

(bishop), 4991158
IxMuluk Muk'ul
Necklaces, 3 5, 1 8 8 , 1 9 1 , 2 6 7 , 2 8 7 , 4 3 7 n 2 6
Mulattos, 1 4 4
Mules, 2 3 5 , 2 3 9 , 2 5 2 , 256f, 2 6 1 - 6 4 passim, 341,347,
4 7 9 0 , 487n89
Muleteers, 1 2 9 - 3 7 passim, 142^, 1 6 2 , 2 4 5 ,

2 4 9 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 7 - 6 3 passim, 2 6 7 , 3 4 1 ,
345f, 3 58f, 364, 487n89, 5 o m n
Negron, Br. Pedro Martin, 4 7 7 0 3 1

Nek'nojche (town), 6 3 , 6 5 , 5 1 1 0 1 1 5
New River, xx, 3 , 1 2 , 1 3 0
New Spain, 2 9 1 ; viceroys of, 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 ,
23 2, 3 4 2 , 4 0 9 , 4 1 1 , 4 5 5 0 1 2 . See also
Mul Kaj (town), 88, 1 0 3
Bucareli y Ursua, Antonio Maria; Mon-
Mul Kaj, Ach Kat, 8j
tezuma, Conde de; Ortega Montanez,
Multepal, 1 0 4 - 5 , 4 5 3 - 5 4 1 1 1 1 5
Juan de; Sandoval, Gaspar de, Conde de

Galve
Muluk, yearbearer, 9 7 , 98
Mumunt'i (town), 6, 6 3 , 382f, 3 8 5
New Vizcaya, 2 9 1
Musical instruments, 1 8 5 , 1 9 4 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 7 ,
New Year rituals, 97ft
2 3 9 , 2 7 2 , 282f, 286, 4 5 3 m 1 2 , 4 7 o n 3 6 .
See also Bugles; Chirimias; Drums;
Flutes; Recorders; Trumpets; Tunkul;
Nich (town), 6, 8, 9 2 , 9 5 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 7 , 266,

488n6. See also Ch'ich'; Nixtun
Nikte, Pedro, 2 7 1 , 284, 3 0 4 , 4 9 0 ^ 0 . See
also AjChant'an; Chan, Nikte; Chan,
Turtle shells
Musul (lineage name), 2 1 , IJ, 4 3 3 m l ,
Pedro Miguel
Nisam (estancia), 4 1 6
434n48
Mutinies, 2 3 0 , 2 5 1 , 258
Nito (town), xx, 3 1 , 3 8
Muwan (lineage name), 2 5 . See also Moan
Nixtun (town), 6, 8, 9 5 , 1 9 2 , 266, 4 8 9 n i 3 .
Muzuls, 1 7 5 , 1 7 9 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 5 , 2 2 4 , 2 7 5 , 408
See also Ch'ch'; Nich; Punta Nijtun

Nobility, see Itzas, political organization of;
Ranking, senior-junior; Ruling council,
Na, Cristobal, 4 7
Itza; Titles
Naa (lineage name), 25

Naal names, see Names, naal
Nochija (town), see Chinoja
Nab'a (town), 6 5 , 5 1 0 n . n o
Nojb'ekan (town), 1 3 0 , 388
NaChan Ch'el, 79
Noj Che, Cacique, 8j, 87, 90, 96
NaChan Kanche, 7 9 - 8 0
Noj-jem, ravine, 1 9 0 , 4 7 1 m l
Nahuatl language, 30, 8 7 - 9 1
passim,
435n7,45on 5,4 in90

7
Nojk'u, 1 3 0 , 1 5 1
Nojk'ute (lineage name), 26, 4 4 8 ^ 7
Naj Tunich, 4 3 3 n 4 7
Nojpek', 1 3 0 , 1 5 1
NaKajun N o j , 43 i n 2 8
Nojpeten, xx, 6, 7, 8,12,17,
1 9 - 2 2 pas-
Nakom (title), 4 5 , 9 2 , 4 5 3 n i i 2
sim, 2 9 - 3 8 passim, 46H, 54, 6 0 - 7 4 P ~
Nakom P'ol, see P'ol, Nakom
sim, 7 8 , 84, 92f, 1 0 5 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 1 ,
NaMay Kanche, 79
1 4 7 , 1 4 9 , i56f, i 6 i f , 1 6 7 - 7 7
Names, 54, 4 2 0 , 448nn; baptismal, 54; boy,
as
passim,
1 8 2 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 4 - 2 1 7 passim, 2 2 3 - 4 0 pas-
4 4 5 n 4 3 ; compound, 541", 7 5 - 8 1 ,
sim, 2 6 5 - 9 2 passim, 297ft, 3 1 0 , 3 2 3 ,
43 i n 2 8 ; day, 7 5 , 4 4 5 ; given, 7 5 ,
3 4 6 , 3 4 8 , 3 6 7 , 3 8 7 , 4 0 3 , 4 3 6 m l , 449064,
445nn; lineage, 2 i , 2 2 - 2 7 , 541", 7 5 - 8 1 ,
460ml, 469x121,
3 9 3 ; naal, 79f, 4321128, 4 4 8 ^ 3 . See also
Kowojs, 7 2 , 1 9 7 , 2 0 5 , 3 2 6 , 3 8 5 , 4 4 4 0 3 3 ,
Matronyms; Patronyms
4 9 7 n i 2 ; descriptions of, 4 2 , 6 8 - 7 4 ,
479x1; burned by
Index
196-97, 2 3 4 , 3 0 0 - 3 0 2 , 3 3 3 , 363,
Ocafia, Nueva Granada, 1 1 4
4 3 6 1 1 1 9 , 4 6 1 1 1 4 1 ; palaces of, 69, 9 9 ,
Ocosingo (town), xx, 1 3 2
1 9 7 1 ; quarters of, 84, 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 4501170;
O'Kelly, Teodoro, 3 7 2
Spanish occupation of, xxvi, 5 7 , 1 1 6 ,
Okte, AjK'in, 2 7 2
197, 249, 2 5 3 , 2 9 5 - 3 0 4 , 328, 3 3 7 , 367,
Olid, Cristobal de, 30
380, 3 9 2 , 494n28; temples of, 6 9 - 7 4
Oloriz, Navarra (town), 1 1 3
passim, 99, 1 9 7 ^ 2 0 3 , 2 7 8 , 2 9 1 , 30off,
Orbita, Fray Juan de, 20, 4 3 - 4 9
32of, 4 3 6 n i 9 , 4 3 7 0 2 9 , 4 4 5 , 4 9 9 0 4 5 ;
58, 200, 2 0 2 , 30of, 439nn
passim,
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San
Ordonez de Avilez, Sancho, 5001158
Pablo, Laguna del Itza (presidio); Tajltza
Orozco, Pedro de, 50on58
Nojpeten (Nojpeten quarter), 84, 98, 1 0 0 ,
Ortega Montanez, Juan de (bishop, viceroy), 248
450U70
Nojpolol (town), 4 6 8 m 6
Ortiguera, Toribio de, 1 1 4
Nojt'ub' (town), xx, 1 3 0 , 1 5 2 , 465x114
Ossuaries, see Bones, human
NojTut, 507n53
Oxk'utzkab' (town), 48, i43f, 2 5 8 , 2 6 3 ,

5om84
Noj Tz'o, 87, 9 2
Ozaeta, Pedro de, 500058
Noj Tz'o Kan N o j , 8 5 , 87, 96

Noj Tz'o Kan Punab', 8j, 87, 90, 96
Nojuk'um, see Rio Nojuk'um
Pacha (lineage name), 4 6 1 - 6 2 0 4 1
Nuestra Senora de Carmen, 4 1 9
Pachayil (estancia), 416
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe (town), 3 9 0 ,
Pacheco, Alejandro, 3 6 4 , 5 0 5 n 2 7
Pacheco, Alonso,39
390, 3 9 3 , 3 9 4 , 5i3n29
Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria (town),
Pacheco, Diego, 346, 502n89
390, 3 9 0 , 3 9 4 , 3 9 4 . See also Punta
Pacheco, Melchor, 39
Candelaria
Pacheco de Sopuerta, Br. Juan, 1 7 8 , 2 6 7 -
Nuestra Senora de la Merced (town), 3 8 9 ,

39^,394
Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de Chinoja,
5 3 - 5 6 , 3 4 4 , 3 3 , 4 3 4 ^ 5 3 , 466n6o,
6
4 6 8 m 1, 47on40, 484n53,
370. See also Chinoja

Nuestra Senora de los Dolores del Lacandon (town), xx, 130,133,142-47
7 1 passim, 2 8 6 , 2961, 3 0 4 , 3 2 5 , 328

Pak'ek'em (town), 2 3 , 1 3 0 , 1 5 9 - 6 1 , 1 8 5 ,
pas-
PakLan, 1 4 0 , 4 6 1 1 1 3 5
sim, 232f, 2 4 3 , 2 4 8 , 2 5 0 , 2 9 7 , 3 4 6 ,
PakNek, 1 4 0
3 5 0 , 3 5 8 , 3 6 3 , 379f, 5091111. See also
Pakoc, see Pak'ok
Sakb'alan
Pak'ok, 1 0 2 , 4 6 i n 3 5
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios (saint),

297,328
484x162,
485x162
Palenque (town), xx, 4 1 , 3 3 9

Paliak (town), 385
Paliak River, xx
Pablo, Laguna del Itza, xxvii, 2 9 5 , 3 0 0 ,
Palomino, Alonso, 487n79
3 04, 3 4 3 , 3 9 0 . See also Veten Itza (pre-
Pamplona (Navarra), i i 3 f
sidio), 304
Pamplona (Nueva Granada), 1 1 4
Nueva Granada, 1 1 4
Pana (lineage name), 26, 63, 8 1 , 2 1 8 , 2 7 8 ,

3 1 3 , 368, 393, 433047, 4 6 1 - 6 2 0 4 1 ,
558
Ob'on (lineage name), 26, 4 5 3 m 1 2 . See
also B'e Ob'on, AjKali; NaOb'on Kupul
Ob'on, Chuen, 63
Ob'on, Matz, 63
Ob'on Kupul, 43 i n 2 8
4 7 4 0 8 0 , 4 7 4 0 8 9 . See also AjMuao Paoa;

AjPana; Chan Paoa, K'in; IxChan Pana;
Moan Pana; Punab', Chamach
Pana, Tanche, 390
Panama, 1 1 4
Index
Petenja (town), 6 5 , 2 3 7
Panub', 368
Parcialidades, 84, 9 2 , 93
Petmas (town), 6 3 , 5 1 0 1 1 1 0 4
Pardos, 2 2 9 , 2 5 9 , 2 6 7 , 4 6 7 0 6 1
Peto (town), xx, 130, 2 6 3 ^ 3 4 1 , 4 7 7 0 3 1 ,

485068
Parker , Joy, 42808
Philippines, xxii, 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 , 408, 4 1 1
Patch, Robert W., 5 5 , n y f

Patrilioeal descent, xxiii, 7 5 - 8 1
Physiciaos, 2 4 5 , 3 5 9 , 3 7 2
passim,
396, 4 3 9 n 5 8 , 4 4 7 1 1 5 1 . See also Ch'ib'al
Pimienta, see La Pimienta; Santa Rosa de la
446ml, 4 4 8 n 5 7
Pimienta
PaxB'olon, Pablo, 4 5 8 n 5 6
Pintado, Jose, 487n79
PaxB'olon Acha, 3 1 , 3 8
Pipils, 88
PaxB'olon Acha (Pablo PaxB'olon),
Piracy, xxiv
435n9
Peccary,
P'ich (town), 1 7 , 469x1x6

Piedras Negras (site), 445044
Patronyms, 54, 7 5 - 8 1 passim, 4 3 3 m l ,
Piragua (menor), 2 2 6 , 2 5 2 , 2 6 0 , 2 6 5 , 3 2 7 ,
4731146
Pecoc, see Pak'ok

Pendergast, David M . , 416x15
347,354,367
Piste, Manuel, 1 5 0
Penis incision, 204
Pix (lineage name), 26. See also IxTutz Pix
Peraza L., Carlos, 9
Pix, IxEtz,
Perez, Br. Thomas, 4 7 7 0 3 1
Plantains, 1 3 6 , 3 2 5 , 399
Perez, Francisco, 54
Playa Blanca, 3 7 1
Perez, Rodolfo, 23 5, 2 4 1
Pneumonia, 3 8 1
Perez de Giiemes, Lorenzo, 4 7 7 0 3 1
Pochutla (town), 4 1
Perez de San Roman, Fray Antonio, i48f,
Polain (town), 65
76-77
Political geography, see Cosmology, spa-
189
Peruvian Amazon, 1 1 4
tial; Quadripartite governance; Quarters;
Peten (defined), 9 3 , 4 5 2 0 9 6
Rulers of the East; Rulers of the North;

Rulers of the South; Rulers of the West
Peten, Department of, xix

Petenekte (town), x x , 1 3 0 , 3 3 9
Political organization, Maya, 8 2 , 449n66,

45on68. See also under Itzas
Petenil (estancia), 416

Peten Itza (presidio), 3 0 4 - 4 2 0 passim,
410,
416, 5 1 8 0 7 9 ; barracks of, 3 0 7 , 3 2 7 , 3 6 3 ;
P'ol (lineage name), 2 6 . See also AjChata

P'ol; AjK'in P'ol
Campeche Mayas at, 3 6 4 , 3 7 9 ; church
P'ol, Diego, 1 5 0
of, 3 0 4 , 3 3 2 , 3 6 3 , 3 6 5 , 398, 4 0 5 ; food
P'ol, IxKab'an,
shortages at, 3 2 3 , 3 4 5 , 3 4 7 , 3 5 6 , 3 5 9 ,
P'ol, Nakom, 4 5 , 49, 4 5 2 n 9 2 . See also
3 6 5 , 3 7 2 , 380; fort of, 3 4 7 , 3 5 0 , 3 6 5 ;
76-77
AjChata P'ol; AjK'in P'ol
garrison of, 3 2 7 ^ 3 4 5 , 3 4 7 , 353ft, 3 5 9 ,
Polol (town), 62
3641, 372f, 3 8 7 , 398, 4 0 3 , 4 1 1 , 4 8 6 n 7 7 ;
Polygyny, 8 1 , 4 0 5 . See also Marriage
general conditions at, 3 2 3 , 3 4 7 ^ 3 5 6 ;
Polygyny, sororal, 4 0 5 , 5161169
governance of, 3 2 7 , 3 5 7 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 9 , 4 0 8 -
Poot (lineage name), 26
4 1 2 , 4 1 7 , 5 0 5 0 2 3 ; Guatemalan settlers
Pop (defined), 89
of, 3 3 4 , 3 5 7 - 6 3 , 3 6 0 - 6 1 , 377f, 3 9 7 ; Itza
Pop (Poop) (town), 1 7 , 88, 1 0 3 , 3 2 5 , 3 5 0 ,
and Kowoj workers at, 3 5 3 ff, 3 9 8f,
3 8 2 . See also IxPop
404ft; supplies and support for, 3 3 8 - 4 1 ,
Pop, Ach Kat, 8j
345ft, 3 5 6 , 3 5 9 , 3 6 3 ^ 500x159,
Pope, 1 9 9 , 2 0 1
oin68,
502n89, 5 0 5 0 2 3 , 5 0 7 1 1 6 1 . See also
Popola (town), 4581156
Popolna, 7 1 , 4 5 1 1 1 8 6
Pablo, Laguna del Itza (presidio)
PopolVuj, 87
Index
Punta Candelaria, 5 1 4 1 1 3 2 . See also Punta
Poptun (town), 4331148

Population decline, see Censuses; Epi-
Nijtun
Punta Gorda (town), 4 2 1
demics; Population estimates

Population estimates, 3 4 6 , 416, 4 5 8 0 5 6 ; of
Punta Nijtun, 3 3 , 266, 2 7 1 , 2 9 7 , 3 4 9 , 3 9 4 ,
Choi Lakandons, 3 79^; of Itzas, 1 8 3 ,
4 3 6 1 1 2 2 , 5 1 4 0 3 2 . See also Punta Can-
442n4, 443m: 5; of Ixtus, 3 7 0 ; of Kejach
delaria
missions, 2 5 4 ^ of Kowojs, 3 2 5 , 442n4;
Putuns, 4 3 0 1 1 1 2 . See also Chontals
of Peten, 66ff, 3 9 5 , 3 9 5 1 , 4 0 6 - 9 , 4 0 7 ,
Pyrenees Mountains, 1 1 3
4 1 5 f f , 4441120, 5 2 i n n ; Censuses. See also

Epidemics; Matriculas
Quadripartite governance, 60, 8 3 , 9 1 - 1 0 1

passim, 4 4 i n n
Porras, Antonio de, 55

Postclassic period, 1 4 , 4 4 3 m 5 , 4 4 5 -
Quarters, 9 7 , 4 4 i n 2 , 4520.98; of Itza territory, xxiii, 60, 9 6 - 1 0 0 ; of Nojpeten,
461144, 4 5 2 n 9 3
Pot, Marcos, 1 4 4
xxiii, 69, 7 1 , 84, 96-99,
Pottery, 3 6 8 , 4 1 8
Rulers of the east; Rulers of the north;
Prada, Fray Cristobal de, 2 3 3 - 3 7
passim,
98. See also
Rulers of the south; Rulers of the west
303,4790
Preclassic period, 4521193
Rabinal (town), 7, 2 4 2
Prem, Hanns J . , 4x6x15
Rajon, Br. Diego, 4 7 7 0 3 1
Presidios, see Mopan (town); Nuestra
Rancheria, 65
Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo,
Rancho, 65
Laguna del Itza (presidio); San Pedro
Ranking, senior-junior, 9 3 - 9 6 passim, 1 0 4 ,
Martir (presidio)
44 i n 2 . See also Dual rulership
Pretil (defined), 4451140
Rape, 5 1
Priests, Maya, 1 4 , 40, 4 7
Rattlesnakes, 239
Principal pairs, see Ranking, senior-junior
Rebellions: of Itzas and Kowojs, 4 0 5 ; of
Prophecy: Franciscan interpretations of, 1 2 ,
Kowojs, 33 5f; of Manche Chols, 5 1 ; of
1 5 6 - 5 9 , 1 7 6 , 1 9 7 , 2 0 6 - 1 0 ; of Itzas,
Peten missions, xxi, xxvii, 3 5 7 , 3 8 7 ,
xxiv-xxv, 1 1 - 1 4 , 4 4 - 4 5 , 6 1 , io6f, 1 7 2 ,
3 9 7 - 4 0 5 , 4 1 3 - 1 7 passim,
1 7 4 , 1 8 1 - 8 4 passim; at Tipuj, 5 2 ; K'atun
5 1 4 0 3 9 ; rumors of, Peten, 3 2 3 - 2 4 , 3 4 9 -
prophecies
5 2 , 3 6 5 , 3 8 6 , 5 1 2 m 2 3 ; in Tz'ul
Proyecto Maya Colonial, xxiii, 4x6x14,

44xx\x, 4 8 9 n i 3
5i2ni2,
Winikob', 40, 4 9 , 5 2 , 56, 58

Recopilacion de las Indias, 23 8
Puk (lineage name), 2 3 , 26, 6 3 , 276f,
Recorders (instruments), 1 8 5
484053
Puk, Ajaw, 4 3 , 4 5 2 n 9 2
Redhead, mysterious, 2 3 5 , 2 4 1 , 478n48
Puk, AjUs, 63
Puk, Ayikal, 1 3 8 , 2 7 7 , 4 6 0 ^ 2 . See also
Puk, Cacique
Reductions, "de paz y de paso",
121, 153,
2 8 3 , 286, 2 9 1 , 343
Regidores, 1 2 7 , 1 5 0
Remesal, Antonio de, 2 3 7
Puk, B'atab', 6 2 , 6 5
Rendon, Sylvia, 428118
Puk, Cacique, 280L See also Puk, Ayikal
Rentero, Julio, 258
Puk, Felipe, 3 7 0
Repartimientos, 40, 4 7 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 9 ,
Puk, Lucas, 484059
186, 380, 4 5 5 0 1 8
Puk, Marcos, 4 7 o n 4 0
Repiiblicas de indios, see Town councils
Puk, Sal,
Requerimiento, 1 9 8 , 4 7 3 0 4 0
76-77
Puks, 1 3 8 , 3 1 9
Residencia, 1 2 6
Punab', Chamach, 2 1 8
Resistance, passive, 2 6 0 - 6 4 passim
Index
Rio Uk'um, 1 5 7
Rey (Itza title), 82

Reyezuelo (Itza title), 2 2 , 8 2 , 8 9 - 9 5
P~
as
sim, 1 8 2 , 308
Rio Usumacinta, xx, 3 1 , 4 1 , 1 1 2 , 1 3 0 , 3 3 9 ,

37i>4i7
Rhetoric, Spanish, 32.935, 3 7 2 , 5 i o n n o
Rio X o c m o , xx, 130, 1 3 7
Riachuelo Pixoyal, 33
Rio Xoyte, 385
Rice, Don S., xxiii
Rio Yaxal, 3 8 5 . See also Waxal
Rice, Prudence M . , xxiii
Ripalda Ongay, Bias Felipe de, 4 8 9 m 5
Ringle, William M . , 9, 45on68
Ripalda Ongay, Jose de, 3 0 4 , 3 3 7 - 4 0 ,
Rio, Diego Bernardo del, 1 3 3 f , 1 4 5 , 2 7 1 ,
50on58, 5 o 8 n 7 2
2-97, 3 3 ^ 336f, 3 4 * , 3 7 7 , 4 8 9 0 1 5
Rio Acte, 6, 8, 1 9 0 , 4 7 2 0 2 1 , 4 8 3 0 3 9
Rio Cancuen, 1 3 7
Ritual objects, 40, 4 7 , 5 3 , 1 5 1 , 1 9 0 . See
Rio Candelaria, 3 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 5 3 , 43 5 n i o
Rivas, Fray Bernardo de, 300
Rio Caribe, 1 5 3
Rivas, Fray Diego de, 68, 1 1 3 , 1 3 2 , 23 2,
also Crosses; Horse image; under Itzas;

Saints (images); Tzimin Chak
Rio Chakal, 2 3 3 . See also Chakal
2-43, 2-99, 3 3 3 , 3 5 , 3 ^ 3 , 3 7 6 , 3 7 9 , 3 3 ,
388, 3 9 4 - 9 7 passim, 4 2 9 ^ 0 , 4491164,
500T158, 50406, 5 1 5 0 3 9
8
Rio Chilapa, xx
Rio Chixoy, 130
Rio Coatzacoalcos, 29
River of the Toads, 1 3 6
Rio de los Dolores, 3 7 3
Road blockades, 4 2 , 3 6 6 , 385
Rio de Tachis, 4 1 . See also Rio San Pedro
Roads, Itza, 366f
Martir
Rodriguez, Francisco, 4 8 7 0 7 9
Rio Dulce, xx, 38
Rodriguez, Fray Lorenzo, 4 5 9 m 5
Rio El Subin, 6
Rodriguez, Melchor, 1 3 2
Rio Grande, xx, 385
Rome, 1 9 9
Rio Grijalva, 3 0
Rosaries, 2 1 3
Rio Hondo, xx,
39,130
Royal Council of Castile, 1 1 4
Rio Ixkonob, 4 7 2 U 2 I
Royal milpa, see King's milpa
Rio Lacantun, xx,
Roys, Ralph L., n f , 79f, io4f, 4 3 5 n n ,
130
Rio Machaquila, 130
4 3 8 0 0 , 449n66, 4 5 1 0 8 3 , 452.1193,
Rio Mamantel, 1 5 5
4530115,458056
Rio Mopan, xx, 6,18,
22,130, 218, 411
Rio Nojuk'um, xx, 130, 1 9 0 , 2 2 6 . See also

Rio San Pedro Martir
also Bovedas
Ruiz de Bustamaote, Juao Antooio, 4 1 2 ,
Rio Pasion, xx, 7, 9 9 , 1 3 0 , 2 4 3 , 3 1 4 , 3 4 6 ,
517076,5201197
Rulership, see Dual rulership; Itzas, politi-
3 5 , 3 3 > 3 7 i , 3 4 , 42-9010
6
Ruggiero, Daoiel, 5 2 2 0 1 2 7
Ruios, archaeological, 1 5 1 , 3 3 3 , 3 3 7 . See
Rio Motagua, xx, 13 0
cal orgaoization of
Rio Polochic, xx
Rio Saklemakal, 4 7 2 0 2 1
Rulers of the east, 98, 1 0 0 , 3 9 2
Rio Sanicte, 1 3 7
Rulers of the north, 9 4 - 9 9 , 9 8 , 1 4 0 , 2 2 3 ,

226, 253, 2 8 1 , 326, 4 0 2 - 4
Rio San Juan, 6, 1 3 7
Rulers of the south, 98, 99
Rio San Martin, 6 , 1 3 7

Rio San Pedro Martir, xx, 6, 3 1 , 4 2 ,
130,
1 6 3 , 190, 224, 226, 2 5 1 , 4 3 8 0 4 5 ,
Rulers of the west, 98, 9 9 , 1 0 4

Ruling council, see Itzas, ruling council of
4 8 3 0 3 9 . See also Rio de Tachis; Rio

Nojuk'um
Sab'ak (lineage name), 2 6
Rio Subin, 4 2 9 0 1 0
Sacalum, 5 1
Rio Tacotalpa, 30
Sacrifice: animal, 97; human, 4 7 ^ 5 7 - 5 8 ,
Index
7 1 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 7 , 3 0 3 , 3 1 3 , 316, 321, 330-
Salt, 2 6 7 , 288, 3 4 6 , 366, 398, 4 5 8 n 5 5
34, 3 7 2 , 4531111, 47911, 4981m; Heart
Salted meat, see Beef jerky
excision
Sambos, 408. See also Miskitos
Sacristanes, 1 5 0
San Agustin (town), 3 4 5 , 3 7 1 , 5071158
Saenz, Gregorio Carlos, 3 3 0
San Andres (apostle), 393
Sagiies y Sabalsa, Sebastian, 26if, 487n79
San Andres (town), 2 7 , 3 3 , 8 1 , 3 8 9 , 3 9 0 ,
Sahagun, Fray Bernardino de, 88
392f, 3 9 4 , 4 0 2 , 4 0 9 , 4 1 0 , 414U
Sahlins, Marshall, 288
4 4 6 n 4 5 , 4481157, 4 7 1 1 1 1 7 ,
Sailors, 267, 483ml
5 1 3 n n , 5 2onn. See also Chak'an
Saints (images), 5 3 , 30of, 3 9 1 , 4 1 9 , 4 2 1

Sajkab'ch'en (partido), 2 5 4 , 4 5 8 ^ 6
1 3 1 , 1 4 4 , 1 5 3 - 5 6 , 227, 255, 262, 339,

458n57,462049,465033, 466n4i
Sakalaka (town), 485n68
San Antonio (town, camino real), 5 i 8 n 7 9

San Antonio (town, Lago Peten Itza), 389,
3 9 0 , 3 9 3 - 9 5 , 3 9 4 , 3 9 9 ~ 4 3 , 4*o,
514035
Sakalum (town), xx, 4 2 - 5 2 passim
San Antonio del Itza, Puerto Nuevo de,
130
Sakb'ajlan (town), xx,
San Antonio (town, Belize), 2 2 , 42of,

433 48
Sajkab'ch'en (town), xx, 4 2 , 58, 1 2 9 , 1 3 0,
Sakatan (town), xx,
416,
496x173,
3 7 1 . See also Saklemakal
5,130,132-33,
1 4 2 - 4 6 passim, 2 3 2 , 248, 417114.
See
San Antonio de Padua, 1 9 0

San Antonio Viejo (town, Belize), 22
also Nuestra Senora de los Dolores del
San Benito (town), 39if, 5 0 3 n i o i
Lacandon
San Bernabe (saint), 493x110
Sakche (town), 4 6 8 m 6
San Bernabe (town), 3 9 0 , 4 1 0 , 4 1 3 ,
Saki (Sakiwal), 1 3 , 43 i n 2 8
416,
52omo3
Saklemakal (Chak'an Itza town), 4 4 3 n i 4

Saklemakal (town), 6, 17, 6 3 , 65!*, 2 1 6 ,
3 2 5 , 37of, 3 8 2 , 3 8 5 , 4 9 6 m , 5 0 7 1 1 6 1 ,
San Buenaventura, Fray Francisco de

(bishop), 4 1 7
San Buenaventura Chavez, Fray Juan de,
5 i o n 9 9 , 5 1 0 m 1 0 . See also San Antonio
1 4 8 , 1 5 3 - 6 2 passim, 2 2 7 ^ 3 0 3 , 3 1 2 ,
del Itza, Puerto Nuevo de
341, 469n2i
Sakluk (estancia), 416
Sanchez, Br. Juan Francisco del Canto,
Sakpeten (town), 6, 17,18,
468m 6
Sakpuy (town), 6, 8, 3 6 6 , 3 8 4 , 442114,

4691116,
51111115
477031
Sanchez, Fray Cristobal, 1 5 3
Sanchez de Berrospe, Gabriel, 2 4 0 - 4 4 pas-
Sakpuy, Santa Maria de (town), 366

Saksel (town), 62, 5 1 1 0 1 1 5
sim, 3 2 1 , 3 3 7 - 4 0 , 3 4 7 - 5 8 passim, 364,

3 7 2 , 3 7 9 ^ 499058
Saksuus (town), xx, 1 6 8 , 46806, 4681115
Sanchez Polo, Romulo, xxiii
Sakwan (lineage name), 26
San Cristobal de las Casas (city), 3 3 9 . See
Sakyaxche (town), xx, 130, 4 2 9 n i o . See
San Cristobal Extramuros (Merida), 1 5 0
also Sayaxche
Saiama (town), xx, 130,
also Ciudad Real
135!?, 502n89; car-
riers from, 233ft
Sandoval, Gaspar de, Conde de Galve (viceroy), 1 2 4 , 2 4 6 - 5 1
Salamanca, Spain, 1 1 4
Sandoval, Gonzalo de, 29
Salamanca de Bacalar, see Bacalar, Sala-
San Felipe (estancia del rey), 416,
manca de
518079
Sao Fraocisco (saiot), 2 1 2
Salas, Fray Diego de, 1 5 8 , 1 6 0 , 254
Sao Fraocisco (towo), 3 9 0 , 3 9 0 , 3 9 3 , 3 9 4 ,
Salazar, Fray Gabriel de, 52
399, 5 3 M
Sao Francisco, Fray Lucas de, 469x1x1
San Francisco de Sales (saint), 393
Salazar, Nicolas de, 1 8 5

Salazar y Cordoba, Francisco de, 263f
Index
San Francisco Xavier (saint), 4 1 9
San Pedro (apostle), 1 9 9
San Francisco Xavier (town), 4o8f, 4 1 0 ,
San Pedro de las Huertas (town), 67
4 1 3 , 4 1 9 , 517072-, 5
l 8 n
San Pedro Inocente (pope), 1 9 9
7 9 , 52-mi24
San Pedro Martir (presidio), 2 3 3 , 2 3 8 - 4 3
San Ignacio del Cayo (town), 2 1 8
passim, 3 6 3 ^ 3721", 48on75
San lidefonso, Fray Jacinto, 5 1
San Pedro Martir, Savannah of, see San
San Jeronimo (saint), 3 9 2

San Jeronimo (town), 3 9 0 , 3 9 0 - 9 4
394, 40it, 4*, 4*5, 4*6,
passim,
Pedro Martir (presidio)

San Reymundo (town), 1 4 0
513017,
San Roman, Fray Antonio de, 226
5i8n79, 52omo2
San Joaquin de Chakal, see Chakal
San Roman Nonato (town), 379f, 509nn
San Jose (saint), 3 9 1
Santa Ana Vieja (town), 3 7 , 4 1 4 , 4 1 6 ,

5i8n79, 5 2 i n n o
San Jose (town), 2 7 , 8 1 , 389, 3 9 0 , 3 9 1 ,

3 9 4 , 3 9 6 , 42<> 4 6 , 4*o, 4*3, 4*6,
4*7,
Santa Cruzada, 1 1 8 , 1 8 6 , 249

Santa Elena (town), 365
446n45,448n57,5i3nn, 52onio2
San Jose de Ixtus (town), 3 7 0 . See also Ixtus
Santa Isabel (town), 5 1 8 0 7 9
San Jose Nuevo (town), 3 9 2 , 4 2 1
Santa Maria de Nojk'u, see NojK'u
San Juan (town), 410. See also San Juan
Santander, Colombia, 1 1 4
Santa Rita (town), 5 1 8 ^ 7 9
Baptista
Santa Rosa (estancia), 416
San Juan, Bernardo de, 297

San Juan Baptista (town), 390, 3 9 0 , 3 9 3 ,
394,399,401,
513029, 5
l 8 n
also Chanchanja, Santa Clara de
79
Santiago, Order of, 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 , 1 2 4 , 4 0 9 ,
San Juan de Dios (estancia), 4 1 6

San Juan del Obispo (town), 6yf
4 5 5
San Luis (town), xx, 7, 1 9 , 2 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 4 ,

408, 410,413,416,
419ft,
Santa Rosa de la Pimienta (town), 380. See
nn
Santiago de Guatemala (city), xx, xxvii, 49,

61, 67, 1 3 2 1 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 4 , 1 7 2 , 2 3 3 , 248,
433046,
5 i 7 n 7 2 , 5 i 8 n 7 9 , 5 2 i n n , 5 2 2 n i 2 7 - See
also Mopan
San Martin (town), 3 8 9 , 390, 3 9 2 - 9 5 , 394,
2-99, 3 0 5 , 337ff, 3 4 5 , 3 57*, 3 59, 3 7 4 # ,

3 8 8 , 4 1 9 , 4 7 9 ^ 502n86, 5 1 5 m l , 5 1 7 0 7 7
Santillan, Diego de, 4 1
Santos, Manuel de los, 4 8 7 0 7 9
3 9 9 - 4 0 3 , 409, 410, 4 1 7 , 5 1 3 0 2 4 ,
Saoto Tomas (fort), 290
5 i 4 n 3 5 , 5 i 8 n 7 9 , 52onio3
San Martin Obispo (saint), 3 9 2 , 5 1 ^ 2 2
Saoto Toribio (town), 2 1 ,
130,408,410,
4*3, 4*5, 4*6, 4 3 3 o n , 4 3 4 - 3 5 0 0 ,
San Miguel (town), see San Miguel,
438034,446045, 5 1 3 0 2 9 , 517072.,
Arcangel
5i8n79
San Miguel, Arcangel (saint), 5 1 3 m 3

San Miguel, Arcangel (town), 3 8 9 - 9 1 , 390,
Sapos (rancho),
4617135
Sapote (estancia), 416
394, 396, 4 0 2 , 4 1 0 , 5 i 8 n 7 9
San Miguel, Br. Francisco de, 3 8 9 - 9 8 pas-
Saraus, Estevan de, 1 2 9 , 4 5 8 m

Saraza, Francisco de, 1 2 6 , 4 5 7 ^ 0
sim
San Miguel, Br. Marcos de, 388
Sarmiento, Juan Ramos, 4 8 7 0 7 9
San Miguel Ixtatan (town), see Ixtatan, San
Sarstoon River, xx, 7, 38
Miguel de
Sarteneja, 1 5 1 ,
San Miguel y Figueroa, Br. Francisco de,
Sawyers, 260, 2 6 7 , 3 4 7
Saxkumil (town), 62
334, 383, 477031
Sayaxche (town), 7. See also Sakyaxche
San Pablo (apostle), 2 1 2 , 30of, 493nn
Scarification, 1 4 0 , 319ft, 478x149
San Pablo (estancia), 416

San Pedro (town), 390, 3 9 0 , 3 9 3 , 394,
513029
46511x4
410,
Scheie, Linda, 9, 1 0 5 , 3 3 4 , 4 2 8 n 8 , 4 3 o n i 8 ,
44 44, 45 093
6 n
Index
Scholes, France V., 5 1 , 43 5nn, 4 3 8 0 4 5 ,
Schwartz, Norman B., 5 1 2 m , 5 2 i n i n
35> 3 3 9 " 4 5 > 3 5 > 374> 4 % 454"7>

469nn, 4 8 4 0 5 7 ; excommunicated, i n ,
1 2 4 , 1 2 6 , 246; opposes Ursua, 2 4 5 - 5 1 ,
Secular clergy, Yucatan, xxvii, 1 1 8 , 1 2 2 ,
2-5 > 32-3, 32-9*, 3 4 , 4 9 7 0 2 4
4401171, 458056
1 2 9 , 1 4 8 , 1 6 r, 1 6 3 , 1 7 5 - 8 2
passim,
23 of, 249, 2 5 7 ^ 2 6 7 ^ 4 0 1 ; conflict with

Franciscans, 1 5 7 , 1 6 3 ^ 1 7 6 , 1 8 0 , 1 8 7 ,
6f
6f
Social organization, Maya, see Bilateral descent; Double descent; Lineages; Matrilioeal descent; Patrilineal descent
2 2 0 , 2 2 5 ^ 2 3 0 , 245f, 300; in Peten, 3 2 3 ,
Sojkol (town), 3 2 5
3 2 8 - 3 7 passim, 3 4 9 - 5 5 passim, 3 5 9 ,
Solis, Br. Salvador de, 4 7 7 0 3 1
366, 3 7 2 , 3 8 8 - 9 8 passim, 4 0 5 , 4 0 9 - 1 3
Solis, Jeronimo de, 487n79
passim, 4 1 1 - 4 1 8 passim, 4 9 2 m ; at
Sosa, Agustin de (s), 228
Tipuj, 40, 4 3 , 23of, 2 4 9 - 3 2
Sotuta (province), i 8 f
passim,
Sotuta (town), 263
477031
Segmentary states, 45on68
Sousa, Br. Jose Estanislao, 5 2 0 1 1 1 0 5
Sermons, 3 4 , 44, 48, 1 5 3 , 1 9 5 ^ 204, 47911
Soyte River, xx
Servicio personal, 1 2 9 , 1 4 3 , 3 5 3 , 405
Spears, 3 1
Sesere, Manuel Jorge, 1 4 2 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 3 , 1 8 9 ,
Spies, Itza, 1 3 9 , 2 2 8 , 4 3 6 0 2 3
Spondylus shell, 3 5 , 4 3 7 n 2 6
251,483037
Sexuality, Itza, 2 1 1 , 267, 287ft, 3 3 1 - 3 5 ,
3 5 2ff, 4991145
Squashes, 50, 2 0 2
Staffs of office, 4 3 , 1 8 8 , 2 0 9 - 1 3
passim
Shackles, 3 1 6 , 3 2 5 ^ 3 7 3 , 404
State, archaic, 82
Shamanism, 3 1 6 f t
Stockades, 48, 66, 236f, 4 7 8 n 5 5 , 5 i i n n 6 .
Sharer, Robert J . , 9, 4 2 9 m l
See also Fortifications, Maya
Shrimp, 2 0 2
Stone, Andrea J . , 4 3 3 n 4 7
Sib'alch'en (town), 5 i 8 n 7 9
Sub'elnaj (town), 62
Sibun River, xx
Sumb'ob' (estancia), 416
Sierra (partido), 4 6 - 4 9 passim, 1 4 3 , 2 4 9 ^
Sumkal, Francisco, 420
256ft, 2 6 3 , 4 8 4 0 5 7 , 5 o i n 7 i
Silva, Fray Juan Antonio, i48f, 1 5 8 - 6 1
passim, 1 6 7 , 1 7 7 , 1 8 7 , 1 9 8 , 225
Silver, 1 8 4 , 2 1 1 . See also Coins, silver
Sumpan (town), 63
Surnames, see Names, lineage
Suyuja Peten Itza, 7, 9 2 , 4 2 7 ~ 2 8 n 8 . See
also Zuyua
Sima (lineage name), 26, 1 4 0

Sima, B'atab' and Cacique, 6 5 , 2 3 1
Sima, IxMen,
76-77
Tabasco, xx, 9, 3 0 , 3 5 , 4 i f , 88, 3 4 1 , 4 1 7 ,

449063
Singers, see Maestros: Cantores
Tab'in Chan (town), 4 6 8 m 6
Singing, Itza, 1 9 1 , 2 0 3 , 4 5 3 m 1 2
Taiza, 429n9
Sinib'akan (Zinibacan) (town), 1 2
Taj (defined), 429119
Sinoja (town), 385
Taj Itza, 7, 29. See also Nojpeten
Sintla, Jose de, 4 8 7 n 7 9
Tajltza (town, Sarstoon River), 38
Sisal (town), 43 i n 2 8
TajMakanche (town), 6 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 6 3 , 429119
Sittee River, xx, 385
TajWital, 4 3 8 0 3 5
Slave raiding, English, 4 0 8 - 1 2 passim
Talking "idols", io2f, 2 7 7 ^ 4 6 1 0 4 1
Slaves, black, 1 8 5 , 4 1 2
Tamaxu (town), 502n89
Slaves, Maya, 4 0 8 - 1 2 passim
Tamay, Pedro, 4 6 8 0 1 5
Smallpox, 3 7 6 , 3 8 7 , 408, 4o8f, 5 i 7 n 7 7
Tankaj, 4 3 0 - 3 m 2 4 . See also Mayapan
Soberanis y Centeno, Roque de, 1 1 1 - 1 5
Tanxulukmul (site), 6,
passim, 1 1 9 , 1 2 3 - 2 6 , 1 7 7 , 2 2 3 , 2 6 3 ^
43oni7,47ini5,483n39
8,10,17,130,190,
Index
Tapia, Manuel de, 3 7 3
Tik'al (site), xx, 6, 1 7 , 1 0 5 , 1 3 0 , 2 1 9 , 3 5 0
Tattooing, 1 3 8 , 2 1 1
Tik'al (town), 3 5 0
Taxim Chan, see Chan, Taxim
Tik'intunpa-Mamantel (town), 4 5 8 ^ 6
Taxim Chan (town), 2 1 , 455>nn
Tik'uch (town), 43 i n 2 8
Tayasal, 4 2 9 0 9 , 4 3 4 0 2 . See also Nojpeten,
Tikul (town), 62
Tilaj (town), 63
33
Tayasal peninsula, 5 2 o n i o 3
Timul (town), 63
Teab'o (town), 258
Tinal (lineage name), 26
Te B'alam, 6 5 , 3 6 6
Tipuj (town), xx, 4^ 221*, 3 9 - 4 7
passim,
Tek (lineage name), 26, 4 2 1
56f, 6 5 , ioof, 1 3 0 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 8 , 1 5 6 - 6 1
Tek, Chamach, 5071153
passim, 1 6 8 - 7 7 passim, 1 8 3 ^ 2 0 1 , 2 1 0 ,
Tek, Juan Francisco, 1 7 1 , 1 8 6 , 3 2 8 . See also
2 1 4 - 1 8 passim, 2 2 5 - 2 3 1 passim,
242,
2 7 3 - 7 8 passim, 2 8 2 , 284, 3 0 2 , 3 2 0 , 3 2 4 ,
AjTek
Tek'ax (town), 4 8 , 1 4 3 ^ 2 2 8 - 2 9 , &3>
Z
97>
5orn84
3 2 6 , 3 8 4 , 3 8 8 , 408, 4 3 3 - 3 4 0 4 8 ,
439054, 441095, 468n6,468ni5,
Tek'it (town), 2 5 7 , 485n66
4751196, 4 7 7 n 3 0 , 4 8 5 n 6 7 , 506042; 1 6 9 6
Tekoj (town), 485n68
entrada to, 23of, 2 4 9 - 5 2 passim, 2 5 6 ^
Telchak (town), 1 5 0 , 463x110
Itza influence over, 8, 2 0 , 5 2 - 5 5 , 1 0 3 ;
Telchaquillo (town), 4 6 3 n i o
people of in Peten, 3 24, 3 68, 3 69
Tello, Br. Juan, 2 5 9

Tello y Guzman, Bruno, 1 2 0
Temchay (town), 1 3 0 , 1 5 i f , 464x1x0
Temples, Maya, 4 1 , 88, 3 3 3 . See also Nojpeten, temples of
Tenab'o (town), 1 3 0
Tisimin (town), xx, 1 3 0 . See also Chilam

B'alam, books of
Titles, Aztec, see Achcauhtli; Cihuacoatl;
Tlatoani
Titles, Itza, see Ach Kat; Ajaw; Ajaw
B'atab'; Ayikal; B'atab'; Cacique;
Tenkis (town), 38
Cacique principal; Chamach; Ch'atan;
Tenochtitlan, 29, 3 7 , 88, 441x12
Jalach Winik; Kuch Pop Kit Kan;
Tenosique (town), xx, 4 i f , 57, 1 3 0
Nakom; Noj Tz'o; Rey; Reyezuelo; Tz'o;
Teotihuacan, 1 0
Tz'o Kan; Tz'o Kan Tz'ik
Tepakam (town), 1 5 0
Titles, Kowoj, see Captain
Tequio, 404
Titles, Yucatec, see B'ob'at; Jalach Winik;
Tesukan, Reyezuelo, 90, 96, 96, 2 7 7 . See

also AjChata, N o j ; Chata
Tesukuo (lineage name), 2 1 , 2 6 , 62,
433x146. See also Tesukan
Jol Pop; Nakom

Tixb'ol Pululja (town), 1 3 8 , 4 6 0 ^ 2
Tixchel (town), xx, 130, 4 4 9 n 6 3 , 4 5 8 ^ 6
Tixkakal (town), 130, 2 6 3 , 48 5n68
Tesukun, Cacique, 4 5 9 n i 9
Tixonte (town), 4 3 3 n 4 8
Tetlepanquetzatzin, 43 5 m 2
Tlatoani (Nahuatl title), 4 5 i n 8 8
Thompson, J , Eric S., 20, 42of, 4 2 5 ^
Toledo District, Belize, 4 1 9 - 2 0 , 4 3 3 n 4 8 ,
4 3 o n i 2 , 4 3 ^ 4 3 , 4 3 4 0 5 3 , 494"34
4781148
52ini24
Tools, metal, 40, 1 5 9 , 1 8 4 , 1 9 4 , 2 0 1 , 208,
Thompson, Philip C , 446044
2 1 2 , 288, 364; trade in, 4 0 , 1 9 2 , 2 0 5 . See
Tiak (town), 3 2
also Axes; Knives; Machetes
Tib'ayal (town), 1 4 0 , 4 6 i n 3 5
Topoxte (site),
6,18
Tib'oj (town), 3 7 1 . See also AjB'ojom; B'oj
Toro de Acufia (town), 5 0 - 5 3
Tib'olon (town), 4 6 1 - 6 2 ^ 1
Torture, 48, 50, 306, 3 1 6 - 1 9 , 3 3 2
Tichak (town), 4 6 3 ^ 1 0
Tovilla, Martin Alfonso, 4 9 - 5 1
Tihoo (Tijoo), 2 0 1 . See also Merida
Town councils, 43f, 1 5 0 , 2 6 3 , 4 1 4
Index
Towns, Itza, 6 1 - 6 6 , 442ml, 4 4 3 0 1 0
Tzakwan
Towns, Kowoj, 66
Tozzer, Alfred M.,
Tzakwam (lineage name), 26. See also

Tzakwan (lineage name), 2 1 . See also
499:141
Trade: Maya, 3 1 , 3 7 - 4 0 passim, 47, 49,
Itzk'in Tzakwan; Tzakwam
9 9 - 1 0 1 , 1 5 0 , 1 9 2 , 205, 2 1 2 , 309, 3 1 4 ,
Tzam (lineage name), 26
3 3 3 , 4 2 7 n 6 ; Maya-Spanish, 1 3 5 - 3 9 pas-
Tzawi (lineage name), 26
sim, 174, 1 8 1 , 1 8 4 , 348. See also Barter
Tzel (lineage name), 26
goods
Tzib' (lineage name), 63, 4 2 1
Traven, B., 4 3 7 n 2 9
Tz'ib' (lineage name), 26, 393
Tree, cosmic or world, 4 4 4 n 2 6 . See also
T z ' i b ' , B ' a k , 390

Tz'ib', Nikte, 390
Yaxcheel Kab'
Tribute: Itza, 44; Spanish, 1 3 , 6 5 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 9 ,
143, 1 5 5 , 4 0 4 , 4 1 1 , 4 5 5 1 1 1 7 , 5i9n88
Tzimin Chak, 44, 5 3 , 58, 4 3 7 0 2 9 . See also

Horse image
Tzin (lineage name), 26, 62, 3 9 2 , see
Triple Alliance, 9 1
AjTz'ik Tzin
Troops, see Militias
Tzin, Ajaw, 89H, 90, 96. See also Tzin
Trujillo (villa), 38
Trumpets, 1 8 5 , 1 9 4 , 2 3 9 . See also Bugles
Ajaw, Reyezuelo; Tzin, B'atab'; Tzin,
Tulumki (town), i 9 f
Cacique; AjTz'ik Tzin
Tulumkis, 67, 4 3 2 0 4 2 ,
433-341148
Tzin, Ajaw, Reyezuelo, 1 8 2 . See also Tzin,
Tun (calendrical period), 1 4
Ajaw; Tzin, B'atab'; Tzin, Cacique;
Tun (lineage name), 26, 1 4 0
AjTz'ik Tzin
Tun, AjChak,
Tzin, AjTz'ik, see AjTz'ik Tzin
461x135
Tzin, B'atab', 98, 1 0 0 , 3 9 2 . See also Tzin,
Tun, AjSoy, 62
Tun, Jeronimo, 255
Ajaw; Tzin Ajaw, Reyezuelo; Tzin,
Tunkul, 1 8 5 . See also Drums
Cacique; AjTz'ik Tzin, B'atab'

Tzin, Cacique, 90, 9 1 . See also Tzin, Ajaw;
Turtle shells, 1 8 5
Tut (lineage name), 26, 62, 4 2 9 n i o ,
Tzin Ajaw, Reyezuelo; Tzin, B'atab';

AjTz'ik Tzin, B'atab'
507053
Tut (province), 384
Tzin, Pedro, 4 0 i f
Tut, 63. See also NojTut
Tz'o (Itza title), 9 2
Tut, AjChak, 62
Tzok (town), 468x116
Tut, B'atab', 95-99
passim,
98,140,
192, 228, 2 8 1 , 3 1 8 , 382, 386, 3 9 1 , 402.
Tz'o Kan (Itza title), 8 7 ^ 9 i f , 384

Tz'o Kan Tz'ik (Itza title), 85, 90, 96
See also AjTut; Noj Che, Cacique; Tut,
Tz'ola (town), 3 2 5
Cacique
Tzol k'in (calendrical period), 1 4 , 4 4 5 0 4 2
Tut, Cacique, 90, 92. See also AjTut; Noj

Che, Cacique; Tut, B'atab'
Tzotz (town), 8, 62
Tzuk (lineage name), 26
Tut, Captain, see Tut, Cacique
Tzuk Kupul, 4 3 i n 2 8
Tut, YumKuk, 5 0 7 0 5 3
Tzukte (town), 1 3 0
Tuts, 3 1 4 , 3 1 8 - 2 0 , 5 1 0 - n n n o
Tzuktok' (town), xx,
Tutul Xiws, i8f, 4 3 2 n 3 9 ,

Tutz (lineage name), 26,
451x193
76-77
Tz'akab' (defined), 80, 4 4 7 0 5 1 , 4 5 0 0 7 3

Tzak (lineage name), 2 1 , 26, 3 2 0 , 4 3 3 n 4 6 ,
passim, 1 8 9 , 2 2 4 , 2 3 0 ,
2 4 8 - 5 9 passim, 363, 465x130,
466x141,
4 8 1 m l , 484nn
Tz'ul, Agustin, 4 8 4 ^ 9
Tz'ulub', Diego, 254
43300
Tzak, Cacique,
1 4 5 , 151-61
42,129-32,130,
4591119
Tzakal (lineage name), 2 1 , 26
Tz'ul Winikob'( defined), 4 2 7 n 2

Tz'ul Winikob' (province), 3 , 5, 39f, 5 2 - 6 5
Index
Tzun Kal (town),
Vargas, Fray Jacinto de, 2 3 3 , 2 3 7 , 3 0 3 ,
$09x181
463n66
Tzunpana (province), 5 1 0 m 1 0
Tzunpana (town), 3 8 1
Vargas, Juan de, 259
Tzuntekum (lineage name), 2 6 , 62. See also
Vargas Dorantes, Br. Marcos de, 3 8 8 - 9 8

passim, 4 0 5 ^ 479n, 5 1 3 1 m , 5 i 6 n 7 i
AjTzuntekum
Tz'ununchan (lineage name), 4 3 3 n 4 8
Velasco, Captain, 1 5 0
Tz'ununwitz (town), 8, 6 2 , 65
Velasquez y Valdez, Pedro, 3 3 8ff

Verapaz, xx, 5 , 7 , 4 2 , 4 9 , 9 9 ^ 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 ,
Uk, Diego, 1 4 4
1 3 2 - 3 5 , 1 4 2 , 232f, 2 3 8 , 2 4 2 , 2 5 2 , 3 3 3 ^
Uk, Pedro, 4 1 , 4 3 8 n 4 5
3 4 2 - 4 6 passim, 356ft, 3 7 1 - 7 7
Urran Valley, 7
3 8 4 , 4 1 8 - 2 1 passim, 417x16,
Ursua, Francisco de, 1 2 6 , 2 5 0 , 4 5 6 n 2 6 ,
507n6i
passim,
502n89,
Verganza, Agustin de, 3 3 0
48109
Ursua, Pedro de (16th century), 1 1 4 , 4 5 4 0 7
Veytia, Juan Jose de, 4 5 4n7
Ursua, Pedro de ( 1 7 t h century), 1 1 4
Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, Juan de, xxii,
Ursiia y Arizmendi de Egues y Beaumont,
57, 7 3 , 1 1 6 , 1 3 1 , 3 0 3 , 3 4 2 , 3 5 8 , 3 6 4 ,
374, 4 2 5 ^ 4 5 5 n i 6 , 46804, 485n62,
Pedro de, 1 1 4
Ursiia y Arizmendi, Martin de, x i x - x v i passim, 7 3 , 9 2 , 94, 1 1 1 - 3 3 passim,
passim, x6zi, 1 6 8 - 8 9 passim,
142-56
198-201,
495056
Villahermosa (city), 30
Villa Real, 39
206, 2 1 9 - 3 3 passim, 2 3 9 , 2 4 3 - 3 4 6 pas-
Villatoro, Diego de, 454n7
sim, 3 5 2 , 3 5 6 - 7 3 passim, 3 8 4 - 8 9 pas-
Visitas, 40
sim, 404, 4 1 2 , 4 5 4 m , 4 5 5 n n , 456nn,

469ml, 481x113,
484062, 49200,
War captains, 1 1 7 , 1 2 9
4 9 4 0 2 8 , 4 9 5 0 5 6 , 5 0 0 0 5 9 , 5 1 9 0 8 8 ; as
War councils, 2 4 3 , 2 8 6 - 9 2 passim
future governor of Philippioes, xxii, 1 1 3 ,
Wards, see Quarters
1 1 5 , 408, 4 1 1 ; opposed by Soberanis,
Warfare, 7 - 1 0 , 88, 1 0 6 ; deities of, 74, 1 0 2 ,

4 4 o n 7 i , 4 5 3 m 1 2 ; Itza-Chinamita, 20,
M 5 ~ 5 h 2-56f, 32-3, 3 9 f , 3 4 1 , 4 9 7 0 2 4 ;
titles of, xxii, 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 , 409, 4 1 1 . See
4 3 , i o i f ; Itza-Itza, 66, 68, 9 5 , 1 0 0 , 1 6 7 ,
also Lizarraga, Conde de
1 9 2 , 2 2 3 , 2 7 4 , 289, 3 8 1 - 8 7 , 4 0 2 ,
Ursua y Arizmendi, Pedro de, 1 1 4
5 1 0 m 1 0 ; Itza-Kejach, 3 i f , 2 5 3 , 4 8 4 n 6 2 ,
Us (lineage name), 2 7 . See also IxKab' Us
4 9 8 0 2 7 ; Itza-Kowoj, 56, 9 5 , 1 0 1 , 1 6 7 ,
Us, Bonifacio, 1 4 4
1 9 7 , 2 1 3 , 220, 2 2 3 , 274, 289, 3 2 5 ^ 3 8 1 -
Uspeten (town), 8,17,
325
87, 4 0 2 , 4 4 4 n 3 3 ; Itza-Manche Choi, 4 9 -
Ustariz, Juan Andres de, 4 5 4 n 7
5 2 , 4 4 0 0 7 1 ; Itza-Mopan, 4 4 1 0 1 0 1 ; Itza-
Usulab'an (town), 4 5 8 n 5 6
Spanish, xxv, 139ft, 1 7 i f , 113-31
Usumacinta (partido), 4 2
pas-
sim, 2 4 8 , 2 7 7 , 2 8 1 , 2 8 8 - 9 4
Wax, see Beeswax
Vacant see, 246
Waxal (town), 38$. See also Rio Yaxal
Valencia, Br. Manuel, 4 7 7 1 1 3 1
Wayeb' rituals, 69, 9 5 - 9 9 , 4 4 4 n 2 6 ,
Valladolid (villa), xx, 5 , 1 1 , 1 3 , 1 3 0 ,

485066
Valtierra, Antonio, S J . , 4 1 3 , 4 1 9
452nio6
Waymil (province), 39f
Weapons; Itza and Kowoj, 4 3 , 50, 1 3 5 - 4 1
Vanilla, 1 8 4 , 207
passim, 1 9 4 , 2 0 5 , 228f, 3 6 5 , 3 8 2 , 4 0 0 ,
Varaya, Gaspar Reymundo, 3 9 5 , 3 9 9 - 4 0 2 ,
479n, 5 i o n i o o ; Kejach, 3 1 , 1 3 1 ; Span-
5141139
Vargas, Alonso de, i 4 8 f
ish, 3 5 , 1 3 9 , 1 4 4 , 1 5 0 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 5 , 252f,
165-69
passim, 3 59, 4 0 3 , 4 3 7 0 2 7 , 4 7 9 0 ,
Index
4X611-8, 48911]
AMMUNITION; Artillery;
Yalak {town), 62
BOWS and arrows; CROSSBOWS; GUN-
Yalkanix (estancia). 4 1 6
POWDER; Lances; Spears
Y a k u t (estancia), 416
Weaving, 405f
Yasuncabil (town), 3 2
WHIPPING, 405
Yawilain, aguada, 1 9 0
Wikab' (town), 4 6 8 m 6
Yaxh'ete (town), 62
W i k a b \ Juan, 468116
Yaxche (town), 62, 6 3 , 4 2 9 0 1 0
Wikab', Maria, 4691115
Yaxcheel Kab', 69, 1 9 7 , 4 4 4 m 6
Wikab', Mateo, 1 6 9 - 7 5 passim, 1 8 1 , 1 8 3 ,
Yaxchilan , 1 0 5
Yaxja (town), 63
1 8 8 , 3 24, 468116, 4691115

Wine, 226
Yaxja River, xx
Women, Itza, 5 5 , 76f, 7 9 , 2 1 4 ^ 267,2.87FT,
Yaxkab'a (town), 2 6 3 , 485n68
296, 3 5 i f f , 366f, 3 7 9 , 3 8 2 , 4 0 5 , 44on88,

4 8 9 1 1 1 1 ; captured by Spaniards, 3 5 iff,
3
Yax Kokaj Mut, 444x126. See also AjKokaj

Mut
Yaxle (town), 63
6 f
7
Yaxtenay (town), 17, 3 2 5

Xalal (province), 5 i o n i i o
Yearbearers, 9 7 , 98
Xewlila (town), 63
Yellow fever, 5o8n74
Xicalango (province), 30
Yochjalek' (town), see Yoxjalek'
Xiken (lineage name), 27
Yol (town), 49
Xiken, Kuk, 5 0 7 n 5
Yoxjalek' (town), 464x119
Xililchi (town), 8,17,
Yucatan: bishops of, see Arriaga, Fray An-
325
Ximenez, Fray Francisco, 5 1 , 303
tonio de; Cano y Sandoval, juan; Landa,
Xiws, see Tutul Xiws
Fray Diego de; San Buenaventura, Fray
X o k m o (town), 240
Francisco de; governors of, see Barcena,
Xoyte, see Rio Xoyte
Juan Jose de; Figueroa, Antonio de; Men-
Xulu (lineage name), 27
dez de Canzo, Antonio; Meneses Bravo
Xulu, Chamach, 63, 6 5 , 1 7 0 , 216f, 27of,
de Sarabia, Fernando; Soberanis y Cen-
2 8 0 - 8 4 passim, 3 0 6 , 3 1 3 , 3 6 7 - 7 0 pas-
teno, Roque; Tello y Guzman, Bruno; Ursiia y Arizmendi, Martin de
sim, 5 0 7 n 5 3
Yucatec language, 3 , 5, 4 2 6 - 2 7 m ,
52onioi
Yaj, Lorenzo, 1 5 0
Yajb'akab' (town), 2 5 4 , 4 8 4 n 5
435x17,
Yucatecan language family, 3 , 4 2 6 - 2 7 m .
See also Itzas, language of; Mopans, lan-
Yajkab' (lineage name), 2 1 , 4 3 3 n n

Yajkab', Cacique, 8 3 - 8 7 passim, 9 1 , 99,
guage of; Yucatec language, 3

YumKukTut, 5 0 7 ^ 3
1 3 5 - 3 8 passim, 4 5 o n 6 9 , 4 5 9 n i 9
Yalain (province), 6, 7, 18, 2 3 , 5 5 ^ 9 3 , 9 5 ,
9 9 , 1 3 8 , 1 6 7 , 3 1 0 , 365-70passim, 385,
Zacpeten, 66
389, 4 5 i n 8 3 ; Christian conversion of,
Zantwijk, Rudolph von, 87
306, 3 2 3 , 3 4 8 , 3 6 9 , 3 7 1
Zavaleta, Manuel de, 4 7 8 n 5 5
Yalain (town), 6, 7, 17, 18, 5 5 ^ 6$i, 1 3 0 ,

167, 1 7 1 , 1 7 3 , 2 1 6 , 227, 2 3 1 , 2 7 1 - 8 4
passim, 2 9 5 , 3 0 2 , 3 0 4 - 9 passim,
344-50
passim, 3 6 5 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 5 , 3 9 1 , 4 4 3 n i o ,
4 9 6 m , 5 1 i n n 6 ; abandoned, 348ft,
367-70
Zubiaur, Bernardino de, 1 1 6 , 142f, 4 5 5 n i 6

Zubiaur Isasi, Pedro de, 1 5 2 , 1 8 9 , 2 1 3 ,
227ft, 244, 2 5 9 ^ 2 6 5 - 6 9 passim, 2 9 1 ,
3 0 3 , 3 2 5 ^ 3 4 4 - 5 0 passim, 3 5 4 , 4 8 4 n 6 2 ,
487x179, 4 8 9 n i 5 , 5 o m 8 9
Zuyua, 7, 4 2 8 n s . See also Suyuja Peten Itza
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Jones, Grant D.
The conquest of the last Maya kingdom / Grant D. Jones,
p.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p.
) and index.
ISBN 0-8047-3 3 1 7 - 1 (cloth : alk. paper)

ISBN 0-8047-3 5
(phk. : alk. paper)
2 2 _
1 . Itza Indians History Sources.

and government.
2. Itza Indians Politics
3. Itza Indians Government relations.
4. Peten (Guatemala : Dept.) History Sources.

History Conquest, 1 5 1 9 - 1 5 4 0 .
America Administration.
F1465.2.I87J65
6. Spain Colonies
I. Title.
1998
972.8i 2004974 dc2i
98-16556
This book is printed on acid-free, recycled paper.

Original printing 1 9 9 8
Last figure below indicates year of this printing:
06
05
04
03
5. Mexico
02
01
00

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THE

Stanford University Press

Stanford University Press

To the memory of the Maya people

The board of managers and staff of the School of American Research in

Maps and Tables xi

Itza-Spanish Warfare 223

The Peace Seekers

The Itza Emissaries 1 6 7

Road to the Itzas

The Itza World

The Itzas and Their Neighbors 3

Victims and Survivors of Conquest

Occupation and Interrogation 295

Missions, Rebellion, and Survival

The Maya lowlands of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

Lowland Maya language distribution during the sixteenth and

Major Maya political regions in central Peten on the eve of Spanish

The Itza core region

The Kowoj region

The Yalain region

Street plan of modern Ciudad Flores, Peten

The route of the camino real

English translation of sketch map of Lago Peten Itza and surrounding

Early eighteenth-century missions in the vicinity of Lago Peten Itza

Distribution of Peten Surnames by Territory and Location

List of Towns Dictated in 1702 by Aj aw Kan Ek' and Others

Individual Itza Names by Type in the Chunuk'um Matricula, Belize River,

Original and Edited Transcriptions of Avendano's List of Twenty-two

Tentative Breakdown of Titles and Names of Twenty-two Itza Leaders

Maps and Tables

3.8 Proposed Paired Principals of Nojpeten, with Associated Yearbearers,

15.3 Population Change in the Mission Settlements, 1 7 0 3 - 1 6

15.4 Census of the Maya Population of the Colonial Towns of Peten, 1 7 1 2

A principal advantage of the A M L G orthography is that it has already

For this reason I follow a modified version of A M L G when recording

Spelling and Pronunciation

Spelling and Pronunciation

low back vowel, like the English a in father or Spanish a in gato.

long low back vowel.

globalized bilabial stop, like English b, but imploded.

palatal affricate, like English ch in church or Spanish ch in chile.

globalized palatal affricate.

mid front vowel, ranges from English e in met to Spanish e in dedo.

long mid front vowel.

high front vowel, ranges from English i as in pin to Spanish i as in pino.

long high front vowel.

glottal fricative, like English h in house or Spanish g in gente.

voiceless velar stop, like English k in keep or Spanish c in copa.

globalized voiceless velar stop.

lateral liquid, like English / in look or Spanish / in libro.

bilabial nasal stop, like English m in many or Spanish m in mano.

Spelling and Pronunciation

back vowel like English o in bold or Spanish o in coco.

long mid back vowel.

voiceless bilabial stop, like English p in pen or Spanish p in poco.

globalized voiceless bilabial stop.

alveolar sibilant, like English 5 in some, or Spanish s in son.

globalized voiceless dental stop.