Land Watch Asia

Issue Brief 4

Chinas Loans and ODA and the Effects on Access

to Land in the Philippines 1
I. Studys Objectives, Scope
and Constraints

hinese Official Development Assistance (ODA) has become the

main instrument of the Chinese government to facilitate and
strengthen trade and investments for the long term. It is also an entry
point to deepen Chinas economic relations with developing countries.
Chinese investments in other parts of Asia, in comparison to other
foreign investors, remain relatively small, although they are growing.
This issue brief thus aims to:
Contribute to enriching regional and national perspectives in
tackling Chinas role in influencing policies and institutions of
other developing countries that are related to access to land and
tenurial security;
Set a framework that will guide the research, the policy analysis,
and the advocacy relating to a developing countrys economic
partnership with China and its link to access-to-land issues;
Provide an example of how country case studies vis--vis relations with China can be developed.
In light of the lack or even absence of information at the country
level, coupled with resource and time constraints, this issue brief is
still preliminary and a work in progress.
What this brief has developed is the Philippine case study. But
even here, the scoping and analysis remain tentative and prospective.
Although China and the Philippines established diplomatic relations
in 1975, the economic relationship began to blossom only lately, with
China becoming more proactive and even assertive.
But a spate of controversiesloan projects allegedly tainted with
massive and high-level corruptionhas marred the economic partnership and worse, has put China, rightly or wrongly, in a negative light. In
fact, Chinese loan projects that are directly relevant to agriculture and
access to land have been suspended in the wake of public outrage over
controversies or scandals (especially the National Broadband Network
[NBN] deal in the Philippines).
Another point has to be emphasized with respect to the definition
of access to land. Access to land has a broad definition and a wide
scope. Given that the different countries in the region have their own

specificities or peculiarities, it is wise not to impose a very precise or

thin definition of access to land.
A liberal interpretation of the meaning and scope of access to
land is thus adopted. Maritime or fishery issues are also relevant to
the study. So are food security (however it is defined), extraction of
primary resources and competing uses for scarce land.
Before looking into Chinese ODA that can be linked to access to
land, it is useful to get an overview of the economic cooperation
between China and the selected developing countries. However, to
reiterate, we can only discuss the issues relating to the Philippines, in
light of the information constraints faced.
The section on access to land does not have to be broad in scope.
What is relevant for the study is to pinpoint the key issue (or a set of
related issuesconjunctural or strategicthat has a link to the
developing countrys economic partnership with China.
At present, the worldwide food crisis, which affects both food
importing and food-exporting developing countries, is manifested in
every country. Hence, any commercial or economic arrangement with
China involving agriculture at this time cannot be delinked from the
urgency of tackling the food crisis and food security.
Suffice it to say that many of the bilateral agreements involving
Chinese ODA and investments relate to food supply or to the search
for raw materials that will have an impact on food production. Thus,
the national food security situation needs elucidation.
The Philippine case study describes the projects relating to land
access as well as presenting a tentative analysis or critique of these.
Finally, recommendations for the Land Watch campaign in
pursuing the research agenda and policy advocacy on Chinas ODA
are proposed.

II. A Framework to Understand

Chinas ODA and
Investments Strategy

t may seem that Chinas economic partnership with developing

countries is mainly motivated by the demands of its growing
economy.

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At the same time, by virtue of its size (population and otherwise),

its high rate of growth that has lifted a large section of the population
from poverty, and the rapid advances in technology and productivity,
China has emerged as a force to reckon with, both economically and
politically. Political factors are part of the economic equation in the
same way that economic factors shape geopolitics.
It is thus no surprise that the United States sees China as its
strategic competitor. And China and its rivals are all aware that the
former is on the way to becoming a global power, even as it has yet
to attain the status of a mature economy. (It is still a developing
country with a per capita income that pales in comparison with, say,
Koreas or Singapores).
For this reason, political considerations cannot be far behind
economic factors in shaping Chinas economic cooperation with the
rest of the word, including developing countries. Arguably, political
factors become primary in certain contexts or conditions.
That China is sincere in helping developing countries is not the
issue. But it is undeniable that Chinas economic relations with other
countries also serve to protect its own national interests. Many poor
countries have welcomed and embraced Chinas altruism and
benevolence. Leaders of African and Asian countries see China as an
alternative source of investments, loans, and ODA.
Many developing countries are critical of Western donor countries
and multilateral institutions that attach controversial, unpopular, if
not harsh, conditions to their investments, loans and ODA. That China
offers loans and ODA delinked from policy conditionalities, has made it
attractive to developing countries. In the same vein, this has made
China a keen competitor of multilateral agencies like the Asian
Development Bank (ADB) and the World Bank (WB) as well as the
member countries of the OECD (Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development).
Chinas relations with other countries are guided by the Five
Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, namely, (1) mutual respect for
sovereignty and territorial integrity; (2) mutual non-aggression; (3)
non-interference in each others internal affairs; (4) equality and
mutual benefit; and (5) mutual existence.
These principles, needless to say, serve Chinas strategic national
interests. As the draft paper of the China Association for NGO
Cooperation (CANGO, 2008) puts it, the Five Principles of Peaceful
Coexistence should, first and foremost, serve for [sic] the safeguarding
of Chinas state and national interests while going with the tides of
historical development, conforming to the advancement of the times,
and representing the aspirations of the majority of their peoples.
The point then is to locate Chinas self-interest and how this is
served by its foreign policy, specifically in relation to investments,
loans, and ODA.

Economic Considerations
Chinas double-digit growth rate in the past two decades has
produced bigger demands on its economy to sustain said growth and
to meet the growing consumption of an increasing number of
Chinese people who are no longer poor.

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In this regard, Chinese foreign trade and investments, loans and

assistance vis--vis developing countries serve a combination of
economic goals, namely:
Resource seeking objective. Major investment projects of China
in Asia and Africa relate to mining, energy, biofuel production,
food supply and the like.
Competitiveness-seeking objective. Chinas rapid growth has led
to industrialization, technological advances, diversification and
specialization. This in turn has made China expand and spread
out its production sites to gain competitiveness. Specialized
labor or technology not yet found or developed in China can be
sourced abroad.
Market-seeking objective. The surplus of foreign exchange and
the competitive pressure for Chinese corporations to maintain
profits have resulted in the flow of Chinese investments to
developing countries. Other than its presence in industries to
meet resource-seeking goals (mineral, energy, biofuel, food and
forestry sectors), Chinese corporations investments can be found
in electronics, computer products, information technology
services, garments, automotive and motorcycle parts, footwear,
plastics, home furnishings, etc.
The objectives enumerated above are standard, so to speak. Other
investing or donor countries pursue similar objectives.
In Chinas case, investments, loans and ODA serve another special
objectiveone that is linked to its exchange rate policy that serves as a
key lever of its growth strategy. China has relied on the undervaluation
of its currency, the renminbi, to gain a decisive advantage in the price
of its exports. The undervaluation of the Chinese renminbi, at one stage
approximating 50%, roughly boosts Chinas growth rate by an
additional 1.35 percentage points (Dani Rodrik, 2007).
But there is intense pressure, especially from the US as well as
from multilaterals, for China to revalue the renminbi in light of the
gaping US trade deficit and the global trade imbalance. Yet, China
cannot afford to surrender the policy space in manipulating its
currency, which gives it a decisive competitive advantage.
At the same time, there is internal pressure for the renminbi to
appreciate. China is literally awash with foreign exchange reserves,
precisely because of its robust export earnings and the strong growth
that attracts foreign exchange inflows. A high-end estimation done
by Brad Setser (2008) shows that China has up to US$ 1.8 trillion in
foreign assets, mainly kept by the State Administration of Foreign
Exchange (SAFE). In 2007 alone, the increase in Chinas foreign assets
amounted to US$ 612 billion (Table 1).
Figure 1 and Table 1 both show the huge amount of foreign
assets that China has. Table 1 shows that the bulk of these reserves
consists of foreign exchange reserves.
It is to Chinas own benefit, as it maintains its strategy of an undervalued currency, to transfer the huge reserves of foreign exchange
abroad. Hence, it is very sensible for China to use these foreign assets not
only for investments but also for loans and ODA to developing countries.
The preferential loans China offers to developing countries earn
higher rates abroad than at home where they remain idle. At the
same time, the ODA projects provide employment and income to
Chinese corporations and nationals as the projects typically involve

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partner-ship with Chinese companies and require Chinese consultants

and inputs made in China.
Furthermore, such loans and ODA become part of Chinas soft
power approach to win over developing countries and obtain
economic and political concessions from them.

Geopolitical Factors
China is an emerging world power. The level of Chinas economy,
technology and military trails that of the richest OECD countries. Yet,
China is de facto influencing the world in many ways, and this is evident
in, for instance, the respect (and fear) accorded to it by other countries,
and in its permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council.
Its expanding, booming economy whose exponential growth rate
has been unsurpassed by other countries, as well as its intensifying
demand for production and consumer goods that has upset global
prices of food and commodities are other indicators of how China
shapes world events.
With an annual double-digit growth rate (from 1995 to 2004,
Chinas annual growth rate averaged 15.1%), it is only a matter of time
before China becomes the biggest economy in the world. And within a
generation, we can expect this most populous nation to attain the level
of material well-being and prosperity in the OECD countries.
To be sure, Chinas competitors are threatened. China also faces a
tough challenge from the US, its main competitor and the worlds
superpower.
Although China is rapidly modernizing its armed forces, it cannot
match the US yet in military terms. The ruling Chinese Communist
Party is less interested in flexing its military prowess and engaging
the US in an arms race. Chinas ruling elite is preoccupied with
tackling the imperatives of sustaining growth, averting an economic
shock in a volatile world, and consolidating its rule in a country
where a growing middle class is becoming politically articulate and
confident.

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Table 1. Foreign Assets of Chinas Government

TOTAL FOREIGN
ASSETS

2007
INCREASE

Identified Assets of Chinas

Government
State Administration of Foreign
Exchange (SAFE)
China Investment Corporation (CIC),
estimated foreign assets
State Banks Estimated FX Liabilities
to the Central Government
recapitalization/swaps
Subtotal (identified assets)

$ 1,528 B

$ 427 B

$ 17 B

$ 17 B

$ 221 B

$ 60 B

$ 1,776 B

$ 504 B

$ 108 B
?

$ 108 B
?

$ 1,884 B

$ 612 B

Possible Additional Foreign

Exchange Holdings
Banks Required Reserves
(held in dollars)
Foreign Assets of State Enterprises
TOTAL (highend estimate)
Source: Brad Setser (2008)

Figure 1. The Estimated Foreign Exchange Assets of Chinas Government

Source: Brad Setser (2008)

IN

Chinas political objectives are best

served not by exercising hard power but by
promoting diplomacy and using its soft
power. Fostering good economic relations
with developing countries through trade,
investments, loans and ODA fits neatly into
this soft power frame.
China also faces tensions with neighboring countries arising from disputed territories
and historical contradictions. But even these
irritants cannot be separated from Chinas
economic motivations and from the frame of
Chinas competition with the US.
Southeast Asia is critical for China.
However, China is less interested in being the
friendly neighbor than in using Southeast
Asia as a platform to pursue its economic
and geopolitical interests.
China has diplomatic relations with all
members of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN). It has sealed an
official relationship with the ASEAN itself.
Official mechanisms have been set up
towards developing and expanding ties
between China and the ASEAN with respect
to trade and investments, science and
technology, and politics and security.

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ASEAN members and other developing countries in Asia prefer to

ride the Chinese wave, notwithstanding the potential threats posed
by their giant neighbor. A volume co-published by the WB and the
Institute for Policy Studies (co-edited by L. Alan Winters and Shahid
Yusuf, 2007) notes that the rise of China (and for that matter, India)
can open up economic opportunities for many countries.
But the volume hastens to add that other countries, including those
in Southeast Asia (such as the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand,)
and South Asia (with the exception of India), will undergo strong
adjustment pressure as China muscles its way into the manufacture
of export products, which thus far has been the specialization of
other middle-income countries in Asia and Latin America. The
pressures exerted on these countries may even outweigh the benefits
from Chinas (and Indias) larger markets and cheaper imports.
In a number of Asian countries, the economic concernsbenefits
and costsare sometimes overshadowed by geopolitical tensions.
China and ASEAN members, namely Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines,
and Vietnam have competing claims over a group of islands and the
surrounding waters located on the South China Sea. The conflict has
occasionally led to military incursions by and detention of nationals
from some countries involved in the maritime dispute. The maritime
dispute is linked to economic motivations, for the said area is known
to be rich in oil and gas deposits and in fish resources.
China wishes to address the territorial dispute with some ASEAN
members through dialogue and diplomacy. Economic cooperation is
of course an instrument of diplomacy. The soft approach is preferred;
China has other strategic considerations that can yield mutual
benefits for the parties concerned.
University of the Philippines (UP) Asian Center Dean Aileen
Baviera discusses in her forthcoming study the key geopolitical
considerations in Chinas relations with ASEAN. To wit:
First, ASEANs avowed principles of peace, freedom and
neutrality, as well as preference for cooperative security and
reliance on multilateral diplomacy, could help secure for China
a balance of power and a more stable and harmonious
environment in its periphery.
Second, China looks at ASEAN as a potential ideological ally in
the resistance to perceived Western domination. China and the
ASEAN have had similar past positions on human rights and
share an adherence to the principles of sovereignty and noninterference in internal affairs.
Third, a closer relationship with ASEAN can undercut attempts
by other powers to portray China as a threat to the security of its
neighbors, and therefore frustrate the containment strategy
directed against it by the United States and its allies.
Fourth, by having closer ties with ASEAN, China can be in a
position to prevent any move on the part of ASEAN to support
or recognize Taiwans moves toward independence.
And fifth, with the worsening competition for influence between
China and other major powers, ASEAN represents Chinas best
hope of being accorded the recognition and respect as a
legitimate power in Asia that it so desires.
Linked to but not exclusively tied to the objectives that guide
Chinas relationship with ASEAN are the specific goals that propel
Chinas relations with member countries of ASEAN.

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Take the case of the Philippines. Baviera identifies four

geopolitical factors that define ChinaPhilippines diplomacy.
First, as pointed out earlier, China and the Philippines are involved
in a territorial, jurisdictional dispute over a group of islands on the
South China Sea. The conflicting claims also involve the Chinese
province of Brunei, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Vietnam. The area is
strategic for both economic and geopolitical reasons.
Second, engaging the Philippines is part and parcel of
strengthening its relationship with the whole of ASEAN. This
paper has discussed above the strategic importance of ASEAN
for China. China is concerned that the Philippines, a long-time
ally of the US, is the weakest link within the ASEAN vis--vis
positions concerning the US and Taiwan.
Thirdan extension of the second factorthe Philippines and
the US have close military ties. Several bilateral military
agreements are in place that, among other things, provide
regular joint military exercises and allow the US to base troops
on Philippine soil.
Fourth, the Philippines is geographically and historically close to
Taiwan. From a historical point of view, the Philippine elite and
the Kuomintang were bound by their military and political
alliance with the US and their staunch anti-communism. But
even as the Philippines became pragmatic and saw the strategic
benefit of establishing diplomatic relations with the Peoples
Republic of China, it has nevertheless maintained ties with
Taiwan. The Philippines and Taiwan maintain quasi-diplomatic
offices in Taipei and Manila, respectively.
With respect to South Asia, a combination of economic, political,
and security factors shapes Chinas perspective and strategy vis--vis
this sub-region. To wit: having access to markets and raw materials,
reducing regional instabilities that could easily spill over to China,
foiling anti-China activities emanating from the region, and
maintaining the South Asian countries recognition of Chinas
sovereignty over Tibet, Xinjiang, and Taiwan (see Derek Mitchell and
Chietigj Bajpaee, 2006).
An example of Chinas resource-seeking objective is its interest in
South Asias natural gas reserves, especially in Bangladesh, as part of
its efforts to diversify its energy sources. The promotion of Chinese
products and the deepening of trade are important economic factors,
too. In this regard, however, we must take into account a statement
by the Bangladesh Additional Foreign Secretary (as quoted by Urvashi
Aneja, 2006): We have nothing to sell to the Chinese.
Other economic and geopolitical factors include the intent to
connect western China with the contiguous areas of South Asia and
access to the Indian Ocean (Aneja, 2006).
Chinas nurturing of its relationship with countries in the South
Asian region is motivated by the India factor. Citing Srikanth
Kondapalli, Aneja wrote: China seeks to strengthen against India
regions in order to challenge Indias supremacy in South Asia. But in
the same breath, Aneja said (again citing Kondapilli whom he
interviewed) that while China deepens ties with Bangladesh and
other South Asian countries, it would not want to jeopardize
relations with India, thus posing no overt threat to Indian security in
the near future.

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China and India, the worlds most populous countries, are the two
emerging giants, enjoying spectacular high growth rates. Their
economic success defies the wisdom of the Washington Consensus.
Another thing the two countries have in common is that they both
have big power ambitions, at the regional and global levels. Add to this
their ongoing tensionsborder disputes, in particularthat in the past
provoked a SinoIndian war and occasional military skirmishes. The
tension also spills over to the regional balance of power alignments
(for example, Chinas support for Pakistan and Indias nuclear testing).
Complicating the balance-of-power dynamics between China and
India is the US factor. The US has favored India over China. It uses
India as a counterweight to China (A.G. Noorani, 2006).
In this light, it is in Chinas interests to befriend other South Asian
countries that share a common history and culture with India.
It is interesting to note that China is involved in initiatives to
enhance trans-Asian cooperation, spanning South Asia and East Asia.
An illustration of this is the Kunming Initiative, initiated in 1999, to
strengthen economic cooperation among Bangladesh, China, India,
and Myanmar.
Curiously, the Kunming Initiative overlaps with another economic
grouping called BIMSTEC, formed in 1997 and composed of South
and Southeast Asian countries, namely Bangladesh, India, Myanmar,
Sri Lanka and Thailand.
What is evident is that both India and China are assiduously
courting Southeast Asia. China and India are competing for the
ASEAN market and both want ASEAN to be in their sphere of
influence. This nevertheless has a positive consequencethe enhanced
economic cooperation spanning South, Southeast, and East Asia.
The economic and geopolitical factors discussed above, which
underpin Chinas strategy and behavior with respect to ASEAN and
its member countries as well as with the grouping of South Asian
countries, can serve as a guide or reference for ANGOCs members and
partners to develop specific studies concerning their respective
countries economic cooperation with China.

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(The data on food production and prices found in this section have
been culled from a power point presentation of Albay Governor Joey
Salceda of the Philippines.)
The high food inflation resulting from the increased demand for
food that supply cannot meet is destabilizing for several countries.
Riots have occurred in light of the food shortage. Domestic price
inflation has shot up to double-digit figures in some countries, for
example, 34% in Sri Lanka, and 21%in Costa Rica, according to the
WB.
China is a significant factor in the steep rise in food prices. As its
economy continues to grow at a fast clip, the demand for energyintensive food among its people likewise increases substantially.
Further, the tremendous demand of China for oil and energy to fuel
its high-growth economy has led it to search frenetically for new or
additional sources.
Biofuels have become an attractive substitute for oil, leading to
conversion of lands, including agricultural, for biofuel production.
This diversion has threatened food supply and food security.
There is a trade-off between the production of food on the one
hand and the production for biofuels on the other hand. Nevertheless,
the supply of food must be given priority, to avert famine, reduce
poverty, and prevent violence.
To a considerable extent, the tremendous needs of Chinas (and
Indias) high-growth economyincluding the increasing demand for
food and energyhave contributed to the spiraling of food and oil
prices.
And given the (relative) scarcity of these commodities, China is
actively seeking new supplies. Thus, Chinas bilateral agreements with
other developing countries take into account the demands of China
for food, energy, and raw materials.
The Philippine case study examines these issues, specifically how
Chinas loans or ODA affect food security and peoples access to land.

IV. Philippine Case Study

III. Access to Land

n this papers introduction, it was mentioned that the study allows

a broad scope and liberal definition of access to land. After all, the
issues relating to access to land that are linked to or covered by loan
or ODA agreements with China vary from one country to another.
Nevertheless, regardless of the specific country issues, there is a
need to have an over-all frame (or focus) that could incorporate in a
coherent manner the various dimensions of access to land.
Our frame then is the current food crisis (others call it the food
price crisis). Food security, notwithstanding the variations in its
definition, has once again become a central concern, this time not
only for developing countries but for the whole world.
Take the case of rice, the staple food in many parts of Asia.
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the global
stocks for rice are today at their lowest since 1982. For the shortterm, until 2010, the demand for rice, approximately 4.8 million
metric tons, outstrips supply, approximately 1.3 million metric tons.

he Philippine study is about the memoranda of understanding

(MOU) signed by the Chinese and Philippine governments during
the Philippine state visit of China Premier Wen Jianbao on 15
January 2007. China and the Philippines signed 27 MOUs, of which 20
transactions can be classified as investment and loan agreements.
Table 2 provides a breakdown and basic description of some of
the MOUs, including the loan and investment agreements. Many of
these agreements pertain to food, fisheries, and agriculture.
The expected investments under these agreements amount to
US$5.2 billion. All in all, there are 10 agreements that have an
impact on issues relating to access to land.
However, it must be noted that the Philippine government has
suspended the agreements on agriculture in the wake of the expos of
scandals relating to loan agreements with Chinaespecially the
alleged high-level corruption that accompanied the NBN deal. The
suspension of the implementation of the agreements on agriculture is
a relief, given the many questions and criticisms raised by scholars,
opinion-makers and civil society organizations (CSOs).

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Table 2. Description of MOUs Between Chinese and Philippine Governments

1.

Jilin Fuhua Agricultural Science and Technology Development Co. Ltd. to build the China Agriculture Technology Transfer Center, Grain Production
and Processing Base

2.

Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Regions Agricultural Department to form a corporation that will release funds for inputs, farm equipment and post
harvest facilities

3.

China CAMC Engineering Co. Ltd. to serve as consultant to the Philippine Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR)

4.

Chinese technical assistance to finance a 35-hectare agricultural techno-demo center for the development and commercialization of sweet corn,
vegetables and crops

5.

China CAMC Engineering Co. Ltd. to upgrade the Navotas Fish Port Complex

6.

China CAMC Engineering Co. Ltd. to serve as contractor for engineering, procurement and commissioning of the Candaba Water Resource Project

7.

Xunshuan Group Co. Ltd. to invest in the PhilippineChina Fisheries Consortium

8.

China CAMC Engineering Co. Ltd. to partner with the Palawan Bioenergy Development Corporation to produce 150,000 liters of bioethanol per day

9.

Joint ventures between Nanning Yong Kai Industry Group Co. Ltd. and companies based in Negros island for bioethanol production

10. Nanning Yong Kai Industry Group Co. Ltd. to team up with One Cagayan Resource Development, Inc. for the farming of sugarcane or cassava for
bioethanol production

On the basis of the description of the projects covered by the

MOU, we can summarize the key issues of the agreements, as follows:
1. The agreements mainly consist of loan packages. Even those
agreements that will bring in investments from Chinese
companies contain provisions about loan financing from China
to be used (and should be repaid) by the Chinese investors.
2. More importantly, the loans are tied. The financing, the consultancy,
and the supplies, materials and other inputs must be sourced
from China. In some agreements, the Chinese company that will
serve as consultant for the project is likewise the same agency
that will source and obtain the financing and execute the
project.
3. At least one projects financing (for the Candaba Water Source
project) has state guarantee, which creates a moral hazard
problem.
4. Project descriptions are too general, if not opaque. Some lack
important information like loan terms and project design. It has
become a common practice to exclude relevant information from
MOUs. It is also likely that the projects have been hastily prepared.
A different, kinder view is to accept that MOUs do not necessarily
have to contain the specific terms, which can come later in
separate documents.
5. Some projects, as explicitly stated in the agreements, enjoy fiscal
incentives, specifically those on bioethanol production. Fiscal
incentives for resource-seeking activities are inappropriate and
redundant. The unnecessary fiscal incentives mean foregone
revenues for the Philippines, which has perennially suffered from
fiscal imbalances.
6. The projects understandably serve Chinas needs, for example,
catering to Chinas energy (biofuel) and food requirements. But
whether these projects are sensitive to Philippine development is
debatable, as they may have adverse impacts on food security,
agrarian reform, and environmental protection.

The food security angle has to be emphasized. Given that the

China-Philippines agreements on agriculture will cover tens of
thousands of hectares for commercial crops, we must take note of
the trade-offthat the land could have been used for the production
of staple food. Such a trade-off seems unfair in light of the rising
international price of rice and the dependence of the Philippines on
rice imports.
The problem, too, is the signaling effect of encouraging farmers
to shift to the production of crops that will be processed to biofuel.
This can aggravate the shortage of food produced locally.
The production of biofuel has been touted as something good for
the environment, as it helps prevent the depletion of non-renewable
resources. Yet, studies have shown that ethanol fuel is energy-intensive
and results in soil erosion (for example, see David Pimentel, 2003).
To summarize, we argue that when faced with a trade-off between
supplying food and fuel, the choice should be clear: Food is the priority.
Fortunately, the Department of Agriculture (DA) Secretary Arthur
Yap ordered the suspension of the MOUs relating to agriculture,
which would have involved the use of 1.2 million hectares of land to
meet the requirements of the agreements.
This gives space for everyone to review and reform the agreements.

Recommendations
This paper is a preliminary attempt to analyze Chinas economic
partnership with Asian countries where Land Watch has presence. The
focus is on Chinas ODA and investments that have implications or
have an impact on access to land issues. On access to land, specific
attention is devoted to food security in light of the global problem of
the growing relative scarcity of staple food and the attendant steep
increase in food prices.

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The brief provides a framework against which Chinas

motivations, in pursuing and strengthening economic partnerships
with developing countries, especially in South and Southeast Asia,
could be examined.
The brief could have benefited from case studies from different
countries that link Chinas ODA and investments to land access issues.
Thus, the first recommendation for ANGOC is to undertake countrylevel case studies on Chinese investments and ODA that relate to
agriculture, food security, and access to land. Indeed, obtaining
official data is difficult, given that official Chinese sources are not
obliging, especially to CSOs. The better option is to request the
information from the home countrys government agencies, such as
the ministries of finance, economic planning, and foreign affairs and
the central bank.
The second recommendation is for CSOs to engage the Chinese
government in constructive dialogue. Although China has been less
transparent in disclosing information about projects and less friendly
in dealing with civil society and the media, we need to understand
that this problem arises from a political system that China has been
accustomed to.
We must likewise acknowledge that as China integrates into the
global system, it has gradually opened up the system of information
and communications as well as participatory processes.
China is keen to learn how it can improve its ties with the rest of
the world. CSOs should reinforce this trend. Confrontational politics
should take a backseat and give way to a healthy, cordial, and
constructive engagement with China.
The third recommendation stems from a recognition that CSOs
from other countries are not quite familiar with Chinas peculiar
system. In short, we need to learn more about China in the same
manner that China has to learn from us.
We need to engage not only Chinas official processes but also
to initiate communications and foster links with Chinese nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This, after all, is in line with
Chinas long-standing policy of promoting people-to-people
relations. While it is true that the independence of many Chinese
NGOs is in doubtgiven their close ties with their governmentthis
should not diminish the value of partnering with non-official entities.
Non-governmental bodies, such as academic and research institutions,
the media, civic organizations, and media groups can facilitate our
engagement with their government at the same time that they can be
a source of invaluable information and deeper insights.
For a start, the proposed studies from Land Watch regarding the
impact of Chinese economic activities on access to land should be
shared with Chinese NGOs, not only to inform but also to solicit their
honest and critical feedback.
The fourth recommendation pertains to the advocacy vis--vis
Chinas economic relations with the recipient country. Two issues
stand out, one on substance, and the other, on process.
With respect to substance, insofar as development projects relating
to agriculture and access to land are concerned, the focus can be on
reforming Chinas tied ODA. The issue is not that Chinas development
assistance serves its self-interest. Attending to Chinas national interest
with respect to ODA projects can nevertheless be attained while
avoiding the worst features of tied aid or tied loans. We specifically

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refer to Chinese loans that require the hiring of Chinese suppliers and
consultants or the purchase of Chinese equipment, machinery, and
other inputs without the benefit of competitive bidding. The challenge
is how the advocacy can encourage, if not, persuade, China to adopt
the best practices in donor assistance. Donor countries like Japan have
already discarded the practice of having projects they finance assigned
to their nationals without any bidding.
With regard to process, we need to raise the concern for
transparency and a more inclusive process that respects the role of
the non-governmental stakeholders in policy debate. The Philippine
experience shows that non-transparency and the lack of consultation
have undermined public support for the Chinese-financed development
projects.
The fifth recommendation: we must not let the Philippine
Government off the hook. We need to be reminded that we cannot
solely or fully blame China for problems associated with their ODA
and investments. Ultimately, it is our national government that is
accountable to its constituents who are or will be affected by the
Chinese-funded projects. Problems arising from the terms and
conditions of projects, loan conditionalities, project design, and
participatory processes are the lookout of our national government.
The national government can in fact reject these controversial
features of Chinese ODA and loans.
Making the national government accountable provides a balanced
perspective to what is an otherwise critical view of Chinas current
practice with respect to its ODA and investments in Asian developing
countries.
The sixth and final recommendation is a call to NGOs to invigorate
the advocacy and consolidate a reform agenda on access-to-land
issues. In light of the steep increase in global food prices, even the
donor/creditor countries, not only China, are recognizing the need for
countries to increase food production and achieve higher levels of
food self-sufficiency. Now is an opportune moment for agriculture
reform advocates like ANGOC and its country partners to assert
positions that will make the peasants and agricultural workers the
main beneficiaries of investments and ODA intended for boosting
food supply and agriculture productivity in general.

Endnotes
1

Abridged from the paper prepared by Filomeno Sta. Ana III entitled
ANGOC Study on Chinas ODA and Access to Land in select Asian
countries, 2008.

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This issue brief is made possible with the support of the International Land Coalition (ILC), MISEREOR, and Action Aid
International (AAI). The views and the information provided
in this issue brief do not necessarily reflect the views or policies
of ILC, MISEREOR, and AAI.

The International Land Coalition is a

global alliance of civil society and intergovernmental organizations working together to promote secure
and equitable access to and control over land for poor women
and men through advocacy, dialogue and capacity building.

As the overseas development agency of the Catholic Church in Germany, MISEREOR works in partnership with all people of goodwill to promote development,
fight worldwide poverty, liberate people from injustice, exercise solidarity with the poor and persecuted, and help create
One World.

ActionAid is an international anti-poverty

agency whose aim is to fight poverty worldwide. Formed in 1972, it has been helping over 13 million of
the world's poorest and most disadvantaged people to fight for
their rights to food, shelter, work, education, healthcare and
participation in 42 countries worldwide.

S ELECT A SIAN C OUNTRIES

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Pernia, E. (2007). Population as public interest. Quezon City: School of Economics, University of the Philippines. Discussion Paper No. 0708.
Qian, T. (2006). Communist capitals flows downstream: chinas aid to
laos. China Development Brief. Retrieved from http://
www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com/node/454
Saw, S., Lijun, S. & Wah, C.K. (Eds.) (2005). ASEANChina relations: realities
and prospects. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
Setser, B. (2008). What to do with over a half a trillion a year? Understanding
the changes in the management of chinas foreign assets.
Sta. Ana, F. III & Firmeza, A. (2008). Chinas investments and development
assistance in the Philippines: boon or bane?.
Winters, A. L. & Yusuf, S. (Eds.) (2007). Dancing with giants: China, India,
and the global economy. Singapore: World Bank & the Institute of Policy
Studies .
World Bank. (2008). Rising food prices: policy options and World Bank response. Washington, DC: World Bank.

Founded in 1979, ANGOC is a regional association of 20 national and

regional networks of non-government organizations (NGO) in Asia actively engaged in food security, agrarian reform, sustainable agriculture,
participatory governance and rural development. ANGOC member networks and partners work in 14 Asian countries with an effective reach of
some 3,000 NGOs and community-based organizations (CBOs). ANGOC
actively engages in joint field programs and policy debates with national governments,
intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and international financial institutions (IFIs).
ANGOC is a founding member of the International Land Coalition (ILC) and coordinator of the Land Watch Asia (LWA) campaign.

Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development

6-A Malumanay Street, U.P. Village, Diliman 1101, Quezon City, Philippines
P.O. Box 3107, QCCPO 1101, Quezon City, Philippines
Tel: +6324337653/ 9293019
Fax: +6329217498
E-mail: [email protected]/ [email protected]
URL: www.angoc.ngo.ph

LandWatch Asia (LWA) is a regional campaign to ensure that access to land, agrarian reform and sustainable development for
the rural poor are addressed in national and regional development agenda. The campaign involves civil society organizations in six (6) countriesBangladesh, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Nepal, and the Philippines. LWA aims
to take stock of significant changes in the policy and legal environments; undertake strategic national and regional advocacy activities on access to land; jointly
develop approaches and tools; and encourage the sharing of experiences on coalition-building and actions on land rights issues.