The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples

1
2
THE ETHNICITY OF THE SEA PEOPLES
DE ETNICITEIT VAN DE ZEEVOLKEN

Proefschrift
ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de
Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
op gezag van de
rector magnificus

Prof.dr. S.W.J. Lamberts

en volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties.

De openbare verdediging zal plaatsvinden op
vrijdag 28 april 2006 om 13.30 uur

door

Frederik Christiaan Woudhuizen

geboren te Zutphen

3
Promotiecommissie

Promotor:
Prof.dr. W.M.J. van Binsbergen

Overige leden:
Prof.dr. R.F. Docter
Prof.dr. J. de Mul
Prof.dr. J. de Roos

4
To my parents

“Dieser Befund legt somit die Auffassung nahe, daß zumindest für
den Kern der ‘Seevölker’-Bewegung des 14.-12. Jh. v. Chr. mit
Krieger-Stammesgruppen von ausgeprägter ethnischer Identität – und
nicht lediglich mit einem diffus fluktuierenden Piratentum – zu
rechnen ist.” (Lehmann 1985: 58)

5
 CONTENTS

Preface ................................................................................................................................................................................ 9
Note on the Transcription, especially of Proper Names.................................................................................................... 11
List of Figures................................................................................................................................................................... 12
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................................................... 13
1. Defining Ethnicity....................................................................................................................................................... 15
2. Ethnicity and Protohistory .......................................................................................................................................... 21
3. Historical Setting ........................................................................................................................................................ 29
4. An Historiographic Outline......................................................................................................................................... 35
5. Contemporary Sources................................................................................................................................................ 43
6. Lukka and the Lukka Lands........................................................................................................................................ 57
7. Ethnogenesis of the Greeks......................................................................................................................................... 59
8. The Rise and Fall of the Mycenaean Greeks............................................................................................................... 69
9. From Danaoi to Dan.................................................................................................................................................... 77
10. Etruscan Origins.......................................................................................................................................................... 79
11. The Aeneas’ Saga: Etruscan Origins in parvo ............................................................................................................ 89
12. Philistines and Pelasgians ........................................................................................................................................... 95
13. Teukroi, Akamas, and Trojan Grey Ware ................................................................................................................. 107
14. The Central Mediterranean Contribution .................................................................................................................. 111
15. Concluding Remarks................................................................................................................................................. 117

Appendix I. On the Decipherment of Cretan Hieroglyphic ............................................................................................ 123

Appendix II. On the Position of Etruscan ....................................................................................................................... 135
Appendix III. A Luwian Trifunctional Divine Triad Recorded for Crete ....................................................................... 141
Appendix IV. Pelasgian Demeter and Zeus .................................................................................................................... 143

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 147

Nederlandse Samenvatting: De Etniciteit van de Zeevolken .......................................................................................... 163

Curriculum Vitae Frederik Christiaan Woudhuizen........................................................................................................ 167

7
 PREFACE
Significance of the topic It will further be argued that the ‘‘prime mover’’, which
set into motion the whole process leading to the upheavals
Bringing down the Hittite empire and dealing Egypt a of the Sea peoples, is formed by the truly massive migra-
blow from which it never recovered, the Sea Peoples’ epi- tion of bearers of the central European Urnfield culture
sode at the end of the Bronze Age was crucial for a shift of into the Italian peninsula c. 1200 BC.
the economic and political centre of gravity of the Mediter- Building upon over a century of scholarly Sea Peo-
ranean world away from the Levant and towards Greece, ples’ research, and offering a combination of various spe-
Africa Minor, and Italy. Soon this shift was to give rise to cialist (and therefore often relatively inaccessible)
the splendors of archaic and classical Greece developing approaches from a variety of disciplines, this study will of-
into Hellenism, Carthage, Etruscan civilization, Rome, the fer the reader synthetic perspectives onto a crucial period
Roman empire, early Christianity, and, in the long run, the of human history.
emergence the modern western European civilization,
dominated by speakers of Indo-European languages, but
Acknowledgments
greatly influenced by a Levantine religion (Judaism). For
better or worse, the Sea Peoples’ episode was one of the The work I have been engaged with let us say about the
few major turning points in world history, comparable to last eight years could not have been accomplished without
the period of the great migrations which led to the collapse the help of good friends and colleagues. First of all, my
of the Roman empire, or the rise and early spread of Islam. sincere feelings of gratitude are due to my supervisor Wim
van Binsbergen, who initiated the project, arranged a sti-
The present book’s argument pendium to work it out granted by the Erasmus University,
and, in addition to stimulating supervision, provided a
With the help of modern anthropological theories about theoretical framework on ethnicity suitable for the analysis
ethnicity, I seek, in the present study, to determine whether of the Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age. Next, the
the enigmatic Sea Peoples were merely a bunch of pirates Indo-Europeanist Frits Waanders was so kind to proofread
or whether they constituted a set of coherent ethnic enti- an early draft of the entire manuscript and save me from
ties, temporarily making common cause in pursuit of the many errors in spelling and judgment – needless to say that
richnesses of, and hence a better life in, the Near East. remaining ones are my sole responsibility. Furthermore, I
Of vital importance to this endeavour is the question am greatly indebted to the specialist in Linear A, Jan Best,
of the homelands of the various groups which make up the who so to say raised me in the interdisciplinary field of
Sea Peoples. In order to tackle this problem, an inter- protohistory and kindly proofread an early draft of the sec-
disciplinary proto-historical method has been applied, tions on the Greeks and the Pelasgians. For the systemati-
which makes full use of the available archaeological, his- zation of the transliteration of the Ugaritic texts, I am
torical, and linguistic data as provided by Egyptian, Levan- much obliged to the Assyriologist Frans Wiggermans,
tine, Anatolian, Aegean, and central Mediterranean whereas in matters of Egyptian hieroglyphic I was guided
sources. by the Egyptologists J.F Borghouts and Willem van Haar-
As such, the work aspires at an historical synthesis, in lem. Also of much help was the letter (d.d. 11 January
which the Masperonian thesis of a homeland for the Sea 2002) by the archaeologist Manfred Bietak on the sensa-
Peoples in Asia Minor and the Aegean is balanced with the tional find of Minoan tephra at Tell el-Dab‘a/Avaris. Un-
opinion of others who rather attribute such a role to the is- failing support came from the members of the editorial
lands of Sardinia and Sicily and the Italian peninsula in the board of Talanta, consisting of Jan de Boer, Ton Bruijns,
central Mediterranean. It will be shown that both the “Ana- Roald Docter, Jorrit Kelder, Vladimir Stissi, Jan Stronk,
tolian thesis” and the “central Mediterranean antithesis” Reinier Telling, and Maarten de Weerd, which not only
are partly valid, and that some of the groups of the Sea generously facilitated a prepublication of the section on the
Peoples originated from Anatolia and the Aegean, whereas Etruscans, but also brought to my attention relevant litera-
others rather came from the central Mediterranean region. ture and, where necessary, severe criticism. My work also

9
profited from the collaboration with Winfried Achterberg,
Kees Enzler, and Lia Rietveld, as duly acknowledged in
the bibliography. Further, my thanks are due to the Etrus-
cologist Bauke van der Meer, the Classical archeologist
Eric Moorman, and the Mediterranean archeologist
Jacques Vanschoonwinkel, for kindly bringing relevant lit-
erature to my attention.
Finally, I am indebted to Ulrich Seeger (cf. 2002) and
Peter Broers for allowing me to use their fonts Bock and
Kefas2, respectively, as sources of special characters.

10
NOTE ON THE TRANSCRIPTION, ESPECIALLY OF PROPER
NAMES
In the transcription of proper names, I have in most in- as with Pelasgians. When originating from a Latin source,
stances preferred one closest to the Greek original: thus the Latin forms of the proper names are preferred, as in
Akhaians, Herakles, Herodotos, Homeros, Korinthos, etc. the section on the Aeneas’ saga. As far as possible, I have
Encouraged by the German saying that “Jeder Kon- preferred to use (in general discussions outside the con-
zequenz führt zum Teufel”, however, I have not aimed at text of my presentation of original texts) the simple s in-
being entirely systematic in this respect, since I found it stead of the cumbersome sh for the transcription of the
hard to transform the current English forms of Cilicia, sibilant š in Hittite personal names and Philistine place
Crete, Crimea, Cyclades, Mycenae, Thucydides, Tiryns, names, thus Hattusilis, Suppiuliumas and Askalon, As-
Troy, Tyre, etc. into less familiar ones closer to the Greek dod. However, for the sake of clarity sh is maintained for
original. The same license has been adopted with respect Eshtaol, Kadesh, and Laish as well as for the ethnonyms
to the ending of the ethnonyms, now using the Greek one, of the Sea Peoples from the Egyptian sources, hence Ek-
as with Danaoi and Teukroi, then using the English one, wesh, Teresh, etc.

11
 LIST OF FIGURES
Frontispiece. Rowers depicted on a Late Helladic Fig. 12. Sites and cemeteries (a) in Late Helladic
IIIC sherd from Seraglio on Kos (from Sandars 1980: IIIB and (b) in Late Helladic IIIC (from Popham 2001:
131, afb. 92)..................................................................... 5 282-3) ............................................................................ 75
Fig. 1a. Diagram of the extremities in the spec- Fig. 13. Distribution of biconical urns in the Urnfield
trum of possibilities of the relation between ethnic world (from Hencken 1968: 441, fig. 452) .................... 81
groups and the indicia language, religion, and material Fig. 14. Distribution of house urns (from Bouzek
culture ............................................................................ 16 1997: fig. 49) ................................................................. 82
Fig. 1b. Diagram of the partial relationship between Fig. 15. Distribution of (a) proto-Villanovan and (b)
ethnicity and its indicia, kinship, material culture, lan- Villanovan sites (after Hencken 1968: fig. 466) ............ 83
guage, and religion......................................................... 21 Fig. 16. The Heroon of Aeneas at Lavinium (from
Fig. 2. Distribution of the Greek dialects (from Hall Somella 1974: Taf. VII)................................................. 90
1997: 154, Fig. 25)......................................................... 23 Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peoples in the Levant
Fig. 3. The ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples in Egyp- and the remains of the Egyptian sphere of influence (from
tian writing, transliteration, and standardized transcription Bietak 1993: 295, Fig. 4) ............................................... 96
(from Kitchen 1982: IV, 4 and Kitchen 1983: V, 40) .... 36 Fig. 18. Figurines from (a) Asdod, (b) Cyprus, and
Fig. 4. Plan of Ramesses III’s temple at Medinet (c) Mycenae (from Sandars 1980: 165, afb. 116) .......... 97
Habu, Thebes (after Cifola 1991: 12) ............................ 51 Fig. 19. Comparison of (a) Philistine chamber tombs
Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medinet Habu (from from Tell Fara with (b) Mycenaean prototypes (from
Oren 2000: 96, Fig. 5.5)................................................. 53 Waldbaum 1966: 332, Ill. 1; 336, Ills. 11-14)................ 97
Fig. 6. Sea battle scene of Medinet Habu (from Oren Fig. 20. Late Helladic IIIC1b ware with “antithetic
2000: 98, Fig. 5.6).......................................................... 53 horns” and “bird looking backwards”: (a) Crete, (b) C y -
Fig. 7. Prisoners of war: (a) Hittite, (b) Amorite, (c) p r u s , a n d ( c ) P h i l i s t i a (after Schachermeyr 1979:
Tjeker, (d) Sherden, (e) Shasu, and (f) Teresh (from Nibbi 160, Abb. 41a; Noort 1994: 122, Abb. 36; 115, Abb. 38)
1975: Pl. I) ..................................................................... 53 ....................................................................................... 98
Fig. 8. Map of Lycia (from Mellink 1995)............. 58 Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan grey ware (from
Fig. 9. Distribution of centres of radiation of Late Heuck Allen 1994)....................................................... 110
Helladic I material. (a) Pottery in combination with archi- Fig. 22. Sherden in the Egyptian reliefs from the
tectural remains (Pylos, Kirrha, Thebes, Eleusis, and Ath- reigns of Ramesses II and Ramesses III with (a) long
ens); (b) pottery in shaft graves, tholos- and chamber slashing swords and round shields, and (b) javelins (from
tombs (Koryphasion, Peristeria, Epidauros Limera, Lerna, Sandars 1980: 29, afb. 12 and 32, afb. 14) .................. 111
Mycenae, Prosymna, and Thorikos). Sources: van Royen Fig. 23. Statue-menhirs from Corsica: (a) Cauria
& Isaac 1979 and Hope Simpson 1981 .......................... 63 (with horns reconstructed on the helmets), (b) Scalsa
Fig. 10. Reconstruction of the split between Greek Murta (from Grosjean 1966b, Fig. 5; Sandars 1980: 99,
and Thraco-Phrygian on the basis of the development of afb. 60)......................................................................... 113
the mediae aspiratae (after Haas 1966: 209) .................. 66 Fig. 24. Distribution of Urnfield culture and the route
Fig. 11. Sites in southern and central Greece de- of the Sea Peoples; (a) c. 1180 BC; (b) 12th-10th century
stroyed and/or abandoned at the end of Late Helladic BC (after Kimmig 1964: 269-70, Abb. 17-8) .............. 116
IIIB. 1. Teikhos Dymaion, 2. Pylos, 3. Nikhoria, 4. Mene- Fig. 25. Origins of the Cretan hieroglyphic script. (a)
laion, 5. Ayios Stephanos, 6. Krisa, 7. Tsoungiza, 8. Luwian hieroglyphic (56 signs); (b) Egyptian hiero-
Mycenae, 9. Zygouries, 10. Berbati, 11. Prosymna, 12. glyphic (14 signs) ........................................................ 128
Midea/Dendra, 13. Tiryns, 14. Orkhomenos, 15. Iria, 16. Fig. 26. Cretan hieroglyphic seals with the categories
Gla, 17. Eutresis, 18. Thebes, 19. Brauron. Source: Hope “man’s name”, “title”, and “place or country name”
Simpson & Dickinson 1979 ........................................... 72 (drawings of the original publications, except in the case
of # 309) ................................................................130-133

12
 LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Overview of the mention of the Sea Peoples Table 5. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-
in the various E g y p t i a n sources from the Late Bronze glyphic and Egyptian hieroglyphic (values as attested for
Age ................................................................................ 56 Cretan hieroglyphic) .................................................... 125
Table 2. Literary traditions with a bearing on the Table 6. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-
transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I, c. glyphic and Cretan Linear ........................................... 127
1600 BC. ....................................................................... 63 Table 7. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-
Table 3. Developments in the innovative group of glyphic and Cypro-Minoan.......................................... 127
Indo-European languages related to the progressive use of Table 8. Seals with the categories “man’s name”, “ti-
the horse ........................................................................ 67 tle”, and “place or country name”................................ 130
Table 4. Correspondences between Cretan hiero- Table 9. Trifunctional divine triads among various
glyphic and Luwian hieroglyphic (values in square brack- Indo-European speaking groups. ................................ 142
ets attested for Cretan hieroglyphic only) ............. 124-125

13
 1. DEFINING ETHNICITY

In a work which deals with the ethnicity of the Mediterra- units of speech sound distinguished by the language users
nean population groups which attacked Egypt at the end of themselves (hence -emic).2 Another pair of concepts is
the Bronze Age, commonly referred to as the Sea Peoples, formed by primordialism and instrumentalism. According
it should first of all be specified what “ethnicity” actually to the primordial approach, the ethnic features of a specific
means and how we will put this concept into practice. To group are immutable qualities, inherited from father to son
this aim, it is interesting to note that the word is derived and mother to daughter, and thus a historically “given”. As
from Greek ethnos (plural ethnƝ), “number of people living opposed to this, the instrumentalist approach, initiated by
together, body of men; nation, people; foreign, barbarious Frederik Barth in his classic Ethnic Groups and Bounda-
nations; class of men, caste, tribe”.1 According to Werner ries of 1969, holds that ethnic features can be manipulated
Sollors in his Theories of Ethnicity, A Classical Reader of for certain causes by the members of a specific group and
1996, the modern formation ethnicity came into use during that hence the ethnic boundaries are permeable. Accord-
the Second World War (1940-1945), being first attested in ingly, instrumentalists will stress the dynamic and negotia-
a publication by W. Lloyd Warner (p. vii). As a definition ble nature of ethnicity, whereas primordialists will do the
of this term, the same author presents the one formulated opposite. In reality, the truth lies somewhere in between
by R.A. Schermerhorn in 1970, which runs as follows these opposites, some ethnic boundaries being difficult to
(ibid., p. xii): cross or even impermeable in a certain period of time, es-
“An ethnic group is … a collectivity within a larger pecially when there is a high ethnic conscience (= ethnici-
society having real or putative common ancestry, zation), and others, or the same but in a period of time
memories of a shared historical past, and a cultural when there is a low ethnic conscience, being easy to cross.
focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as
Furthermore, dynamism also needs to be called into play in
the epitome of their peoplehood. Examples of such
symbolic elements are: kinship patterns, physical order to account for the fact that an ethnos can die out (=
contiguity (as in localism or sectionalism), religious ethnothanasia) or be newly created (= ethnogenesis).
affiliation, language or dialect forms, tribal affilia- The determination of an ethnic identity is in essence
tion, nationality, phenotypal features, or any combi-
nation of these. A necessary accompaniment is some an historical process. As we will be working in the proto-
consciousness of kind among members of the group.” history, which lacks contemporary works of history, the
definition of ethnicity needs to be translated into protohis-
Not explicitly mentioned in this definition, but of vital
torical categories of evidence. In addition, these categories
importance to our subject, is the fact that ethnic groups are
of evidence should be workable in the context of the east-
in most of the cases referred to by a name, coined either by
ern Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age, which with
themselves or by outsiders, which we call an ethnonym.
societies ranging from highly developed multiethnic em-
In the study of ethnicity, various approaches can be
pires through individual kingdoms and city leagues to
encountered. In the first place, the ethnic group under con-
merely tribal forms of organization3 is far more complex
sideration can be studied from the perspective of the mem-
than, for example, the modern African one where the vari-
bers of this group themselves. This approach is called
ous ethnic groups are all of a similar degree of organiza-
emic. Alternatively, the ethnic group under consideration
tion – in the words of van Binsbergen: like cookies shaped
can be studied from the perspective of outsiders. The latter
with different cookie moulds from one and the same large
approach is called etic. As explained by Wim van Binsber-
rolled out slab of dough.4 Hence, following in the tracks of
gen, these terms are rooted in the field of linguistics, where
phonetics furnishes a purely external description of a lan-
guage (hence -etic), and phonemics deals with the smallest 2 Van Binsbergen 1999: 43.

3 For the definition of tribe as “an ethnic group within the global

1 LSJ, s.v.; in modern literature, one also finds the plural ethnoi or space but outside the politically dominant civilization”, see van
Binsbergen, forthc. 10.
ethnƝs (from singular ethnƝ) or the originally French form ethnie
used for both singular and plural. 4 Van Binsbergen 1999: 69; the same observation to some extent

15
Jonathan Hall in his Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity of two or more languages, like the Franks on the east (Ger-
1997, we might – apart from ethnonyms – suitably adopt manic) and the west (Romance) side of the Rhine or the
the following indicia for the distinction of ethnic groups: 1. Swiss (German, French, and Italian). Similarly, a religion
kinship or “race”, 2. language or dialect, 3. religion, and 4. can be shared by two or more ethnic groups, like in the
material culture (= the materialisation of shared cultural case of the Orthodox religion adhered to by the Greeks and
traits).5 As we will see in the next section, these indicia for numerous Slavic population groups, or a single ethnic
ethnic groups are very close to the categories of evidence group can be characterized by two or more religions, like
distinguished by the ancients themselves to this aim. the Dutch by Protestantism and Catholicism. In certain
Of the given indicia for the distinction of ethnic cases, the differences of religion may cause a once united
groups, the first one, kinship or “race” is a tricky one, as people to break up into different ethnic groups, like in the
one has to steer carefully between the Scylla of “Blut und case of the former Yugoslavia, now being split up into
Boden” theory of indigenous development and the Serbia (Orthodox), Croatia (Catholic), and Bosnia (partly
Charybdis of an invading “Herrenvolk”. In effect, how- Muslim). And finally, a material culture can be shared by
ever, although Egyptian artists do distinguish phenotypal two or more ethnic groups, like in the case of the Flemings
features in their reliefs, the eastern Mediterranean in the and the Walloons in Belgium, or a single ethnic group can
Late Bronze Age appears to be not particularly preoccu- be characterized by two or more material cultures, like in
pied with the “race” issue.6 To all probability, this results the case of the Phrygians using grey ware in the west and
from the fact that the eastern Mediterranean population is so-called mattpainted ware in the east (see Fig. 1a).7
thoroughly mixed: even the Ionians, who were so proud of
their pure blood, had killed the male Carians and taken the language 1 language 1 language 2
religion 1 religion 1 religion 2
female ones as their wives at the time of their colonization culture 1 culture 1 culture 2

of western Asia Minor, as Herodotos slily remarks (Histo-

ries I, 146). In the course of our investigations, we will ex-
ethnos 1 ethnos 2 ethnos 1
perience that in all cases of a migration some measure of
mixing between the invaders and the indigenous popula-
tion took place, so that the category of “race” will not fig-
ure prominently in our treatment – not in the least also
because we lack the sources whether the population groups Fig. 1a. Diagram of the extremities in the spectrum of possibilities
under discussion considered themselves of pure descent (= of the relation between ethnic groups and the indicia language, re-
emic point of view). ligion, and material culture.8
A complicating factor in our work with the remaining
three indicia for the distinction of ethnic groups is the fact Given this complicating factor, it cannot be denied,
that, as duly stressed by Hall, the boundaries of speech however, that the different indicia for the distinction of
communities, religious entities, and material cultures are ethnic groups often overlap and that precisely here we may
not always coterminous. Thus, to stipulate the extremities find a nucleus of an ethnic group (see Fig. 1b, below): if
of the entire spectrum of possibilities, a language can be we would assume otherwise we would throw away the
shared by two or more ethnic groups, like in the case of the child with the bathwater (for an elaboration of this point of
English and the Americans or the formerly west- and east- view, see section 2)! The latter observation should not be
Germans, or a single ethnic group can be characterized by mixed up with Gustav Kosinna’s adagium that “cultural
provinces clearly outlined archaeologically coincide in all
also holds good for Europe during the Bronze Age. periods with precise peoples or tribes”,9 which simplifies
5 Hall 1997: 19 ff. I consulted Jones 1997, but did not grasp her the actual state of affairs in an irresponsible manner. In
coming up with a protohistorical method. For a definition of
culture as “everything one acquires as a member of society”, see
van Binsbergen, forthc. 11. 7 Haas 1966: 17.
6 Cf. Snowden’s (1997: 121) characterization of the Graeco-
8 I am indebted to Wim van Binsbergen for drawing this diagram.
Roman world as a “society which (…) never made color the basis
for judging a man.” But see now Isaac 2004. 9 Demoule 1999: 194.

16
similar vein, to accuse Georges Dumézil of racialism, as concrete named groups in interaction; and
Tim Cornell does,10 because he discovered the remnants of 3. a process, involving both the interaction of these
a tripartite Indo-European religious ideology among vari- ethnic groups over time, and the dynamics (emer-
ous peoples speaking an Indo-European tongue, means an gence, maturation, change, decline, replacement,
irresponsible mixing up between the categories of kinship etc.) of the overall ethnic space they constitute to-
or “race” and religion, elements of the latter of which gether; of this process, we distinguish at least three
namely can also be inherited by genetically mixed descen- important movements:
dants. On the other hand, we cannot rule out the possibility a. ethnogenesis, as the redefinition (through
that in the overlap of our protohistoric indicia for ethnic changes in the classification system) of the over-
all ethnic space so as to accommodate a new
groups lurks yet another ethnic group, which, notwith-
ethnic group (often with repercussions for the
standing the fact that it shares in with the same phenotype, other groups already recognized within that
language, religion, and material culture of a particular eth- space);
nic group, simply considers itself distinct, like some of the b. ethnicization, as the internal process of “taking
Dryopes in Greece11 or the Asturians – who, while speak- consciousness” through which members of an
ing Spanish, being Catholic, and sharing the Spanish mate- essentially non-ethnic category in the socio-
economic-political space redefine their identity
rial culture, consider themselves Celtiberians – in Spain.12
increasingly in ethnic terms (usually under the
As we will also see in the next section, here our protohis- influence of a local elite);
toric method by its mere definition simply fails to help us c. ethnothanasia, the decline and eventually loss of
out. ethnic consciousness by an ethnic group, which
merges with another ethnic group already exist-
As cogently argued by van Binsbergen, the shortcom- ing in the same geographic space or having
newly arrived there.
ings of our protohistorical method can be partly compen-
sated by working within a theoretical framework, based on
Much of the structure and dynamics of ethnicity de-
experience with ethnic studies from the historical period.
pends on the framing of communities into wider organiza-
In the following, then, I will present a summary of van
tional settings, be they states, regional cultic networks, or
Binsbergen’s attempt at such a framework in his Ethnicity
commercial networks. In themselves, these latter forms of
in eastern Mediterranean protohistory, Reflections on the-
organization are alternative, and hence competing, ways of
ory and method (forthc.), sections 1-3.
structuring wider socio-political space.
Starting point is the realization that ethnicity is not
The ethnic name may be either geographically based
just a classification of human individuals in terms of an
or referring to some quality of the designated group as per-
ethnic lable, but a way of creating a wide-ranging, supra-
cepted by others or the group itself. The process of naming
local socially structured space as a context for social, eco-
is contrastive: by calling the other category “A”, one’s
nomic, political, military, and ritual interaction over a rela-
own category in any case is identified as “not-A”. The lat-
tively vast area. To underline this, there can be
ter is usually also given a name, “B”, by those which it has
distinguished three constituent aspects to make clear what
called “A”, and third parties within the social space can ei-
ethnicity is about:
ther adopt this nomenclature or replace it by one of their
own invention. With the naming, a classification system is
1. a system of classification into a finite number of
imposed. Obviously, it is impossible for an ethnic system
specific ethnic names;
to comprise only one ethnic group (in that case the group
2. a socio-political structure, notably the devise to turn
usually identifies itself simply as “humans”) – the plurality
the overall, neutral geographical space into an ethni-
of subsets is a precondition for ethnicity. The distinction
cally structured space, accommodating a number of
between ethnic groups, side by side in the same social
space, tends to involve an element of subordination and hi-

10 Cornell 1997: 14, note 18.

erarchy, at least from the perspective of the historical ac-
tors themselves.
11 Hall 1997: 74-7.
We would call a named set of people an “ethnic
12 Fernandez 2000.

17
group” only if certain additional characteristics are present, opposition through nomenclature offers a logical structure,
namely: which is further ossified through ascription (i.e. being
made into a birth right) and which presents itself as uncon-
x when individual membership is primarily derived ditioned, bounded, inescapable, and timeless (= primor-
from a birth right (ascription); dial); on the other hand, the actual processual realization
x when the set of people consciously and explicitly dis- (through the construction of a culture coinciding with the
tinguishes itself from other such sets by reference to group boundary, through distinctive cultural symbols,
specific cultural differences; and through a shared historical consciousness, through that part
x when the members of such a set identify with one an- of membership which is non-ascriptive but acquired)
other on the basis of a shared historical experience. means flexibility, choice, constructedness, and recent
change (= instrumental). Both, entirely contradictory, as-
The social process creates boundaries, but also in or- pects of ethnicization belong to ethnicity. As a result, eth-
der to cut across them. Thus, most ethnic groups include a nicity is often of a highly kaleidoscopic nature, constantly
minority of members who have gained their membership changing in shape and difficult to pin down to specific,
not at birth but only later in life, in a context of marriage, general analytical formulae. Above all, it should be real-
migration, language acquisition, adoption, the assumption ized that for every set of historical actors involved their
of a new identity and new life style, religious conversion, particular vision on ethnic relations and ethnic history is
etc. per definition that of partisans, and therefore must be sub-
Boundary markers include: jected to severe historical criticism before it can be used as
an historical source.
x a distinct ethnic name; The given
x a distinct home territory (although many members of
any ethnic group may have taken up residence, tem- (1) model of nominal ethnicity within a continuous
porarily or permanently, outside that territory); cultural space
x associated with the home territory, a distinct language
or dialect (although many if not most adults will be at is only one of several very distinct shapes that the ethnic
least bilingual); space can take in different periods and in different regions.
x distinct traditional authorities (kings, chiefs, head- Several major alternative models are:
men);
x distinct details of custom, especially in the sphere of (2) The immigrant model, found in all continents
expressive, ceremonial, and ritual production (music, throughout history, where a set of immigrants
dance, puberty rites, other life crisis ritual, patterns of (not necessarily less numerous than the original
sacrification, hairstyle and clothing, royal ritual) population) have managed to insert themselves
which may be taken as distinguishing ethnic markers into the local geographic space, and while re-
between adjacent ethnic groups even though in fact taining a selection of linguistic and cultural spe-
the spatial distribution of the custom in question may cific traits (often as a result of continued
be much more widespread. contacts with these immigrants’ original home,
which may be quite distant, and both culturally
In general, ethnicity is conceived as holistic and bun- and linguistically very distinct from their new
dled, involving language, cultural customs, somatic fea- host society), have begun to function as an inte-
tures, territory, and political leadership, which integrated gral part of that host society’s ethnic space.
package is claimed to determine the total mode of being of (3) The conquest model, found in all continents
that person. In reality, however, ethnic groups often differ throughout history as a variant of the immigrant
from each other only with respect to a very limited selec- model, in situations where an immigrant domi-
tion of cultural features functioning as boundary markers. nant minority (of pastoralists, metal-workers,
Now, ethnicization displays a remarkable dialectics which warriors with superior skills and weapons, etc.)
one might consider its engine: on the one hand, the binary has imposed itself as a distinct ethnic minority

18
 upon a pre-existing local population, retaining distinct ethnic identity, to inform especially the
its distinct identity and thus its prerogatives of more private, intimate aspects of life (family,
inequality through a package that, in addition to reproduction, recreation, religion) and main-
military, technological superiority, may include tained by a selection of language and custom
a language and customs different from the local and a tendency to endogamy.
majority, special ritual functions, and a strategy (7) Very common and widespread (e.g. in south
of endogamy. Central Africa, Central Asia, the Ottoman em-
(4) The millet system that was the standard form of pire, medieval Europe, the Bronze Age Mediter-
ethnic space under the Ottoman empire in the ranean, etc.) is the specialization model where,
Middle East and eastern Europe from the late within an extended ethnic space, each ethnic
Middle Ages to the early 20th century AD (al- group is associated with a specific specialization
though in fact this may be traced back to the in the field of production, circulation or ser-
Babylonian, Assyrian, and Achaemenid empires vices, so that the ethnic system is largely also a
of the second and first millennium BC, as medi- system of social, economic, and political inter-
ated through Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, dependence, exchange, and appropriation. Agri-
and early Islamic empires): the state’s overall culture, animal husbandry, fishing, hunting,
political and military space encompasses a trading, banking, military, judicial, royal, reli-
number of distinct ethnic groups (Turks, Jews, gious, recreational, performative, artistic func-
Greeks, Circassians, etc.) each of which are tions may each be associated (in actual practice,
largely self-contained in cultural, linguistic, or merely in ideology) with specific ethnic
marital, judicial, and religious matters, and each groups. Often such a specialization model is
of which displays – both in life-style and in combined with, or is a particular application of,
physical appearance – a distinct identity (per- some of the other systems listed above.
petuated over time because these ethnic groups
are endogamous), although they share the over- More models could easily be added to this list. Each
all public economic space production, exchange of these models displays a different mix, a different pack-
and state appropriation, often against the back- age of cultural, linguistic, and ritual elements, with differ-
ground of a lingua franca. ing degrees of explicit ethnic consciousness at the level of
(5) The colonial plural societies of Asia, Africa, the social actors involved. It is therefore important to re-
and Latin America in the 19th and 20th centu- peat that the specific composition of the distinct package in
ries AD, which mutatis mutandis are rather a concrete ethnic situation in space and time, can never be
similar to the millet system, but whose top- taken for granted and needs to be established by empirical
ranking ethnic groups in terms of political research in each individual case.
power (the European civil servants, agricultural
settlers, and industrialists, with their secondary
entourage from the distant metropolitan coloniz-
ing country) in fact function as an example of
the conquest model (3).
(6) The melting-pot model of the urban society of
North America in the late 19th and 20th centu-
ries AD, where very heterogenous sets of nu-
merous first-generation immigrants rapidly shed
much of the cultural specificity of their society
of origin, although it is true to say that the de-
scendants of many of these immigrant groups,
rather than disappearing in the great melting pot
of Americanness, continue to stand out with a

19
 2. ETHNICITY AND PROTOHISTORY

The study of the Sea Peoples, whose attack on Egypt and the ethnic indicia: “Someone is a Lue [= ethnic group in
the Levant marks the watershed between palace-bound Thailand] by virtue of believing and calling himself a
Late Bronze Age empires and more or less polis-oriented Lue”.15 It is clear that we are at a loss to trace this type of
Early Iron Age societies, leads us into the field of Mediter- ethnic group with a protohistorical method, as the contem-
ranean protohistory as there are not yet any contemporary porary epigraphical records or literary sources of a later
works of history to inform us about the course of events. period we will be working with often fall short in present-
As a result of this, we have to content ourselves with ing the so-called emic point of view.16 The best thing we
piecemeal preserved epigraphical records, often of a can do is to reconstruct distribution patterns of language
propagandistic nature, or bits of information from literary groups and archaeological cultures, and assume that where
sources of a later date, which can be supplemented by these two overlap the nucleus of an ethnic entity will to all
relevant archaeological data. However, as the title of this probability be lurking at the background (cf. Fig. 1b).
monograph suggests, our aim is not merely to study the
protohistorical Sea Peoples as such, but in particular to fo-
cus on their ethnicity, thus stimulating us to combine the kinship
methods of ethnic studies with that of protohistory.
The factors which play a role in the definition of eth-
nicity are neatly summed up by Herodotos when he makes
the Athenians answer to the Spartan envoys, who feared
that Athens might come to terms with Persia:
religion ethnicity culture
“There is not enough gold in the world, nor any land
so beautiful, that we would accept it in return for col-
luding with the Persians and bringing Hellas into
slavery. There are many important reasons to prevent
us from doing so, even if we wished to … there is a
Greek nation – our shared blood and language, our
common temples and rituals, our similar way of language
life.”13

In similar vein, Jonathan Hall distinguishes “race”,

Fig. 1b. Diagram of the partial relationship between ethnicity and
language, religion, and shared culture as factors in the self-
its indicia, kinship, material culture, language, and religion.17
expression of ethnic groups. Rightly, he stresses in this
connection that these factors are not defining criteria of
According to Hall, this latter approach is fallacious,
ethnicity, but indicia, as he goes to great length to show
because linguistic and cultural boundaries are seldom co-
that, for example, a language may have a more restricted
terminous.18 However, in my view that is overstating the
distribution than the ethnic group or, vice versa, may have
evidence: there are numerous instances in which archaeo-
a wider distribution than the ethnic group, or that the eth-
logical cultures overlap with language groups, especially
nic group may be bilingual or multilingual, or change from
in contrastive situations like, for example, the colonization
one language to another altogether (cf. section 1).14
by the Greeks of culturally different regions in the Early
Another point rightly emphasized by Hall is that the
Iron Age.
determination of ethnic identity is in essence an historical
As far as the Black Sea area is concerned, there is un-
process. Thus it can happen that individuals consider
themselves as members of an ethnic group without distin-
guishing themselves from other ethnic groups by any of
15 Hall 1997: 24.

16 Cf. Lomas 1997: 2.

13 Histories VIII, 144; cf. Hall 1989: 165. 17 I am indebted to Wim van Binsbergen for drawing this diagram.

14 Hall 1997: 19-26. 18 Hall 1997: 23.

21
certainty about the 8th century BC colonization of Sinope fied), whereas pottery finds range from Rhodian, Chian
and Trapezus on the northern Anatolian coast, because this (one inscribed with a dedication by Sostratos [= Aeginetan
cannot be backed up by archaeological evidence. But the trader who also dedicated an inscription at Graviscae in
refoundation of Sinope by the Milesians Kretinos and Etruria] to Aphrodite), Samian, Clazomenian, Lesbian
Koos after the period of the Kimmerian invasion coincides (bucchero) from the Aegean islands to Spartan, Korinthian,
with late 7th century BC east-Greek and a little Korinthian and Attic from the Greek mainland. Interesting also is a fa-
pottery from graves. Similarly, the Milesian colonization ience factory producing scarabs and other Aegyptiaca for
of Histria in present-day Romania, which is variously the Greek market.20
dated to 656/5 (Eusebios) or the late 7th century BC Finally, the Greeks also expanded into the western
(pseudo-Skymnos), is archaeologically matched by Middle Mediterranean. The earliest site in this area is Pithecussae
Wild Goat (= east-Greek) style pottery dating from c. 630 on the island of Ischia before the coast of present-day
BC onwards. Furthermore, the likewise Milesian colony at Naples. This emporion produced Euboian and Korinthian
Borysthenes or Berezan, an emporion near the mouth of ware next to Greek inscriptions (among which the famous
the river Bug, the foundation of which is dated to 646/5 Nestor cup) dating from c. 770-675 BC, which coincides
BC by Eusebios, produced a wide variety of east-Greek nicely with the fact that according to literary evidence
(besides some Attic and Korinthian) pottery from occupa- Euboians from Khalkis and Eretria were once stationed
tion deposits dating from the second quarter of the 7th cen- here. Of these two Greek population groups, the Khalkidi-
tury BC onwards. Here were also found Milesian coins ans went over to the Italian mainland and settled at Cumae
(late 7th century BC) and a Greek inscription on a bone – “the oldest of all the Sicilian and Italiotic cities”21 – , an
plaque (late 6th or early 5th century BC). As a final exam- event reflected in the archaeological record by Greek in-
ple from the Black Sea region, we may point to Khersone- humation graves dating from c. 725 BC onwards.22 But as
sos in the Crimea, which was founded by Dorians from Naxos in Sicily is the earliest Greek colonial foundation in
Herakleia Pontica (the latter being a Megarian colony) in the west, we should refrain from considering Pithecussae
422/1 BC, but used already before this date as a trading and Cumae as purely Greek enterprises. In Pithecussae,
station. Next to burials in amphorae from Samos and next to Greek inscriptions, Aramaic and proto-Etruscan
Thasos dated to the beginning of the 5th century BC, “os- ones came to light, indicating the presence of Aramaean
traka” from about the same time were found here inscribed and Tyrrhenian merchants and/or resident aliens from
first in the Megarian alphabet and later in the Milesian one North Syria and the Aegean, respectively, whereas Cumae
with Dorian personal names.19 is named after Kume in Aiolia on the coast of western
If we turn to Egypt, it so happens that pharaoh Psam- Anatolia, and, next to Greek graves, produced a very rich
metichos I (664-610 BC) granted Greeks, who had served Etruscan cremation burial, the so-called fondo Artiaco, and
him as mercenaries, the right to settle in a trading colony an Etruscan inscription in the earliest period of its exis-
called Naukratis – a site 3 km from present day el-Niqrâš tence.23 The story of the subsequent colonization of Naxos
along the western branch of the Nile delta. The validity of (by the Khalkidians, 734 BC), Syracuse (by the Korin-
this historical information is underlined by the fact that thians, 733 BC) and the other sites in Sicily, and their im-
Greek pottery is attested for the earliest layer of the site portance for the absolute chronology of Greek (especially
dating from c. 630 BC onwards. The privileged position of Korinthian) pottery, may be considered familiar by now.24
the Greeks at Naukratis is subsequently reinforced by Still interesting to adduce is that the historical tradition of
Amasis (570-526 BC), under whose rule the Greeks built a the Phokaians from Aiolia in western Anatolia sailing all
joint sanctuary, the Hellenion. In this sanctuary pottery has
been found inscribed with the Greek text “to the gods of
20 Boardman 1994; cf. Boardman 1999: 118-33.
the Greeks”. Next, there have been excavated temples of
individual states, like that of Aphrodite (Chian), Hera 21 Strabo, Geography V, 4, 4.

(Samian), Apollo (Milesian), and the Dioskouroi (unspeci- 22 Boardman 1999: 165-9.

23 Buchner 1982: 293; Woudhuizen 1992a: 154-64; Woudhuizen

19 Tsetskhladze 1994: 115-23; for the Berezan inscription on a 1998-9: 176-8 (cf. section 10, esp. notes 298 and 303-5 below).

bone plaque, see Onyshkevych 2002. 24 Boardman 1999: 169 ff; cf. Dunbabin 1999 (esp. 435-8).

22
the way to Tartessos just outside the pillars of Herakles in myth goes, return to their ancestral lands some time after
southern Iberia is reflected in the archaeological record of the Trojan war. In fact, the evaluation of the historicity of
Huelva by north-Ionian bird bowls and Aiolian bucchero this event is a central theme in Hall’s study of ethnicity in
dating from c. 630-580 BC.25 Apparently to accommodate antiquity.
this long-distance trade the Phokaians founded colonies The problem of the coming of the Dorians and the re-
along the route at Marseilles (= Massalia, c. 600 BC) and turn of the Heraklids involves three categories of evidence:
Ampurias (= Emporion, also c. 600 BC).26 linguistic, historical (or mythical),27 and archaeological.
With a view to linguistics, it deserves our attention The linguistic thesis is presented by the map of the distri-
that there can be distinguished four types of names for the bution of the Greek dialects (see Fig. 2). What strikes us
Greek colonies in general: (1) after or derived from geo- about this distribution is that speakers of Arkado-Cyprian –
graphic names in the motherland, like Cumae, Megara Hy- which is the dialect closest to the Mycenaean Greek lan-
blaia, and Naxos; (2) based on Greek divine names, like guage as attested for Linear B tablets from the Late Bronze
Apollonia, Herakleia, and Posidonia; (3) based on Greek Age – besides their extension to Cyprus (not on the map),
vocabulary words, like Emporion, Naukratis, Olbia, and are locked up in the Arkadian upland plain in the centre of
Khersonesos; or (4) derived from local geographic (espe- the Pelopponesos and entirely surrounded by speakers of
cially river) names, like Borysthenes, Gela, Histria, and the West Greek or Doric dialect. From this distribution pat-
Sybaris. tern it may be extrapolated that Arkado-Cyprian was once
spoken in a wider area including the coastal regions of the
Pelopponesos in order to explain the maritime connection
with Cyprus, and that West Greek or Doric is a latecomer
in the region, having been introduced in the Pelopponesos
and spread to Crete, the Dodekanesos, southwest Asia Mi-
nor, and Rhodes after the downfall of the Mycenaean civi-
lization.
The historical antithesis consists of mythical tradi-
tions that the Dorians once lived in various regions of
Thessaly (first Phthia in the south and later Histiaiotis ei-
ther at the foot of the Pindos mountain in the midwest or
between mounts Ossa and Olympos in the northeast) and
Phokis (Dryopis, later called Doris). In Thessaly, the Dori-
ans became associated with a royal house descended from
Fig. 2. Distribution of the Greek dialects (from Hall 1997: 154,
Herakles, who during his labors visited the region of His-
Fig. 25).
tiaiotis and helped the Dorians to defeat their enemies, the
Lapiths, in return of which he received a third share of the
land and the kingship from them. Now, Herakles is, like
Thus far our interdisciplinary method to detect proto-
Eurystheus, who through the wiles of Hera became king in
historical ethnic groups, notwithstanding its shortcomings,
his place, a member of the Perseid dynasty of Mycenae.
seems to work fairly well. But what about less contrastive
This latter dynasty was subsequently replaced by the house
situations, when a population shift takes place from one
of Pelops, to which Agamemnon, the king of Mycenae at
point to another within a cultural continuum? The best ex-
the time of the Trojan war, belongs. After a futile attempt
ample of such a case is the migration of the Dorians from
of the Heraklids to regain their throne under Herakles’ son
various regions in Phokis and Thessaly to the Peloponne-
Hyllos, the great-grandson of the latter, Temenos, together
sos under the leadership of Heraklid kings, who, as the

27 In general, concerning the category the historical or mythical

25 Cabrera & Olmos 1985; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 150. evidence as presented by the literary sources, Forsdyke’s (1957:
162) adagium that “Plausible fiction can only be distinguished
26 Shefton 1994: 61-3 (east-Greek and Korinthian wares reported from fact by external evidence (…).” should be applied whenever
for the earliest layer); 70-1 possible.

23
with the Heraklids Kresphontes and Aristodemos, led an Instead of addressing Eder’s archaeological results,
army of Dorians to the Pelopponesos, drove out the last however, Hall energetically persists in his disqualification
representative of the Pelopids, Teisamenes, the son of of the literary traditions on the return of the Heraklids and
Orestes, and divided the Pelopponesos in three parts, Te- the coming of the Dorians as mere inventions – a very un-
menos himself taking Argos, the sons of Aristodemos satisfactory point of view for an adherent of what he calls
(whose father had been killed by a thunderbolt) receiving the “historically positivist” school like myself.31 And he
Sparta, and Kresphontes being allotted Messenia. puts some venom in this, when he associates the interdisci-
Apparently, the literary traditions tally very well with plinary method propagated here – in his words the “cul-
the linguistic evidence, but the missing link to solve the ture-historical” approach – with its nationalistically
riddle of the Dorian invasion once and for all is formed by colored application by Gustav Kossinna and the subse-
the archaeological side of the story. Like others before quent abuse of the latter’s views for the “Blut und Boden”
him, Hall is not able to find archaeological evidence for a propaganda of the German Nazi’s.32 In section 1 above we
migration from the region of Thessaly to the Pelopponesos have seen how Kosinna’s adagium that “cultural provinces
and gets so frustrated that he altogether denounces the clearly outlined archaeologically coincide in all periods
mythical stories as inventions of later date (whether, and if with precise peoples or tribes” falls short of explaining the
so, how he revaluates the evidence of the dialects is not complexities of reality and that the different categories of
clear).28 The solution of this problem, however, has been evidence need to be tackled individually.
presented by Birgitta Eder in a thorough study of the ar- If, for the sake of argument, we would join Hall in his
chaeological evidence from the Argolid, Lakonia, and rejection of the interdisciplinary method propagated here
Messenia from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the Pro- notwithstanding its noted shortcomings and deficiencies,
togeometric period. As Eder convincingly shows, all three the immediate consequence would be that the phenomenon
regions of the Pelopponesos suffer from heavy depopula- of ethnic groups detectable for the historical period did not
tion during the Submycenaean period (= dearth of material exist in protohistorical and prehistorical times – a basically
evidence) and receive new population impulses at the end improbable assumption. The more so, because already in
of the Submycenaean and beginning of the Protogeometric this early period we are confronted with ethnonyms – those
period (= reappearance of material evidence). In the course of the Sea Peoples being at the heart and core of the inves-
of this latter process, there are some traces of discontinuity tigation we are presently embarking on – , which Hall him-
in material culture with that of the previous Mycenaean self considered “a vital component of ethnic conscious-
one in the form of graves for individual burials dug in for- ness”.33
mer habitation areas (Mycenae and Tiryns), the introduc-
tion of handmade ware with affinities to pottery of middle
Greece (Tiryns and Asine), and the (re)introduction of ap-
Homeros and History
sidal houses.29 As after the low ebb in material finds from
An important literary source for the reconstruction of the
the Submycenaean period the archaeological culture in the
early history of the region of Greece and the Aegean is
regions of the Pelopponesos under discussion develops
formed by Homeros’ epics the Iliad and the Odyssey. As
without a break from the Protogeometric period to the
related forms of six from the total of nine ethnonyms of the
Classical one and beyond, Eder rightly concludes that this
Sea Peoples figure in them, the Homeric poems also have a
is the time that the ancestors of the historical Dorians have
direct bearing on our topic.34 The fundamental question is,
arrived – and, we would like to add to this conclusion, that
however, which period do the Iliad and the Odyssey re-
the ancestors of the historical Dryopes, a distinct ethnic
flect, the Late Bronze Age or the Early Iron Age, or both,
group inhabiting Asine in the Argolid until the end of the
8th century BC, might be among them!30
31 Hall 2002: 73-89; Hall 1997: 41.

32 Hall 1997: 129; Hall 2002: 38.

28 Hall 1997: 56-65; 184-5; Hall 2002: 73-89.
33 Hall 2002: 55.
29 Eder 1998: esp. 57 (Mycenae); 58-62 (Tiryns); 67-8 (Asine).
34 Akhaioi-Ekwesh, Danaoi-Denye(n), Lukioi-Lukka, Pelasgoi-
30 On the Dryopes, see Strid 1999. Peleset, Sikeloi-Shekelesh, and Teukros-Tjeker.

24
or none at all? Finike (c. 1200 BC),37 Jacob Katzenstein convingingly
A lot of ink has been spilled on this question, and I demonstrates that the prominent position of the Sidonians
am not aiming to present an exhaustive treatment of the among the Phoenicians dates from the refoundation of
relevant literature, but only to briefly adstruct my own po- Tyre by the Sidonians in 1197 BC to the Assyrian con-
sition in this matter. One work needs to be mentioned here, quest of the city at the end of the reign of Eloulaios, 694
however, and that is Martin Persson Nilsson’s Homer and BC: in this period the kings of Tyre were addressed as
Mycenae (1933), which, in my opinion, offers the best in- “king of the Sidonians”.38
troduction to the Homeric question.35 As the latter author Next, it so happens that the standard burial rite in the
goes at great length to explain, the Homeric poems are the Homeric poems is cremation. The latter rite is already
result of a long lasting epic tradition, in which bards con- known in the Late Bronze Age for Hittite royal burials,39
stantly rehandled their material for instant public perform- and there are more than 200 cinerary urns reported for the
ances and old and new elements are mixed together like cemetery of Troy VIh.40 But for Greece, one is especially
currants and raisins in a well-kneaded dough. Conse- reminded of the burial of the hero of Lefkandi in the 10th
quently, the efforts made by many a scholar to distinguish century BC and the burials at the west gate of Eretria from
early and late passages are altogether futile: there can, with the 8th century BC.41 In general, it may be stated that the
the help of archaeological, historical, and linguistic data, popularity of the rite of cremation in Greece is an Early
only be distinguished early and late elements! Iron Age feature.
Among the late elements, the first that comes to mind A further Early Iron Age feature is the use of the term
is iron. This metal is mentioned 23x in the Iliad and 25x in basileus as a mere substitute for anaks “king”. Both these
the Odyssey.36 Now, it is clear that in the Homeric poems titles are already found in Linear B, where they occur as
a conscious attempt is made at archaizing by having the qa-si-re-u and wa-na-ka, respectively, but only the latter
weapons made of bronze. Only in two instances, Iliad IV, renders the meaning “king” here, whereas the former de-
123 and Odyssey XIX, 13, the poet (= poetic tradition notes a functionary of lower rank in, so far specified, the
epitomized in Homeros) makes a slip of the tongue and bronze industry.42 It is interesting to observe in this con-
speaks of weapons of iron. In this respect, then, the Iliad nection that the titular expression anaks andrǀn, with only
and the Odyssey may be assumed to have reached their fi- one exception in which it is associated with Eumelos of
nal form in about the same period and not the one earlier Iolkos (Iliad XXIII, 288), is reserved for the supreme
than the other as is often assumed. Note further in this commander of the Greeks, Agamemnon.
connection that the iron club of Areïthoös (Iliad VII, 141- Also in the field of armory and fighting methods
4) is a special case: it may have been made of meteoric Early Iron Age elements have slipped in. Thus the warriors
iron, which was already known in the Bronze Age, or it are often equipped with a round shield, two spears, and
may be one of those rare objects of mined iron on the pro- greaves – the latter in one instance from tin (Iliad XVIII,
duction of which the Hittites had a monopoly during the 613). As Robert Drews cogently argues, the innovative
Late Bronze Age. round shield is introduced into the eastern Mediterranean
Another definite Early Iron Age element is formed by by Sherden mercenaries from Sardinia fighting in the
the close association of the Phoenicians with the Sidonians Egyptian army from the beginning of the 13th century BC
– the latter being mentioned 4x in the Iliad and 13x in the onwards. Its earliest attestation in Greece is on the warrior
Odyssey. Although George Bass makes a strong case for vase from Mycenae, dated to Late Helladic IIIC, i.e. just
Canaanite shipping to Greece and the central Mediterra-
nean already in the Late Bronze Age on the basis of the
37 Bass 1997.
shipwrecks found by him off the coast of Lycia at Ulubu-
38 Katzenstein 1973: 58-63; 130-2.
run near Kaú (c. 1300 BC) and at cape Gelidonya near
39 Haas 2000 (esp. 66-7).

40 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 195.

35 Other pertinent literature: Page 1959, Webster 1960, and Latacz 41 Popham, Touloupa & Sackett 1982; Bérard 1970 (cf. section
2003. 10, esp. note 288 below).
36 Gehring 1901, s.v. sidƝreios, sidƝreos, sidƝros. 42 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.

25
after the end of the Bronze Age.43 Drews further shows The palace-bound civilization of Late Bronze Age
that the round shield is used together with a slashing Greece was characterized by an intricate system of admini-
sword, two spears or javelins, and metal greaves in hand- stration on clay tablets inscribed in Linear B. Homeros, on
to-hand fighting by skirmishers.44 In an earlier period, the other hand, is totally unaware of this script – his only
Greek infanterists were used to the towershield, which reference to a regular script, the sƝmata lugra “baneful
covered the entire body. The latter shield also turns up in signs” in the Bellerophon story (Iliad VI, 168), defines this
the Iliad particularly in association with the Salaminian as an exotic phenomenon.
hero Aias. But sometimes the poet (= poetic tradition It also seems reasonable to suggest that the use of
epitomized in Homeros) gets confused and calls the tower- clothing pins or fibulae, as referred to in both the Iliad (X,
shield (sakos) “small” (Iliad XIV, 376) and wrongly asso- 133; XIV, 180 [both verbal forms]) and the Odyssey (XIX,
ciates it with greaves (Iliad III, 330-5), whereas the round 226; 256), constitutes an Early Iron Age feature, because
shield (aspis) is stated to “reach the feet” (Iliad XV, 645- these objects only turn up in graves from the latter period.
6).45 Another striking Late Bronze Age reminiscent be- Note in this connection that the peronƝ according to Hero-
sides the towershield is the boar’s tusk helmet (Iliad X, dotos is a characteristic feature of Doric dress.49
261-5). An important factor, however, in Late Bronze Age Finally, there are some names paralleled only for
fighting is formed by the chariot. In Egyptian reliefs it is Early Iron Age texts. This has a bearing on the Arimoi in
shown that the chariot was used as a mobile platform to the territory where Typhoeus is situated, which probably
shoot arrows with the composite bow.46 In the Iliad the refers to the volcanic island of Pithecussae off the coast of
chariots are sometimes used for fighting with a long lance present-day Naples in Italy, and hence we are likely to be
or spear, just as it is depicted on a Late Helladic IIA seal dealing here with Aramaeans (Iliad II, 781-3);50 the Kim-
from Vapheio in the Argolid.47 But in general the original merians, who invaded Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia
use of the chariot as a mobile platform from which the from the Russian Crimea at the end of the 8th century BC
warrior actually fights seems no longer clear to the poet and therefore are thoroughly out of place in the context of
and he stages it, in line with pictorial evidence from Late Odysseus’ visit to the underworld somewhere in the central
Helladic IIIC,48 as a taxi for elite warriors to move to the Mediterranean (Odyssey XI, 14); lake Gygaia in Maeonia,
front, where they get out and fight on foot as infanterists likely to be named after the Lydian tyrant Gyges, who
(note, however, that in some instances, as at the beginning ruled from 685 to 657 BC (Iliad XX, 390-1; cf. II, 865);51
of Iliad XII, this tactic is merely determined by the terrain, and the Dorians on Crete, who, as we have shown above,
because the chariots cannot possibly cross the ditch in can only be surmised to have colonized the island at the
front of the wall near the ships of the Greek camp). end of the Submycenaean or beginning of the Proto-
geometric period (Odyssey XIX, 177).
Notwithstanding these Early Iron Age features, which
43 Drews 1993a: 177-9.
have filtered in during the hundreds of years of improvised
44 Drews 1993a: 176-208. epic performances by the bards and which no doubt can be
45 For the erroneous coalescence of these data into a very “big multiplied by closer study, the heart and core of the Ho-
round shield” which can only be carried by fairy tale heroes, see meric poems reflects a Late Bronze Age politico-historical
van Wees 1992: 17-22. setting. One of the strongest arguments to underline this
46 Drews 1993a: 104-34; Drews 1988: 84 ff. statement is formed by the fact that Heinrich Schliemann
47 Crouwel 1981: Pl. 11; cf. Wiesner 1968: F 27; F 95. on the basis of the geographical information in Homeros’
48 E.g. Crouwel 1981: Pl. 59; note that Crouwel’s (1981: 119 ff.)
epics excavated the citadels of Troy (1870), Mycenae
downplaying of the early evidence for Mycenaean warriors actu- (1876), and Tiryns (1884) – an empirical approach in the
ally fighting from the chariot, reducing it to the scene of the seal
from Vapheio just mentioned to the neglect of, for example, the
49 Lorimer 1950: 337; cf. also porpƝ mentioned in Iliad XVIII,
scenes on the stelae from the shaft graves (Crouwel 1981: Pls. 35-
7), is induced by his preoccupation with the most common Ho- 401. For the Dark Ages in general, see Desborough 1972 and
meric use of the chariot as a taxi, so that his conclusion (Crouwel Snodgrass 2000.
1981: 151) that the iconographic evidence agrees with this particu- 50 Bernal 1991: 192.
lar Homeric use is not only a simplification of the state of affairs
but in effect rests on circular reasoning. 51 Kullmann 1999: 192.

26
humaniora which comes closest to experiment in the natu- may also be added53 the mythical Amazones, an enemy
ral sciences. To these epoch-making finds, Carl Blegen whom the Phrygians run up against when trying to carve
supplemented the discovery of the Mycenaean palace of out a territorium for themselves along the Sangarios river
Pylos (1939), which was destroyed at the end of the Late in Anatolia at the time when Priamos still fought himself
Bronze Age and therefore cannot possibly be accommo- (Iliad III, 184) and whom Bellerophon stumbles upon dur-
dated in an Early Iron Age environment. To this comes ing his adventures inland from Lycia (Iliad VI, 186).
that the king of Mycenae, Agamemnon, is endowed with Furthermore, another strong argument in favor of the
the power to call all the other Greek kings from both the Late Bronze Age politico-historical setting of the Homeric
mainland and the Aegean islands to service in war – which poems is provided by the catalogue of the ships. As far as
presumes a political unity reflected in the archaeological the Greek mainland is concerned, it stands out that Aitolia
record by the so-called Mycenaean koinƝ of Late Helladic and Thessaly are represented, but northwest Greece is not.
IIIB, but never reached again until the unification of This coincides with the distribution of Late Helladic IIIB
Greece by Alexander the Great at the start of the Hellenis- ware in connection with settlements and chamber tombs
tic period. with multiple burials, from which northwest Greece is ex-
The historical validity of the supreme power of the cluded: apparently the latter region is not Hellenized be-
king of Mycenae is further emphasized by the recognition fore the Early Iron Age.54 Similarly, as duly stressed by
of the king of A®®iyawa (= Greek Akhaians) as a great Joachim Latacz, the Cyclades and the west coast of Asia
king in correspondence with the Hittites, namely in the so- Minor are also not represented, which, as far as the last
called Tawagalawas-letter from presumably the reign of mentioned area is concerned, is historically correct since
the Hittite great king Muwatallis II (1295-1271 BC). The the Aiolian, Ionian, and Doric migrations to western Ana-
latter source of evidence further affirms the historicity of tolia date from the Submycenaean period onwards. A prob-
Agamemnon’s father and predecessor, Atreus, who appears lem is posed, however, by the position of Miletos (= Hittite
in the so-called Indictment of Madduwattas from the reigns Millawanda), which according to Homeros is inhabited by
of Tud®aliyas II (1390-1370 BC) and Arnuwandas I (1370- Carians and sides with the Trojans (Iliad II, 686), whereas
1355 BC) as Attarissiyas, the man of A®®iyƗ (= a short- it definitely belonged to the Mycenaean (archaeologically)
hand variant of A®®iyawa). Moreover, in a treaty also from or Akhaian (historically) sphere of influence at the time of
the reign of Muwatallis II the kingdom of Troy is referred the Trojan war (c. 1280 BC). As Millawanda is in the Hit-
to as Wilusa, the Hittite equivalent of Greek Ilios (< tite records reported to have changed sides during the reign
*Wilios), and turns out to be headed by a king named of Tud®aliyas IV (1239-1209 BC), the Homeric position of
Alaksandus, the Hittite equivalent of Greek Aleksandros.
As a matter of fact, in the aforesaid Tawagalawas-letter, a Khalybes from the Black Sea coast, which is linguistically possi-
conflict between the Hittite king and his A®®iyawan col- ble, but chronologically inadequate as these latter are only attested
for the Early Iron Age. Note in this connection that Hittite invol-
league over Wilusa is explicitly mentioned – an incident
vement in Mysia is assured by their foundation of Sarawa there,
which inflated in Greek memory to the famous Trojan war see Woudhuizen 1992a: 138.
(see further section 8 below)! 53 Smit 1988-9: 54, with reference to Garstang 1929: 86 f. for the
In alignment with the Hittite evidence, it is of no little Amazones and 172 for the Keteioi; see further Leonhard 1911: 15-
consequence for the historicity of the Trojan war that the 6. Note with Gindin 1999: 225-6 that the relation between Keteioi
and Amazones is enhanced by the fact that the name of the leader
Hittites, as first realized by Thomas Webster, are staged in
of the former, Eurypylos, is a masculine variant of that of the
Homeros’ account of it as allies of Troy in two capacities: queen of the latter, Eurypyle. The same author also rightly stressed
first in the enumeration of the Trojan allies at the end of the relation of the name Telephos with the Hittite royal name Tele-
book II of the Iliad as Halyzones from far away Alybe – a pinus (p. 248-9), and that of his second son Tarkhǀn with the Lu-
wian divine name Tar® unt (p. 225). The close knit fabric of
city, like the Hittite capital Hattusa, associated with silver
mythical associations is further elaborated by the fact that the wife
– (Iliad II, 856); and second as KƝteioi, whose leader Eu- of Telephos is recorded to fight from the chariot like an Amazone
rypylos, the son of the Mysian king Telephos, is killed by (Gindin 1999: 248-9). On top of this, the leader of the Keteioi is
Akhilleus’ son Neoptolemos (Odyssey XI, 521).52 To this called a megas basileus “great king” by Quintus of Smyrna, see
Gindin 1999: 231.
54 Smit 1989: esp. 180 (map); cf. Latacz 2003: 266, Abb. 22, and
52 Webster 1960: 67; Meyer 1968: 12 identifies Alybe with the section 8, Fig. 12a below.

27
Miletos may be due to an historical hypercorrection.55
Finally, the close contacts of the Mycenaean Ak-
haians with the Hittites as attested for Hittite correspon-
dence can be further illustrated by the fact that Homeros in
two instances has applied a standard expression from Hit-
tite texts in annalistic tradition according to which the
chief deity, in the case of the Hittites the stormgod, runs
before the king and his army in battle to secure victory.56
Thus, in one passage Apollo, the chief god of the Trojans,
mentioned in form of Appaliunas as one of the local oath-
gods in the Alaksandus-treaty,57 precedes the Trojans with
the aegis in their attempt to storm the Greek wall (Iliad
XV, 307-11), and in another Athena, one of the deities on
the Greek side, precedes Akhilleus when he conquers
Lyrnessos and Pedasos to the south of mount Ida (Iliad
XX, 94-6)!

55 Latacz 2003: 278 ff.; 339 f. See further section 8 below.

56 For the earliest example, see Bryce 1998: 135 (annals of

Tud®aliyas I, 1430-1400 BC); Woudhuizen 1994-5: 181, note 131;
Woudhuizen 2004a: 38, note 42 (the literal translation of Hittite
píran ® uya- or ® uwƗ(i)- is “to run before”); see Yalburt, phrases
4, 7, 11, and 32 for Luwian hieroglyphic examples.
57 Latacz 2003: 58; 138 (§ 20).

28
 3. HISTORICAL SETTING

In this section I will present a brief overview of the main beyond. Accordingly, we appear to be confronted with two
historical developments in the Near East with a bearing on concerted invasions by Indo-Europeans in the 23rd century
the Levant from the catastrophic events at the end of the BC: one by the ancestors of the later Tocharians across the
reign of Narâm-Sin of Akkad and during the First Interme- Caucasus into Mesopotamia and another by the ancestors
diary Period in Egypt to those marking the end of the of the later Hittites, Luwians, and Palaians across the
Bronze Age. In doing so, I will base myself on Redford Bosporus into the Anatolian highland and along the west-
1992 (with chronology adapted to Kitchen 1989) and ern and southern coasts into the plains of Konya and
Bryce 1998, unless indicated otherwise. Cilicia – the latter event marked by the spread of Trojan
At the end of his reign, Narâm-Sin of Akkad (2291- IIg ware with as its “Leitmotiv” the so-called depas am-
2255 BC) was defeated by a group of mountain dwellers phikupellon.
called the Guti, who conquered Babylon and ruled it for a The upheavals at the end of Late Bronze Age II in the
period of about one century. At the time of their onslaught 23rd century BC also affected the Greek mainland, Crete,
on Babylon, these Guti came from the mountainous region and the Levant. In Greece, for instance the “House of the
of the Lower ZƗb in western Iran. A later source from the Tiles” at Lerna was burned down and covered by a tumu-
time of Hammurabi (1792-1750 BC) reports that part of lus – a burial custom characteristic of the Kurgan culture
their land was called Tukri. From this piece of information, of the Russian steppe. This event is commonly associated
W.B. Henning deduced that we may well be dealing with with the arrival of the earliest Indo-Europeans in southern
the Tocharians inhabiting the Tarim basin along the west- Greece (see further section 7). As far as Crete is con-
ern border of China in the historical period, who addressed cerned, the flourishing settlements at Vasiliki near the bay
themselves both as Tugri and as Kuþi (< Guti).58 If this is of Mirabello and Myrtos (Fournou Korifi) along the south
correct, we actually have here the first historical evidence coast were destroyed by fire and the ruins of the first cov-
about a group of Indo-Europeans. ered by simple hovels and that of the second by a peak-
In about the same time as the Gutian onslaught on sanctuary – a completely new phenomenon for the is-
Akkad, at the end of Early Bronze Age II, there is massive land.62 Against the background of the events in Anatolia
evidence for large-scale destruction of settlements in Ana- and Greece, it seems not farfetched to assume that the
tolia, especially in the Konya region and Cilicia later oc- Indo-European invasions also affected eastern Crete – an
cupied by Luwians. The subsequent lack of reoccupation assumption which would allow us to explain the evidence
suggested to James Mellaart that the affected regions be- for the Luwian language in Cretan hieroglyphic documents
came the grazing grounds of nomads.59 The origin of the dating from the Middle Bronze Age onwards (see further
nomads in question may perhaps be indicated by the evi- section 12 and appendix I). Finally, the Levant bears testi-
dence of the royal burials at Alaca Höyük, which are of mony of a similar lapse to nomadism as Anatolia: if Indo-
similar type as those of the later Mycenaeans and Phry- Europeans were responsible for this development, as
gians, and characterized by solar discs and theriomorphic Marija Gimbutas argued on the basis of Kurgan-like shaft-
standards recalling counterparts from Horoztepe and tombs (among which a twin catacomb grave) at Bâb edh-
Mahmatlar in the Pontic region: all these elements have Drâ east of the Dead Sea, these have not been traced in the
been attributed by Ekrem Akurgal to Indo-Europeans60 – records which surface again from the Middle Bronze Age
nomadic cattle-breeders and herdsmen originating from61 onwards.63
the steppe zone north of the Black Sea, the Caucasus, and
62 Caskey 1971: 803; Best 1981b: 8-9. Note that according to
Hiller 1985 : 127 there was no peak-sanctuary at Myrtos after its
58 Henning 1978.
destruction, even though Warren 1972: 92 does suggest such a
59 Mellaart 1971: 406-10. function for an Early Minoan III arc-shaped building.
63 Gimbutas 1973 groups these Indo-European migrations together
60 Akurgal 1992: 1-5.
as her “second wave of Indo-Europeanization”. As opposed to
61 Mallory 1989. this, Best 1976: 218 associates these graves with the apsidal hou-

29
 It lies at hand to correlate the fall of central authority Byblos or through direct contacts with Egypt itself (see
during the First Intermediate Period in Egypt, assigned to further section 12 and appendix I).
about 2140 BC, with the upheavals at the end of Early The period of the Assyrian merchant colonies ended
Bronze Age II. in destruction, and when the smoke screen rose, a new era
Under the 11th dynasty the unity of Egypt was re- had arrived. From a military point of view, a dominant fac-
stored and the country rose to great power during the 12th tor in this new era was formed by the war chariot, which
dynasty. At that time Byblos in the Levant was drawn maintained its central position untill the end of the Bronze
within the orbit of Egyptian influence, as can be deduced Age. It is true that experiments with the chariot are already
from inscriptions by its rulers in Egyptian hieroglyphic and recorded for the Karum-period, as the Anatolian king Anit-
the influence of the latter script on the indigenous Byblian tas, who ruled in the late 19th century BC and is consid-
proto-Linear script. Synchronous with the rise of Egypt ered the founder of the Hittite royal house, reported his
under the 12th dynasty (= 20th and 19th centuries BC) was acquisition of forty teams of horses in the course of his
the regular trade connection between Assyria and Anatolia capture of the town Salatiwara – teams of horses which no
as examplified by Assyrian trading colonies or kƗru asso- doubt pulled war chariots.66 Now, the war chariot was in-
ciated with major Anatolian towns. The cuneiform tablets troduced in the Near East by Indo-Europeans, to be more
from the kƗru inform us that the Assyrian merchants im- specific speakers of Indo-Aryan, the forerunner of Indo-
ported annukum “tin” and woolen textiles in exchange for Iranian. These Indo-Aryan chariot fighters, thanks to their
Anatolian metals, especially silver and gold. The metal tin military superiority, conquered the Hurritic population liv-
played a crucial role in international trade from c. 2000 BC ing along the upper Euphrates river, and established a
onwards, when the bronze industry went over from arsenic royal house here. At least, this course of events is deduci-
bronze to the much harder alloy of copper and tin for the ble from the fact that the 14th century BC text by a Mitan-
production of weapons and other artefacts. In response to nian horse trainer named Kikkuli contains Indo-Aryan
the introduction of cuneiform writing by the Assyrian trad- technical terms, that the Mitannian royal house was char-
ers, the indigenous Anatolians – who on the basis of ono- acterized by personal names with the Indo-Aryan element
mastic evidence were to a large extent Indo-European, in ratha- “chariot”, and that the Mitannian nobility consisted
casu Hittite and Luwian – developed their own writing of maryannu, an Indo-Aryan indication of chariot fighters.
system, the so-called Luwian hieroglyphic, which to some Next, they went on to the Levant and even further to Egypt
extent follows the model of Egyptian hieroglyphic but de- in the south, where they founded the royal house of the
rives its values acrophonically from the indigenous Anato- Hyksos (= “foreign ruler”), also known as the 15th dynasty
lian vocabulary.64 Under influence of the international tin (c. 1720-1550 BC), which was centred at Tell el-
trade, the island Crete, which lies on a junction of mari- Dab‘a/Avaris in the eastern Delta.67 The connection of the
time trade routes, acquired great wealth and developed a Hyksos with the Levant is stressed by the fact that in the
palatial civilization,65 with a script to write down the eco- lowest levels of their capital Tell el-Dab‘a/Avaris so-called
nomic transactions basically derived from Luwian hiero- Tel el-Jehudiya ware has been found comparable to that of
glyphic but with a more substantial Egyptian component Byblos, and that, when they were finally kicked out by
than the original received either through the medium of Ahmose, the founder of the 18th dynasty who had organ-
ized his own chariot force, a remnant of their regime fled
ses of Mesҕer, dated c. 3300 BC, which by and large coincides with to Sharuhen on the coast south of Gaza. Yet another Indo-
the early 3rd millennium BC date of a comparable twin catacomb Aryan conquest with the help of the chariot is that of
grave at Palermo in Sicily (Conca d’Oro culture) and catacomb
Babylon by the Kassites, who, in the wake of the Hittite
grave with a single chamber of the Rinaldone culture in Tuscany,
see de Vries 1976. At any rate, early Indo-European presence in king Mursilis I’s sack of the latter city in 1595 BC, took
the region is indicated by the river name Jordan, based on Proto- over control and founded a royal dynasty here. Finally, as
Indo-European *dƗnu- “river”, see Rosenkranz 1966: 136.
64 Woudhuizen 1990-1; Woudhuizen 2004a: appendix I.
66 Drews 1988: 101-2.
65 Note that the Mari-texts from the reign of Zimri-lim (early 18th
century BC) bear testimony of kaptaraim “Cretans” (< Kaptara- = 67 See now Oren 1997, and note especially the warrior graves and
Biblical Kaphtor “Crete”) involved in the tin-trade, see Dossin introduction of the horse as characteristic elements of Hyksos
1970: 99. culture.

30
evidenced by the decoration of their stone stelae the rulers In the long run, however, the major concurrent of the
buried in the shaftgraves at Mycenae in Greece around Egyptians for control in North Syria was not the kingdom
1600 BC were chariot fighters, and therefore likely foreign of Mitanni, but that of the Hittites. These had already cam-
conquerors. paigned in the region under the kings of the Old Kingdom,
In his eager to whipe out the last remnants of the Hattusilis I (1640-1620 BC), who burned down Alalakh
hated Hyksos, Ahmose (1550-1525 BC) grabbed the op- along the lower Orontes river, and Mursilis I (1620-1590
portunity to conquer Palestine in toto and brought back BC), who, as we have already noted, went all the way to
Byblos into the Egyptian sphere of influence, thus laying Babylon, but both were not able to consolidate their con-
the foundations for the Empire period. This imperial policy quests. The same holds good for Tud®aliyas I (1430-1400
of territorial expansion was subsequently continued by BC) of the New Kingdom, who is recorded to have made
Ahmose’s successor, Amenhotep I (1525-1504 BC), who peace with Aleppo, probably after a campaign in the wake
conquered Tunip along the upper Orontes river, and Tuth- of Tuthmoses III’s defeat of Mitanni. After a period of se-
moses I (1504-1492 BC), who campaigned up to the Eu- rious troubles under Tud®aliyas III (1360-1344 BC), in
phrates river. However, after a lull especially during the which the Hittite realm had to be rebuilt from scratch, the
reign of Hatshepsut (1479-1457 BC), it reached its zenith Hittites manifested themselves again in the North Syrian
under Tuthmoses III (1479-1425 BC), who even crossed theatre during the reign of Suppiluliumas I (1344-1322
the Euphrates, defeated Mitanni, and incorporated North BC). The latter defeated Mitanni decisively and was sub-
Syria up to and including Ugarit, where a garrison was sta- sequently able to draw Mitanni’s dependencies in North
tioned. As a corollary to Tuthmoses III’s defeat of Mitanni, Syria within his orbit. But that is not all, Suppiluliumas I
the latter sought a truce with Egypt, which materialized also extended his sphere of influence to Kadesh, Amurru,
under Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) in an alliance ce- and Ugarit, which fell under Egyptian suzerainty. When he
mented by the marriage of Amenhotep II’s son, the later beleaguered Karkamis along the Euphrates river and ex-
Tuthmoses IV, with the daughter of the Mitannian king Ar- pected retaliation by the Egyptians for his transgression in
tatama I. What followed is a period of consolidation by di- their dominions, a miracle happened: the Egyptian queen,
plomacy, vividly described in the Amarna tablets covering whose husband Tutankhamun had been murdered, asked
the period from the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III Suppiluliumas I for a son to be remarried with, which
(1390-1352 BC) to the reign of Tutankhamon (1336-1327 would mean not only an alliance but also that a Hittite
BC).68 Most striking in this correspondence is the reluc- prince became king of Egypt. Unfortunately, the son which
tance of Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC) to comply with the Suppiluliumas I sent for the marriage got killed by machi-
desparate appeals by his loyal vassal king of Byblos, Rib- nations of the Egyptian court. Nevertheless, he was able to
addi, and curb the encroachments on the latter’s territory consolidate his foothold in North Syria without the danger
by the upcoming power of Amurru under the leadership of of Egyptian retaliation, and, after the capture of the city, he
Abdi-asirta and his son Aziru. The story ended with the appointed one of his sons, Piyassilis, as king of Karkamis,
death of Rib-addi by the hand of Aziru. The Amarna tab- who under the Hurritic throne-name Sarri-Kusu® ruled
lets also provide early mentions of some groups of the Sea from here as viceroy over the dependencies in North Syria
Peoples, namely the Lukka and the Sherden – the first as – an arrangement which through the latter’s heirs would
pirates raiding Alasiya (= Cyprus)69 and the coast of Egypt last to the end of what now truly may be called the Hittite
and the second as body guards or mercenaries of Rib-addi Empire.
of Byblos.70 After the untimely death of his elder brother, the
youngest son of Suppiluliumas I inherited the throne and
ruled as Mursilis II (1321-1295 BC). His main achieve-
68 Moran 1992: xxxv.
ment was the conquest of Arzawa in western Anatolia,
69 Hellbing 1979; note, however, that Egyptian ’Isy is not an alter- from where he deported as much as 65,000 or 66,000 pris-
native indication of Cyprus, as the author maintains, but a refe- oners of war to other parts of the Hittite realm. Further-
rence to the western Anatolian region Asiya or Assuwa, see section
8.
renders the sequence kwkwn s rwqq “Kukkunis, son of the Ly-
70 The earliest mention of the Lukka occurs in an Egyptian hiero- cian”, see Albright 1959; but cf. van Seeters 1966: 79, note 24,
glyphic text on an obelisk from Byblos dated c. 2000 BC, which who dates this inscription c. 1700 BC.

31
more, he rearranged the western province into four Arzawa treaty with Egypt of 1259 BC – an entente between the two
lands, Mira-Kuwaliya, the Se®a River Land, Hapalla- great powers which lasted till the end of the Bronze Age.
Appawiya, and Wilusa, each under a vassal king – an ar- Furthermore, his wife Pudu®epa played a vital role in ce-
rangement which lasted to at least an advanced stage of the menting the relationship by dynastic marriages, which
reign of Tud®aliyas IV near the end of the 13th century boiled down to a one-sided affair in which Hatti dispatched
BC, its resilience being due largely to the fact that it was princesses to the harem of the pharaoh, but the latter did
cemented by dynastic marriages so that the vassal kings in not return the favor as no princesses of Egypt were allowed
question became members of the royal family themselves. to be betrothed to a foreigner – with all possible conse-
Mursilis II was followed by his son and successor, Muwa- quences for foreign claims on the throne (the request by
tallis II (1295-1272 BC). By this time, the Egyptian throne the widow of Tutankhamun for a Hittite prince to remarry
had come into the hands of a new and militant dynasty, with mentioned above was quite exceptional, indeed, and,
founded by a former general, Ramesses I (1295-1294 BC). as we have seen, doomed to fail). In the reign of Hattusilis
With the accession of his descendant Ramesses II (1279- III mention was first made of shipments of grain from
1223 BC), it became clear that Egypt wanted to regain its Egypt to Hatti, which later under Merneptah became so
former dependencies in North Syria by force. In anticipa- important that they were claimed “to keep Hatti alive”.
tion of the coming war with Egypt, Muwatallis II moved Evidently, the Hittite Empire suffered from food shortage,
the Hittite capital from the somewhat eccentric Hattusa to but it is a longstanding problem which cannot be hold re-
Tar®untassa in the south. Furthermore, to gather allied sponsible, as it often is, for its final downfall.
forces or mercenaries he launched a campaign in the west. The son and successor of Hattusilis III, Tud®aliyas IV
Therefore, it comes as no surprise that at the inevitable (1239-1209 BC) exercized an active military policy in the
showdown of forces which eventually took place near west. In the text of a bronze tablet found during the late
Kadesh in the fifth year of Ramesses II’s reign (1274 BC), 80s of the last century in the capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa,
the Hittites according to the Egyptian records were, inter which meticulously describes the borders of the viceregal
alia, aided by troops from Arzawa (§ later Lydia), Darda- province of Tar®untassa under his uncle Kuruntas, a cam-
nia (= Troas), Masa (= Mysia), Karkisa (= Karia), and paign against Par®a (= Perge) along the Kastaraya (=
Lukka (= Lycia). (Interesting for our purposes is that the Kestros) in Pamphylia to the west of Tar®untassa was an-
same records bear testimony of Sherden mercenaries on ticipated, the spoils of which would fall to Kuruntas. Next,
the Egyptian side.) During his campaign in the west, how- a Luwian hieroglyphic text from Yalburt commemorizes a
ever, Muwatallis II wanted to avoid a conflict with the campaign in the Xanthos river valley of Lycia, where the
A®®iyawans (= Akhaians or Mycenaean Greeks), who towns Talawa (= Tlǀs), Pinata (= Pinara), and Awarna (=
were in control of Millawanda (= Miletos) at the time, and Arinna) were subdued, as Tud®aliyas IV proudly claims,
for this reason settled his dispute in diplomatic terms, ad- for the first time in Hittite history. After this, the so-called
dressing the king of A®®iyawa as his brother and hence in- Milawata-letter informs us that the governor of Milla-
cluding him into the illustrious ranks of the great kings wanda (= Miletos), which formerly resided under the king
(see further section 8). According to the Egyptian records, of A®®iyawa (= Akhaia or Mycenaean Greece), turned
again, the Hittite forces at the ensuing battle of Kadesh sides and joined the Hittites.71 In this manner, then, a long-
numbered in total 3,500 chariotry and 37,000 infantry. The standing source of troubles in the west was eventually
propaganda of Ramesses II claimed the outcome as an out- eliminated. Tud®aliyas IV’s next move was in the east: in a
standing victory for the Egyptians, but at the end of the
day the bone of contention, Kadesh, remained within the 71 In the Milawata Letter mention is made of an exchange of hos-
sphere of influence of the Hittites! tages from Pina(ta) and Awarna with those from Atria and Utima,
The eldest son of Muwatallis II, Ur®itesup, who on which can only be situated after Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian campaign.
his ascendance took the throne-name Mursilis III, occupied Also prior to, and as a kind of conditio sine qua non for, the
change of sides by Millawanda is Tud®aliyas IV’s campaign
the throne only for a brief period (1272-1267 BC), before
against Tar®undaradus of the Se®a River Land (= the Meander val-
he was deposed by his uncle Hattusilis III (1267-1239 BC). ley) as reported in his Chronicle, when A®®iyawa is specified to
The latter distinguished himself particularly in interna- have withdrawn, see Garstang & Gurney 1959: 120-1 (note that
tional diplomacy, as he was responsible for the peace according to Güterbock’s (1992) improved translation of this text,
Tar®undaradus is stated to have relied on the king of A®®iyawa.)

32
treaty with Sausgamuwa of Amurru he forbade the latter to ples (this time the Peleset, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n),
serve as an intermediary for trade between A®®iyawa and and Weshesh) as vividly described by the letters from Ras
Assyria – the new enemy in the east since Suppiluliumas Shamra/Ugarit and Ramesses III’s (1184-1153 BC) memo-
I’s decisive victory over Mitanni. Bereft of his stronghold rial at Medinet Habu, came as a flash of lightning in a clear
in western Anatolia, the king of A®®iyawa was no longer sky by total surprise.
considered a great king, which must have been a recent Under the energetic leadership of Ramesses III, the
development as he was first enumerated among the great second pharaoh of the 20th dynasty, Egypt survived the
kings in the text of the Sausgamuwa treaty but then de- onslaught by the Sea Peoples, who, unsuccesful in their
leted. The ultimate goal of Tud®aliyas IV’s campaigns in plan to settle in Egypt, took up their abode in various
the west, and a further guarantee for the success of his places along the Levant, especially in the Philistine penta-
economic boycot against the maritime trade between polis. In the former Hittite Empire, there was some conti-
A®®iyawa and Assyria, was the conquest of Alasiya (= nuity in the earliest phase of the Iron Age at Karkamis,
Cyprus), which he achieved near the end of his reign. where the viceregal family planted by Suppiluliumas I
Notwithstanding a serious defeat against the Assyrians un- maintained its position through Aritesup and Initesup, and
der the able leadership of Tikulta-Ninurta (1233-1197 BC) in the former province of Tar®untassa, where likewise a
somewhere in between of the given events, we cannot descendant of the Hittite royal family, Hartapus, son of
avoid the conclusion that the reign of Tud®aliyas IV Mursilis, is recorded. According to their inscriptions in
marked a high point in the history of the Hittite Empire. Luwian hieroglyphic, both these branches of the Hittite
After the death of Tud®aliyas IV, there was a short royal family claimed the imperial title of great king. Only
reign of his eldest son, Arnuwandas III (1209-1205 BC). In after this imperial afterglow, a dearth of material sets in
this period, to be more exact the fifth year of Merneptah which lasts to the beginning of the 10th century BC, when
(1213-1203 BC), the Egyptians had to deal with an attack a new royal house at Karkamis under great king
by the Libyan king Meryey, who was supported by merce- Uratar®undas entered the stage.73
naries from various groups of the so-called “Sea Peoples”,
viz. the Sherden, Shekelesh, Ekwesh, Lukka, and Teresh.
Merneptah succeeded in defeating this coalition and in
preventing the Libyan king Meryey to settle himself in the
Nile-delta – apparently the latter’s ultimate objective.
Arnuwandas III was succeeded by his brother Sup-
piluliumas II (1205-1180? BC). The latter was forced to
reconquer Cyprus-Alasiya, again, which apparently had
taken advantage of the mishap during the short reign of
Arnuwandas III. After his victory, he set up a memorial (=
Niúantaú at Bo÷azköy/Hattusa) also for that of his father,
who did not have the time to do so. Later in his reign, Sup-
piluliumas II was forced to conduct a campaign in western
Anatolia against, inter alia, Masa (= Mysia), Wiyana-
wanda (= Oinoanda in the upper Xanthos valley), and
Lukka (= Lycia), the ensuing victory of which he com-
memorated in the Südburg monument at Bo÷az-
köy/Hattusa. The same Luwian hieroglyphic inscription,
however, shows him very much in control of the imperial
machinery in provinces like Pala, Walma, and
Tar®untassa.72 The final downfall caused by the Sea Peo-

72 On the Yalburt and Südburg texts, see Woudhuizen 2004a, sec-

tions 3 and 7, respectively. 73 See Woudhuizen 1992-3 and Woudhuizen 2004a: appendix V.

33
 4. AN HISTORIOGRAPHIC OUTLINE

In this section we will present an outline of the most im- central Mediterranean, the Ekwesh with the Akhaians in
portant modern literature on the Sea Peoples. Special atten- mainland Greece, and the Lukka with the Lycians in south-
tion in this historiographic outline will be given to the west Asia Minor. These suggestions were subsequently
identification of the individual population groups, which is amplified by François Chabas in his Études sur l’Antiquité
still a matter of debate. Another point of interest is the Historique d’après les sources égyptiennes et les monu-
cause (or causes) of their sudden appearance on the stage ments réputés préhistoriques of 1872, who connected the
during the period aptly called the catastrophe at the end of Tjeker with the Teukroi of the Troas in northwest Asia
the Late Bronze Age. Our main purpose, to determine Minor, the Denye(n) with the Daunians and the Weshesh
whether the shortlived coalition of forces which we call the with the Oscans, the latter two both at home in Italy.
Sea Peoples consists of a number of individual cohesive Moreover, he ventured to equal the Peleset, which we have
ethnƝ, is a question barely touched upon in the literature: it seen to be identified with the Biblical Philistines since the
surfaces only in the discussion between Gustav Adolf time of Champollion, with the Pelasgians of Greek literary
Lehmann and Wolfgang Helck in the 1980s and in Drews sources – an equation, as far as the Philistines are con-
1993. For convenience’s sake, I will in the following use cerned, with a respectable history, first being put forward
standardized transcriptions for the ethnonyms of the Sea by Etienne Fourmont in 1747.
Peoples as commonly used in the English language. An The proposals of de Rougé and Chabas, with identifi-
example of how these ethnonyms can be written in Egyp- cations of the ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples running as
tian hieroglyphic – the writing is not standardized and widely as from the western part of Asia Minor in the east
therefore can vary per attestation – and their proper trans- via mainland Greece in the centre to Sicily, Italy, and Sar-
literation is rendered in figure 3.74 Note that the eth- dinia in the west were almost directly challenged by Gas-
nonyms are distinguished as such by the determinative of ton Maspero – who, by the way, coined the term Sea
foreign people (Gardiner 1994: T14 + A1). Peoples (“peuples de la mer”) in 1881, which is an apt
The modern literature on the Sea Peoples commences form of address considering the association of these peo-
with the decipherment of Egyptian hieroglyphic by Jean- ples with the sea and islands in the midst of the sea in the
François Champollion in the first half of the 19th century Egyptian texts – in review articles of the former authors’
AD. In his Grammaire égyptienne of 1836 he proposed to works and, more elaborately, in his monographs Histoire
identify the Peleset as mentioned in the texts of Ramesses Ancienne des peuples de l’orient classique of 1875 and
III (1184-1153 BC) in his mortuary temple at Medinet Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria and Assyria of 1910.
Habu (Thebes) with the Biblical Philistines – an identifica- In Maspero’s view, then, the homeland of the Sea Peoples
tion which goes unchallenged till the present day. Follow- should be restricted to western Anatolia and mainland
ing in his footsteps, Emmanuel de Rougé set out in his Greece. Thus, apart from embracing the equation of the
contribution to the Revue Archéologique 16 of 1867 to Ekwesh with the Akhaians of mainland Greece, the Sher-
connect the other ethnonyms in the same texts and in the den were supposed to be linked up with the Lydian capital
one of Merneptah (1213-1203 BC) on a wall of the main Sardis, the Shekelesh with the Pisidian town of Sagalassos,
temple at Karnak (Thebes) with names of known Mediter- and the Weshesh with the Carian place name Wassos. His
ranean peoples or locations on the basis of similarity in main reason for the central position of Anatolia in his re-
sound (“Gleichklang”). Thus he proposed to identify the constructions was formed by Herodotos’ location of the ul-
Teresh with the Tyrrhenians or Etruscans, the Shekelesh timate homeland of the Tyrrhenians in Lydia (Histories I,
with the Sicels, the Sherden with the Sardinians, all in the 94). Like in the case of the Tyrrhenians, these Anatolian
peoples were suggested to have moved after their attack on
Egypt to their later Central Mediterranean homelands.
74 As the Egyptologist J.F. Borghouts assures me, the use of Gar-
Only the Philistines were supposed to have turned east and
diner 1994: T 12 “bowstring” (phonetic value 3r) for Gardiner
1994: V 4 “lasso” (phonetic value w3) in the ethnonym Ekwesh is settled in Canaan.
a peculiarity of the Karnak text, paralleled, for example, in the wri-
ting of Meswesh.

35
(a)

(b)

I II transliteration vocalization as employed in

no. hieroglyphics (Borghouts) the present study

1* š3rdn Sherden

2* š3krš3 Shekelesh

3* ͑k̙̙3w3š3 Ekwesh

4* rkw Lukka

5* twrš3 Teresh

1 prwst Peleset

2 t3k3r Tjeker

3 š3krš3 Shekelesh

4 d3͑n͑w Denyen

5 w3š3š3 Weshesh

Fig. 3. The ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples in Egyptian writing, transliteration, and standardized transcription
(from Kitchen 1982: IV, 4 and Kitchen 1983: V, 40).75
(a) Merneptah, Karnak, marked with * in column I above
(b) Ramesses III, Medinet Habu

75 I am indebted to J.F. Borghouts for providing the transliteration, and to Wim van Binsbergen for identifying the specific transliterated
strings with the hieroglyphic sections, and preparing and tabulating the graphics in this table.

36
 The view of Maspero that the Sea Peoples originated Remarkable is that in connection with the Denye(n) he
solely from the eastern Mediterranean has had a great in- spoke against their relation with the Danuna in Cilicia and
fluence on his successors, even up to the present day (cf. in favor of that with the Danaoi of the Argolid in mainland
Redford 1992: 246). At any rate, it has been taken over Greece. Moreover, he sided with Hall in his opinion that
without much critical reflection by H.R. Hall, who domi- the Peleset were not originally at home in Crete, but used
nated the field in the first half of the 20th century AD. In a this island as an intermediary station in their way to the
first contribution to the Annual of the British School at Levant. In connection with the Sherden, finally, he re-
Athens 8 of 1901-2, he expressed himself in favor of Mas- marked, with reference to an earlier contribution by
pero’s identifications with the only noted exception of Wainwright (1939: 148), that the Teresh were known to
Weshesh, which he preferred to connect with Cretan Wak- the Hittite world (probably implying a linguistic relation of
sioi instead of Carian Wassos. Next, in a collection of pa- the ethnonym with Tarwisa (= Troy), which, however, is
pers to the memory of Champollion which appeared in dubious), but the Sherden and the Shekelesh not and hence
1922 Hall presented a useful summary of the literature on that the latter might be assumed to originate from outside
the topic of the Sea Peoples up to that moment. In this of it – the first rudimentary attempt to bring the contro-
summary, he proposed to identify the Denye(n), whom versy between de Rougé and Chabas on the one hand and
Maspero had equated with the Danaoi of the Argolid in Maspero on the other to a higher level.
mainland Greece, with the Danuna of Cilicia as mentioned Next, Paul Mertens presented in the Chronique
in the El-Amarna texts from the reigns of Amenhotep III d’Égypte 35 of 1960 a nice overview of the Egyptian
(1390-1352 BC) and Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC). Hall’s sources on the Sea Peoples from their first occurrence in
work culminates in his contribution to the first edition of the El-Amarna texts and those of Ramesses II (1279-1212
the Cambridge Ancient History, which appeared in 1926. BC) up to their alignment with the Libyan king Meryre (=
Here he expressly distinguished the Sea Peoples, which, as Meryey) in the reign of Merneptah and their ultimate at-
we have seen, according to him originated from western tack on Egypt in the reign of Ramesses III. However, as far
Anatolia and mainland Greece, from the Keftiu, i.e. the as origins are concerned, he did not choose between the
designation of the Cretans in Egyptian texts. Confronted central to east Mediterranean thesis of de Rougé and the
with the Biblical sources, according to which the Peleset solely east Mediterranean antithesis of Maspero, whereas,
originated from Crete, he came up with the solution that in connection with the Peleset, he followed Bonfante
they had come from Asia Minor via Crete. Furthermore, he (1946) in identifying them as Illyrians who migrated to the
noted in alignment with his earlier association of the De- Levant via Crete.
nye(n) with the Danuna, that some of the Sea Peoples, like The first to address the question what caused the up-
the Sherden and the Lukka, were already mentioned in the heavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Late Bronze
El-Amarna texts. Of them, the Sherden were stipulated to Age was Wolfgang Kimmig in a lengthy paper in the Fest-
have fought both on the Egyptian side and that of the Sea schrift Tackenberg of 1964. In his view, these are a mere
Peoples in the upheavals at the time of Ramesses III. Fi- function of the expansion of the Urnfield peoples of central
nally, in true Masperonian way, he envisioned the Sherden, and eastern Europe into all directions, so also to the Medi-
Shekelesh, and Teresh, after their failing attack on Egypt, terranean in the south. As Kimmig keenly observed, the
as being on their way to their ultimate homes in the central contribution of bearers of the Urnfield culture to the
Mediterranean. The career of Hall ended with his “going movement of the Sea Peoples is indicated by their ships as
Caucasian” so to say: in his last contribution on the subject depicted in the reliefs at Medinet Habu having bird head
of 1929 he explained all ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples as protomes at the stern as well as the prow – a typical Urn-
reflections of similar sounding Caucasian tribal names – a field feature. He further rightly stipulated that some of the
fine example of the dangers of the etymological approach Sea Peoples were already in contact with the Near East
when applied without further backing. when the expansion of the Urnfielders motivated them to
After the second World War, the first to take up the look for new homelands in an agreeable surrounding. Al-
subject of the Sea Peoples again, was Alan Gardiner. In his though he tried to avoid the vexed question of the origins
Ancient Egyptian Onomastica of 1947 he meticulously de- of the Sea Peoples as much as possible, Kimmig restricted
scribed all that was known at the time of a number of the his Urnfield model for the cause of the latters’ movement
ethnonyms, especially so of the Sherden and the Peleset. to the eastern Mediterranean: an incursion of Urnfielders

37
into mainland Greece in his eyes set the whole process in gion. As opposed to this, Stadelmann assumed that the
motion. Sherden, Shekelesh, and Teresh went to the central Medi-
Against the background of Kimmig’s answer to the terranean to find their new homes in Sardinia, Sicily, and
question of causality, Richard D. Barnett’s treatment of the central Italy, from where they maintained trade contacts
Sea Peoples in the 3rd edition of the Cambridge Ancient with their former comrades in arms in the Levant up to the
History, which first appeared as a separate issue in 1969 time that the Phoenicians seized the opportunity to take
and subsequently as an integral part of Volume II, 2 in these over.
1975, means a step back to the level of identifications on The following years are dominated by a German
the basis of likeness in sound, in which the author sides scholar, Gustav Adolf Lehmann. In a series of works, start-
with Maspero’s eastern Mediterranean thesis: thus the ing in 1970 and continuing to 1996, he tried to reconstruct
Teresh are said to originate from Lydia, the Shekelesh to an historical outline of the events that led to and made up
be on their way to Sicily, whereas for the Sherden a home- the catastrophe at the end of the Late Bronze Age, using a
land in Cyprus is taken into consideration, from where, of wide range of sources from Egyptian hieroglyphic through
course, they departed to colonize Sardinia. As far as the Ugaritic alphabetic up to Hittite cuneiform. With only
Peleset are concerned, he saw no problem in identifying slight adaptations, this historical picture forms the basic
them with the Philistines and having them colonize cities background for my own studies on the ethnicity of the Sea
in Canaan – in his view Gaza, Askelon, Asdod and Dor – Peoples; for a brief summary of the main events, see sec-
from Crete. From an historical point of view, Barnett tion 3 above. Two points are of special interest to us here,
pointed to the fact that the famine reported by Herodotos namely Lehmanns’ position on the cause (or causes) of the
(Histories I, 94) as the cause of part of the Lydian popula- upheavals of the Sea Peoples and that on their ethnic rele-
tion to leave their country and settle in Etruria might be a vance. Now, as to what caused the catastrophe, it can be
reflection of the grain shipments by Merneptah to keep the deduced from the distribution map of groups of the Sea
country of Hatti alive. Furthermore, he suggested that the Peoples in the central and eastern Mediterranean in Die
naval victory of the last Hittite great king Suppiluliumas II mykenisch-frühgriechische Welt und der östliche Mittel-
(1205-1180? BC) against the island of Alasiya has a bear- meerraum in der Zeit der “Seevölker”-Invasionen um 1200
ing on his battle against the Sea Peoples having gained v. Chr. of 1985 (p. 47) and the accompanying text (pp. 43-
themselves a foothold on Cyprus.76 9) that he considered the Adriatic as the source of trouble
In the same year that Barnett’s contribution first ap- for the wider Mediterranean, population groups here possi-
peared, Rainer Stadelmann put forward an interesting pa- bly being uprooted by developments in the Danubian area.
per in Saeculum 19 in which he offered an alternative As against this model, it might be objected that the afore-
answer to what caused the upheavals of the Sea Peoples. In said distribution map rather reflects the situation after the
his view the prime move is made by the Phrygians, who, catastrophe, when the Sea Peoples had been subject to a
originating from the Balkans, overran the Anatolian pla- widespread diaspora. With respect to the ethnic relevance
teau at the end of the Late Bronze Age and destroyed the of the ethnonyms, Lehmann pointed out that the Egyptian
Hittite Empire. As a corollary to this migration, the Philis- depictions of the Sherden in reliefs from the reigns of
tines joined the Phrygians in their movement from the Bal- Ramesses II and Ramesses III with very specific features
kans to Asia Minor, but, instead of settling here, they testifies to the fact that at least the nucleus of the Sea Peo-
moved on to the Levant and Egypt via Crete and Cyprus. ples consisted of pronounced ethnic groups (p. 58; see also
Having been defeated by Ramesses III, the Philistines set- our motto). In a review article of Lehmann’s work of 1985
tled in Palestine – an event which was previously assumed in Gnomon 58 of 1986, Wolfgang Helck reacted against
by Albright (1932) and Alt (1944) to have been orchestred this inference with the words that
by the Egyptian pharaoh, but, taking the evidence at face “Der Gedanke, daß wir es mit reinen ‘Seeräuber’ zu
value, the latter appeared no longer in control of this re- tun haben, die sich – durch eine Naturkatastrophe
veranlaßt – in den Ausgangszentren des bisher von
ihnen nur auf See geplünderten Handels festsetzen,
wird nicht herausgezogen.” (p. 628).
76 For a critical review of Barnett’s contribution to the Cambridge
Ancient History, pointing out numerous instances of sloppiness, Hand-in-hand with this degradation of the Sea Peo-
see Astour 1972.

38
ples as mere pirates goes Helck’s denial of a migrational valuable for their rich illustrations.78 However, as far as
aspect to the period of the upheavals set in motion by the the origins of the individual population groups are con-
expansion of the bearers of the Urnfield culture – whereas cerned, the author happens to be wavering between the
in his Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und views of de Rougé on the one hand and Maspero on the
2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. of 1971 he still held the Phrygian other hand. Thus the Sherden are in first instance linked up
migrations from the Balkans to Anatolia responsible as a with either Sardinia or Sardis, whereas later they are sup-
prime mover for the ensuing catastrophe. posed to have migrated from Cyprus or North Syria to Sar-
An even more extreme position with reference to the dinia. Similarly, the Shekelesh are now associated with
migrational aspect of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples than Anatolia and then with southern Italy and Sicily. Only with
the one maintained by Helck was presented by Alexandra respect to the Teresh Sandars straightforwardly committed
Nibbi in her The Sea Peoples and Egypt of 1975. Accord- herself to an Anatolian homeland, be it Lydia or the Troas.
ing to this author the Sea Peoples are all Asiatics living in The latter region is also considered the place of origin of
the Nile delta, with the exception of the Peleset, the identi- the Tjeker and, less persuasively, of the Weshesh, whilst
fication of whom with the Philistines from Palestine as the Lukka, the Ekwesh, and the Denye(n) are more or less
proposed already by Champollion she accepts. At the conventionally identified as the Lycians of southwest Ana-
background of Nibbi’s views lurks the interpretation of tolia, the Akhaians of western Anatolia, the Aegean islands
what is generally considered as the Egyptian words for the or mainland Greece, and the Danuna of Cilicia, respec-
Mediterranean sea (w3d-wr “great green”), islands (͑ww), tively. Finally, the Peleset are, like the Teresh, traced back
and sea (ym) as references to the Nile delta and inland to an Anatolian homeland. Also as far as the causes of the
lakes here. She even went as far as to suggest that Retenu, catastrophe are concerned, Sandars’ position is rather dif-
which is generally considered as an indication of the Le- fuse, now stressing internecine war and internal decay (=
vant, is a reference to the Nile delta, too. I think it is not systems collapse), then economic crisis and last but not
advisable to follow Nibbi in her extremist standpoint.77 least attacks from hostile tribes or states along the borders.
In the next year, 1976, August Strobel published his This unsatisfactory mixture of causes of the catastrophe
Der Spätbronzezeitliche Seevölkersturm, Ein Forschungs- should not surprise us, because, as long as the problem of
überblick mit Folgerungen zur biblischen Exodusthematik, the origins of the Sea Peoples remains unsolved, the re-
which offers a wealth of detailed information on the indi- lated problem of these causes can in fact not possibly be
vidual groups of the Sea Peoples and the Near Eastern adequately dealt with.
texts in which they appear, and hence may serve us as a In his book on Caphtor/Keftiu, subtitled A new Inves-
valuable reference book. However, it is less outspoken tigation, from 1980, John Strange also pays some attention
about the matters which primarily concern us here, like the to the Sea Peoples (pp. 138-142; 157-165). In doing so, he
origins of the Sea Peoples, the causes for the catastrophe – is exceptional in presenting the spelling of the five eth-
though Strobel favors a severe drought in this respect – and nonyms recorded for Medinet Habu in Egyptian hiero-
the articulation of the Sea Peoples’ ethnicity. glyphic writing. As far as the origins of the Sea Peoples
Still a classic in the field is Nancy K. Sandars The Sea are concerned, however, he adheres to common views in
Peoples, Warriors of the ancient Mediterranean 1250- the literature at the time according to which most of them
1150 BC of 1978, which two years afterwards appeared in originated from Asia Minor (Denye(n)), particularly its
Dutch translation as De Zeevolken, Egypte en Voor-Azië western outskirts (Lukka, Shekelesh, Teresh, Tjeker), but
bedreigd, 1250-1150 v.C. – both editions being highly some came from farther west, the Aegean (Ekwesh), or
north, the Caucasus (Sherden), and the Balkans (Peleset).
Crucial to his main theme, the identification of Biblical
Kaphtor and Egyptian Keftiu with Cyprus, is the fact that a
77 In variant form Nibbi’s extremist point of view has recently
substantial number of the Sea Peoples can be shown to
been embraced by Yves Duhoux, according to whom (2003: 272)
have colonized the Syro-Palestine coast from the latter is-
“la base opérationelle des envahisseurs était le centre du Delta”.
Although I am not challenging the fact that, for example, w3d-wr
“great green” in certain contexts does refer to the Nile and the Red
Sea, it certainly goes too far to deny that in other contexts, like 78 Cf. the reviews of this book by Muhly 1979 and Snodgrass
that of the Sea Peoples, it clearly denotes the Mediterranean Sea. 1978.

39
land, which Strange correlates to the well-known Biblical delta as evidenced by the fact that they take with them
information that the Philistines originated from Kaphtor, their wives and children in oxcarts.
hence his adagium Kaphtor = Cyprus. Although Cyprus In 1984 appeared the Lexicon der Ägyptologie, Band
may have functioned as a way station for some of the Sea V, edited by Wolfgang Helck and Eberhard Otto, which
Peoples in their trek to the Levant, it is an oversimplifica- contains the lemma Seevölker written by Rainer Stadel-
tion of the evidence to consider it as their main sallying mann. This section is well-referenced and therefore still
point – as we will see, the diagnostic ceramics in the form handy to consult, notwithstanding its Masperonian bias
of Mycenaean IIIC1b ware have a much wider distribution, (e.g. the Sherden are traced back to Sardis, and, with the
including Crete and western Anatolia. To this comes that Shekelesh and Teresh, believed to have reached the central
there is positive evidence, duly assembled by Strange him- Mediterranean only after the resurrections at the end of the
self, indicating that Alasiya is the Late Bronze Age name Bronze Age) and the mistaken opinion that the Sherden
of Cyprus, and Kaptara (> Kaphtor) or Keftiu that of Crete. only fought on the side of the Egyptians in the land- and
In line with Lehmann’s view on the cause of the up- sea-battles of Ramesses III’s years 5 and 8 (as a distinction
heavals of the Sea Peoples, Fritz Schachermeyr in his Die the Sherden on the side of the enemies wear horned hel-
Levant im Zeitalter der Wanderungen, Vom 13. bis zum 11. mets without a sun-disc in between them).
Jahrhundert v.Chr. of 1982 traces the origin of some of the Subsequently, Jacques Vanschoonwinkel dedicated a
Sea Peoples back to the Adriatic, in particular Illyria, from section to the Sea Peoples in his L’Égée et la Méditerranée
where the Shekelesh and Sherden are supposed to have orientale à la fin du IIe millénaire of 1991. In this section,
migrated to the Levant by sea, uprooting the Mycenaean he decisively refuted Nibbi’s thesis according to which the
Greeks along the route, and the Tjeker and Peleset to have Sea Peoples (with the noted exception of the Philistines)
done the same by land, in this way causing the fall of the are Asiatics who had already been living in the Nile delta
Hittite empire. for a long time. As it comes to the question of the origins
Another milestone in the study of the Sea Peoples of the Sea Peoples, however, Vanschoonwinkel merely
next to Sandars’ work is formed by Trude Dothan’s The sums up the various possibilities circulating since the times
Philistines and their Material Culture of 1982, which pro- of de Rougé and Maspero without showing any preference
vides the archaeological evidence of the settlements in for the one or the other. No wonder, therefore, that his
Palestine on a site to site basis – an indispensable working view on the cause or causes of the catastrophe is as diffuse
tool. For a more popular representation of this material, fo- as that of Sandars – adding in particular violent earth-
cussing on the personal contribution of Trude and her hus- quakes.
band Moshe Dothan to the excavation of Philistine sites, One of the most important and stimulating contribu-
see Trude Dothan & Moshe Dothan, People of the Sea, The tions on our topic is formed by Robert Drews’ The End of
Search of the Philistines of 1992. the Bronze Age, Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe
In the next year, 1983, Günther Hölbl argued em- ca. 1200 B.C. of 1993. In this work, the author set out to
phatically for the historical relevance of the Egyptian texts treat the various causes of the catastrophe as suggested in
on the Sea Peoples by Merneptah at Karnak and by the relevant literature, like earthquakes, drought, systems
Ramesses III at Medinet Habu in his contribution to the collapse, and migrations, in order to refute them all; in his
Zwettl Symposium – dedicated to the Aegean and the Le- criticism of the migrational explanation, he launched a ve-
vant during the period of the Dark Age. In doing so, he hement attack on Maspero’s identification of the Sherden,
was able to distinguish two phases in the period of the up- Shekelesh, and Teresh with peoples from Anatolia, main-
heavals of the Sea Peoples: (1) a strictly military one at the taining instead that these are just persons from Sardinia,
time of Merneptah in which the groups of the Sea Peoples Sicily, and Etruria. As indicated by the subtitle of his
mentioned act as mercenaries or auxiliaries to the Libyan book, according to Drews the real explanation of the catas-
king Meryre (= Meryey) – who himself takes with him his trophe at the end of the Late Bronze Age constitutes a mili-
wife and children with the obvious intent of settling in the tary innovation. In the palatial societies of the Late Bronze
Egyptian delta; and (2) a migratory one at the time of Age empires, chariot warfare formed the heart and core of
Ramesses III in which at least some of the groups of the the army, being supplemented only by infantry auxiliaries,
Sea Peoples mentioned are decided to settle in the Egytian particularly handy for special tasks like guarding the camp

40
site or manoeuvring in mountainous terrain. At the end of ics). In my opinion, his military explanation of the catas-
the Bronze Age, however, a new style of infantry is intro- trophe, stressing the advancement of infantry, would gain a
duced with, amongst others, round shields, slashing lot if the groups were indeed cohesive. In a contribution to
swords, metal greaves, and javelins, which can outmatch the Journal of Near Eastern Studies 59 of 2000, Drews
the until then unchallenged chariotry, especially by elimi- elaborates his anti-migratory view on the catastrophe at the
nating the horses with javelins thrown in full run. In gen- end of the Bronze Age.
eral, this shift from chariotry to infantry warfare during the The treatment of the Philistines by Ed Noort in his
period from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the early Die Seevölker in Palästina of 1994 is, like the work of
phase of the Iron Age is undisputable. But it did take place Drews just discussed, characterized by the modern fashion
more gradually than Drews wants us to believe. In the first to minimalize the migratory aspect of the catastrophe. In
place, especially the Egyptian pharaohs from the time of the end, however, he cannot but admit that the Philistine
Ramesses II onwards were quick to adapt to the military culture of the Early Iron Age is a mixture of an intrusive
innovations by hiring Sherden mercenaries from (as we element from Crete, the Peleset, with the indigenous Late
will argue) Sardinia, who were specialists in the new style Bronze Age population of Canaan. Consistently within this
of fighting. Secondly, certain groups that overran the Late frame of reference, he considers the mention of Abimelech
Bronze Age states during the catastrophe, like the Kaskans in the Bible as a Philistine ruler in the period of the Patri-
of Anatolia and the Philistines of Palestine, still used archs an anachronism.
chariots in their army during the Early Iron Age. This be- In his work of 1999 on Ugarit, Cyprus and the Ae-
ing so, it should not be overlooked that one of the greatest gean, Hans-Günter Buchholz, specifically discussed the
military assets of the Sea Peoples was (as their name im- problem of the Sea Peoples, especially in his concluding
plies) their sea power: once they had cleared the waters of remarks (pp. 708-741), where he presents a wealth of re-
the eastern Mediterranean from enemy ships, they could, cent literature. Like many of his predecessors, however, he
just like the Vikings in a later age, attack any location of considers it an open question whether the Sherden and the
their choosing by hit and run actions, thus leaving the land- Shekelesh originated from the West or not.
locked imperial armies no chance at a proper defence! An- In 2000 appeared a collection of papers edited by
other point of criticism of Drews’ views concerns his Eliezer D. Oren entitled The Sea Peoples and Their World:
denial of a migratory aspect to the catastrophe, which leads A Reassessment.79 Most shocking news is that Annie
him to the assertion that the Peleset and Tjeker were al- Caubet informs us that the famous oven in Ras
ready living in Palestine during the Late Bronze Age – a Shamra/Ugarit, in which tablets were found which pre-
supposition which, insofar as the period of Ramesses III is sumably had a bearing on the last days of Ugarit, is not an
concerned, is simply untenable. As Drews himself admits, oven at all but a ceiling from an upper storey. In addition
the innovative infantry is only effective when applied in to this, Peter Machinist presents a valuable overview of the
“overwhelming numbers” (p. 211). Furthermore, the Pele- sources on the Philistines in their pentapolis of Asdod, As-
set and the Tjeker are never mentioned in contemporary kelon, Gaza, Ekron, and Gath. Also worthy of note here,
Late Bronze Age texts, thanks to which the situation in the finally, is the fact that Shelley Wachsmann takes up the
Levant before the catastrophe is reasonably clear; for the suggestion by Kimmig, again, that the ship(s) of the Sea
Peleset, Drews can only fall back on the Biblical account Peoples as depicted at Medinet Habu are characterized by
of the Philistine ruler Abimelech from the times of Abra- Urnfield influence for their having a bird head ornament at
ham and Isaac, which, however, is a patent anachronism. the stern as well as the prow.
Finally, as we have just noted, in the period of Ramesses The latest publication on the topic I know of is Eric
III some of the groups of the Sea Peoples clearly had the H. Cline’s and David O’Connor’s contribution to a collec-
intention to settle in the Egyptian delta as evidenced by the tion of papers edited by David O’Connor and Stephen
oxcarts with women and children depicted on the enemy’s Quirke entitled Mysterious Lands, which appeared in 2003.
side in the reliefs of Medinet Habu. Of special interest to This presents a handy and up-to-date overview of the
our main theme is the fact that Drews denies that the per- Egyptian sources on the Sea Peoples, but, as it leaves out
sons referred to by the ethnonyms which belonged to the
Sea Peoples “were ever a cohesive group” (p. 71; my ital-
79 Cf. Barako 2004.

41
all the relevant evidence from other sources, it fails to an-
swer the question of their origins – not to mention that of
their ethnicity.
Whilst we are writing this overview of the literature
of the Sea Peoples, a new major study on the topic has
been announced by Killebrew et al. (in preparation), but it
had not yet appeared.

42
 5. CONTEMPORARY SOURCES

The contemporary sources with a bearing on the period of “[Year 5, 2nd month of] Summer, day (1), as follows:
the upheavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Late the wretched, fallen chief of Libya, Meryey, son of
Ded, has fallen upon the country of Tehenu with his
Bronze Age are threefold: Egyptian, Cypro-Minoan, and
bowmen (…) Sherden, Shekelesh, Ekwesh, Lukka,
Ugaritic. Egyptian records inform us about the Libyan at- Teresh, taking the best of every warrior and every
tack supported by allies or mercenaries from the Sea Peo- man of war of his country. He has brought his wife
and his children (…) leaders of the camp, and he has
ples in year 5 of the reign of Merneptah (= 1208 BC), reached the western boundary in the fields of Per-
about the ultimate combined land- and seaborne attack of ire.”81
the Sea Peoples themselves in years 5 and 8 of the reign of
In conjunction with the information from the so-called
Ramesses III (= 1179 BC and 1176 BC), and, in the form
Athribis stele (numbers between parentheses), the count of
of the Wen Amon story, about the immediate aftermath of
the victims (lines 52-54) can be reconstructed as follows:
the crisis. Next, in Cypro-Minoan documents we encounter
Libyans 6359, Shekelesh 222 (200), Teresh 742
representatives of the Sea Peoples engaged in maritime
(722), Ekwesh (2201), Sherden – ( – ).82
trade in the interlude between the Libyan invasion from the
reign of Merneptah and the ultimate combined land- and Note that the allies of the Sea Peoples are explicitly re-

seaborne attack from the reign of Ramesses III. Finally, ferred to as being circumcised, for which reason their

Ugaritic letters vividly describe the situation just before hands instead of their penises are cut off and counted.83

the ultimate attack by the Sea Peoples on Egypt in the

reign of Ramesses III. I will present the Cypro-Minoan and
Ugaritic texts both in transliteration and translation, Cypro-Minoan
whereas in connection with the Egyptian ones I will con-
The Cypro-Minoan documents bearing testimony of repre-
fine myself to the translation only as a transliteration of the
sentatives of the Sea Peoples engaged in maritime trade
full set is, to the best of my knowledge, yet to be pub-
come from Enkomi (cylinder seal Inv. no. 19.10) and
lished.
Kalavassos (cylinder seal K-AD 389) in Cyprus and Ras
Shamra/Ugarit (tablet RS 20.25) on the adjacent coast of
the Levant. Of these documents, two were discovered in a
datable context, the Kalavassos cylinder seal in an ashlar
Egyptian
(= dressed stone) building abandoned at the end of Late
Cypriote IIC and the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit in the
The chief source on the Lybian invasion is formed by the
remains of an archive of a villa in the residential area east
great historical inscription of Merneptah (1213-1203 BC)
of the palace, destroyed, like the entire town, at the end of
inscribed on a wall of the main temple at Karnak (Thebes).
the Late Bronze Age.84 Accordingly, we arrive at a date of
The inscription consists of 79 lines in sum, but unfortu-
c. 1180 BC as a terminus ante quem for the recording of
nately the text is only lacunarily preserved, about half of it
being lost.80 The following two passages are relevant to
our subject:
81 Breasted 1927: Vol. III, no. 574; Davies 1997: 155; cf. Drews
1993a: 49.

Karnak inscription 82 Breasted 1927: Vol. III, nos. 588, 601; Davies 1997: 163; cf.
Lehmann 1979: 490; Drews 1993a: 49.
Lines 13-15 83 Widmer 1975: 71, note 23.

84 For the exact location of tablet RS 20.25, see Buchholz 1999:

80 Schulman 1987: 23. 134-5, Abb. 34 (TCM).

43
these texts.85 That the Enkomi cylinder seal belongs to the corded “on behalf” of the person in question: samuri
same chronological horizon is indicated by the fact that mane<si>kaasi “on behalf of the Samian, representative of
some of the persons mentioned in its text also figure in the the Maeonians (?)” in the text of the Enkomi cylinder seal,
texts of the Kalavassos cylinder seal and the tablet from Remi taasa wetuti wasaka “on behalf of Remus, governor
Ras Shamra/Ugarit. of this town” in the text of the Kalavassos seal, and Akami
The relationship between these three texts not only pini Mali ati pini Apesa “on behalf of Akamas, representa-
involves the mention of the same persons, but also entails tive of Malos and representative of Ephesos” in the text of
the underlying structure of recording.86 Thus, in all three the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit.89 If there are more de-
there can be distinguished basically four types of informa- liverers, as in the case of the Enkomi and Kalavassos cyl-
tion, (1) heading(s), (2) indications of deliverers, (3) indi- inder seals, these are likewise intended to be in the dative –
cations of recipients, and (4) indications of products. The even if this case is not always properly indicated by over-
headings are mostly singled out as such by the locative in sight or because of sloppiness. The recipients, distin-
-ti: Umi(a)tisiti “at Amathus” in the texts of the Enkomi guished as such by the fact that they follow the deliverers
and Kalavassos cylinder seals, and Lamiyaneti kapariti “at after a punctuation mark and/or a transaction term (telu, PI,
the Lamiyan trade centre” in the text of the tablet from Ras etc.), are also rendered in the dative case, either in -ti90 or
Shamra/Ugarit.87 Of the deliverers, only the name of the in -we91 as in the text of the Enkomi cylinder seal, or also
scribe, who identifies himself by the Luwian personal pro- in -i as in the text of the Kalavassos seal, or exclusively in
noun of the 1st person singular emu or -mu “I”, is pur- -i as in the text of the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit –
posely put in the nominative – written without its proper with only a few exceptions from oversight or sloppiness.
ending -s according to the standards in Linear B and Lu- E.g.: Sanemeti Sikerisikaasi “to Sanemas, representative of
wian hieroglyphic at the time. Thus: Pika, tamika Likike - the Shekelesh” and Lemapesiti Talimetu/natewe Sekeriya-
mu “Pi®as, I, trader from Lycia” in the text of the Enkomi kati “to Lemapesi from Talmitesup’s town in Sangaria” in
cylinder seal, emu Sanema “I, Sanemas” in the text of the the text of the Enkomi cylinder seal, Isimiriti mitisa “to the
Kalavassos cylinder seal, and Wesa -mu “I, Wesas” in the servant from Smyrna” and tameki Pese<we>we “to the
text of the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit. As opposed to Pisidian trader” in the text of the Kalavassos seal, and Isi-
this, the main deliverer next to the scribe is written in the pali “to Isiba‘al” in the text of the tablet from Ras
Luwian dative in -i,88 to stress that the transactions are re- Shamra/Ugarit. Finally, the indications of products, often
occurring in abbreviation and in combination with num-
bers, so far identifiable appear to have a bearing on the
85 Yon 1992: 120 dates the destruction of Ras Shamra-Ugarit bet-
cloth industry: ketu “cotton”, MA for maru “wool”, PA for
ween 1195 and 1185 BC, but note that her dates of the Egyptian
pharweha “cloth”, pupuru “purple (colored cloth)”, RI for
pharaohs are 4 years higher than the ones presented by Kitchen
1989, which are followed here. The destructions in Cyprus at the linon “linen”, and SA for sarara “spun flax” – with the ex-
end of Late Cypriote II, assigned by Karageorghis 1992: 80 to c. ception of E for elaiwon “(linseed) oil” in the text of the
1190 BC, are likely to be synchronized with the destruction of Ras
Shamra/Ugarit.
Enkomi cylinder seal and WA or wane “wine” in the texts

86 For a full treatment, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 94-145 and

of the Kalavassos cylinder seal and the tablet from Ras
Woudhuizen 1994. Shamra/Ugarit.
87 This ending corresponds with the Luwian hieroglyphic locative
singular in –ti, as attested for the Cekke text, see Woudhuizen
2005: section 1. 89 For the improvement of our interpretation of this phrase, see
88 Bulgarmaden, phrase 10: MutiƗ MASANAWATIti “for the divine section 13, note 530 below.
mountain Muti”, Bo÷ça, phrase 4: MASANARUWANTti “to, for 90 This ending corresponds with the Luwian hieroglyphic dative
Runt”, Karaburun, phrases 8 and 9: SapiƗ H ANTAWATti “for king
singular of the pronoun in -ti, see Meriggi 1980: 322-3.
Sapis”, Bo÷ça, phrase 2: MASANATARH UNTti “for Tar®unt”, see
Hawkins 2000: passim; Çineköy, phrase 10: parnàwai “for the 91 This ending corresponds with the Sidetic dative singular in -va
house”, see Teko÷lu & Lemaire 2000: 988, etc.; also cf. Woud- as attested for the form TrataĞeva “for Tratases” in Sid. no. 3, line
huizen 2004b. 1, see Woudhuizen 1984-5: 124.

44
Enkomi cylinder seal (Inv. no. 19.10)
1. u-mi-a-ti-si-ti˚ “At Amathus.”
2. ya-sa.sa-ne-me-ti/i “(On behalf of) Iasos: to
Sanemas, this,
3. te/ma-li-ki-pi-ti/E delivery to Malkipi(ya)s,
(linseed) oil”
4. i1-ma-[..].pe-pa-e-ru- “I-ma-??: to Pe-pa-e-ru,
5. ti/RI1[/]sa-mu-ri. linen” “On behalf of the Samian:
6. i/ti-pa-pi-ti/PA/ this to Tispapi(ya)s, cloth
7. ke-tu/.PA/e1-ma-pi- (and) cotton,: cloth to
Ermapi(ya)s,
8. ti/SA/pi-ka.E/ spun flax” “Pi®as: (linseed) oil
9. sa-ne-me-ti/li-ki-ke(-) to Sanemas” “I, trader from
10. mu/ta-mi-ka.pu-pu- Lycia: purple (colored) cloth
11. ru/u-li-mu-te-we/u- to U(wa)s from Urimu(wa)s’
12. we/MA1/le(?)-ma1-pe-si- town, wool to Le-ma1-pe-si
13. ti/ta-li-me-tu(or na)-te-we from Talmitesup’s town
14. se-ke-ri1-ya-ka-ti ta- in Sangaria” “Trader (from
15. mi-ka.se-wa-ru a- Lycia): (to) lord Akamas,
16. ka-mu a-pe-si-ka-a- representative of Ephesos,
17. si ta-mi-ka.mi-we-tu(or na)- trader (from Lycia): to Mi-we-
18. we pa-ma1-ti -ma 2 I a- tu/na and Ba‘am 2 (units of) I”
19. ka-i1-ru-tu(or na).wa1-we- “(On behalf of) A-ka-i-ru-tu/na: to
20. ru-ti/ya-ru/ri1-ti- Wa1-we-ru, master (?) from the
21. si-te-we/e1-ka-ta-ti town of Rhytiassos (and) to E1-ka-
22. pe-lu ka-ta-ri[-te]-ti ta, lord from the town of Gadara;
23. ta-mi-ka.se-wa-ru-ti trader (from Lycia): to the lord
24. ka-ta-ri-te 3 PA ma-ne<-si>- from Gadara, 3 (units of) cloth”
25. ka-a-si sa-mu-ri.te-lu “On behalf of the Samian,
representative of the Maeonians
26. sa-ne-me-ti si-ke-ri- (?), delivery to Sanemas,
27. si-ka-a-si sa-mu-ri representative of the Shekelesh”
“On behalf of the Samian”

Kalavassos cylinder seal (K-AD 389)

12. u-mi-ti-si-ti sa-mi- “At Amathus, for the Samian
13. ya we-tu-ti.i-le-mi town.” “On behalf of Ilm (he
brings)
14. i se-mi/a ne-si- this for Samos, i.e. for the Hittite
15. ri sa-re-ki/[I] SA. from Sarawa: I (and) spun flax.”
16. i-ya/pi-ti(?)[ “These (products) he gives (…)
17. [ ]/a[ (…), i.e. (…:)”
18. i-le-mi/[le(?)]-mu-ne[-ti] “On behalf of Ilm to (the servant
from) Lemnos,
1. i-le-mi/i-si-mi-ri-ti on behalf of Ilm to the servant
2. mi[-ti]-sa/i-a 2 I/SA; from Smyrna: these 2 (units of) I

45
 (and) spun flax;”
3. re-mi/a-wa/mu1-sa-se “On behalf of Remus he brings
4. wa-ne/e-we1/a-ti-mi-we1 divine wine in veneration to
5. mu1-sa/wa-si-ri-ti1 the goddess Artemis”
6. e-mu sa-ne-ma/ya-sa-ti “I, Sanemas, to Iasos,
7. re-mi/ta-a-sa/we[-tu]-ti on behalf of Remus, governor of
8. wa-sa-ka/i-si-mi-ri[-ti] this town, to Smyrna:
9. I SA.wa-sa-ka I (and) spun flax.”
10. e-pe[-se]/pi-mi-se/i2 “(On behalf of) the governor himself being given
11. ta-me-ki/pe-se-we1 PA this to the Pisidian trader: cloth”

Tablet RS 20.25 from Ras Shamra/Ugarit

Side A
1. a-ka-mi/pi-ni/ma-li “On behalf of Akamas, representative of Malos
2. a-ti pi-ni/a-pe-sa PI. and representative of Ephesos, he (= Wasas) gives
3. i-si1-pa-li. to Isiba‘al;
4. a-we1-ri/ma-ka-pi-ti1 (at) the entrepôt of the frontier outpost
5. a-ta-ta-ne/pi-ni/ta-si-ri to Adadanu, representative of tasiri;
6. i-si-pa-ti/pi-ni/u-ri2-ka-si1 to Sipat, representative of urikasi;
7. pi-ni/u-wa1-ri. to the representative of the frontier outpost.”
8. a wa1-sa PI/pi-ni/ka-pi-li “Wasas, representative of the municipal
9. wa1-ta-ri.i-li-si-ri/wa1-si-ri-ti1 cloth industry, gives in veneration to the Syrian god (?);
10. ta-pa-ri/pi-ni/i-li-ta-ma-ne to Tabaris, representative of ilitamane;
11. a-we-si-ri/pi-ni/me-ni-wa-ri to Awesiri, representative of meniwari.”

Side B
12. la-mi-ya-ne-ti/ka-pa-ri-ti1 “At the Lamiyan trade centre:
13. we-sa -mu PI I, Wesas, give
14. i-li-ma-li-ki/pi-ni/la-mi-ya-ti to Ilimalik, representative of Lamiya;
15. a-ka-mi PI/pi-ni/ma-ki on behalf of Akamas I give to
16. u-we1-ta-sa-li/ Uwatasalis, representative of the customs collector;
a-mu PI ma-sa-we-li I give to Masawalis
17. a-pe-mu -ma/ZITI-si/ma-ki and Apamuwas, officers (?) of the customs collector:
3 PA NE WA1 3 (units of) cloth, NE (and) wine;
18. ya-me-ri/pi-ni/ma-ki to Yameri, representative of the customs collector;
19. sa-si1-ma-li-ki/ME 2 NE/PA to Sasimalik: 2 (units of) ME, NE (and) cloth.”

The fragmentarily preserved tablet 1687 from Enkomi, in- the foundation course of a hearth outside its proper context
scribed in the so-called Cypro-Minoan II script or Linear in an Enkomi IIIA (= Late Cypriote IIIA) level, postdating
D, appears to contain correspondence dealing with a naval the period of upheavals of the Sea Peoples.93
battle in the waters of southwest Asia Minor,92 and hence
may plausibly be assigned to the same period as the Uga
ritic correspondence given below. The tablet is found in

92 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 98-110; Best & Woudhuizen 1989:

64, note 39; Woudhuizen 1992a: 117. 93 Dikaios 1971: 885; Pl. 317.

46
Tablet 1687 from Enkomi
Side A

(15) a-ka-mu[/]e-le-ki/nu-ka-ru-ra/ “Akamas of Ilion, the great enemy, smote me.”

tu-pa-ta -mu

lú
Note that the phonetic reading of KUR2.ME in Ugaritic is nakrnj “enemies”, the root of which occurs here in variant nukar-
characterized by a/u-vowel change in combination with a suffixed form of Luwian ura- “great”.

Ugaritic

The advent of the Sea Peoples in the eastern Mediterranean seems clear from the contents that all four letters actually
waters is vividly described in four Ugaritic letters, three of have a bearing on the city’s last days.
which (RS L 1, RS 20.238, RS 20.18) belong to the so- The transcription of the texts, which varies in the dif-
called Rap’anu-archive, named after an Ugaritic dignitary ferent publications, has been systematized and improved
living in the residential area east of the palace (Lehmann by the Assyriologist Frans A.M. Wiggermann (letter d.d.
1979: 53; 59; cf. von Reden 1992: 266, Fig. 32), whereas 27 December 2003).
one (RS 34.129) originates from an archive which came to Contrary to the sequence of their publication, I belief,
light as a result of military defense works in the south of with Hoftijzer & van Soldt (1998: 343), that letter RS L 1
the city (Lehmann 1979: 481; Lehmann 1985: 32, note 64). precedes RS 20.238, because in the latter an answer is
Although the destruction of Ras Shamra/Ugarit c. 1180 BC given to the question from the former where the troops and
only serves as a terminus ante quem for both archives, it the chariotry of the king of Ugarit are stationed.

RS 34.12994
1. um-ma dUTU-ši-m[a] “Thus says His Majesty, the
LUGAL GAL-ú Great King.
a-na lúsà-ki-in-ni Speak to the Prefect:
qí-bi-ma
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
5. a-n[u]-um-ma it-tu-ka Now, (there) with you, the
LUG[AL] EN-ka s̙̙e-® e-er king your lord is (still too)
mi-i[m-m]a la-a i-de young. He knows nothing.
ù a-na-ku dUTU-ši And I, His Majesty, had
a-na UGU-® i-šu um-da-e-ra-šu issued him an order
m
10. aš-šum ib-na-du-šu concerning Ibnadušu,
ša LU2.MEŠ kur.uruši-ka-la-iu-ú whom the people from
i[s̙̙] -bu-tu-šu-ú-ni Šikala – who live on
ša i-na UGU-® i gišMA2.ME[Š] ships – had abducted.
us-bu-ú-ni
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
15. a-nu-um-ma n[i-i]r-ga-i-li Herewith I send Nirga’ili,
it-tu-ia who is kartappu with me, to
lú
kar-tap-pu you.

94 Malbran-Labat 1991: 38-9; cf. Dietrich & Loretz 1978.

47
 a-na UGU-® i-ka
um-da-e-ra-ku
20. ù at-ta mib-na-du-šu And you, send Ibnadušu,
ša LU2.MEŠ kur.uruši-ka-la-ú whom the people from Šikala
is̙̙-bu-tu-šu-ni had abducted, to me.
a-na UGU-® i-ia
šu-up-ra-šu
25. a-ma-te ša kur.uruši-ki-la I will question him about the
a-ša-al-šu land Šikala,
ù a-na ku-ta-li-šu and afterwards he may leave
a-na kur.uruu-ga-ri-ta for Ugarit again.”
i-tu-ur-ra
30. i-ta-la-ka
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
(three erased lines)

RS L 195
1. u[m-m]a LUGAL-ma “Thus says the king [of
m
a-na am-mu-ra-pí Alashiya]. Speak to
kur
LUGAL ú-ga-rít Ammurapi, king of Ugarit:
qí-bi-ma
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
5. lu-ú š[u]l-mu a-na UGU-® i-ka May you be well! May the
DINGIR-nu a-na šul-ma-ni gods keep you in good health!
PAP-ru-ka
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
ša tàš-pu-ra ma-a gišMA2.MEŠKUR2 Concerning what you wrote to
i-na ŠA3 A.AB.BA me: “They have spotted
10. i-ta-am-ru-m[a] enemy ships at sea”;
ù šúm-ma ki-it-tu if they have indeed spotted
giš
MA2.MEŠ i-ta-am-ru ships, make yourself as
ù lu dú-nu-na[-ta] strong as possible.
dan-níš i-na-an-n[a] Now, where are your own
15. at-tu-ka [(x-x)] troops (and) chariotry
giš
ERIN2.MEŠ-ka GIGIR.M[EŠ-ka] stationed?
a-ia-ka-ma-a
aš-bu ul it-ta-ka-ma-a Are they not stationed with
aš-bu i-i[a]-nu-um-ma-a you? If not, who will deliver
20. i-na ® i?!-re-et lúKUR you from the enemy forces?
ma-am-ma ú-nam-maš-ka Surround your towns with
URU.DIDLI.HI.A-ka BAD3.MEŠ walls;
li-i-mi
ERIN2.MEŠ ù gišGIGIR.MEŠ bring troops and chariotry
25. i-na ŠA3 šu-ri-ib inside. (Then) wait at full
lú
pa-ni KUR dú-gu5-ul strength for the enemy.”

95 Nougayrol 1968: 83-9.

48
 ù dú-nu-na-ta
dan-níš
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯

RS 20.238
1. a-na LUGAL kura-la-ši-ia “Speak to the king of
a-bi- iʗa qí-bi-ma Alashiya, my father: Thus
um-ma LUGAL kuru-ga-ri-it says the king of Ugarit,
DUMU-ka-ma your son.
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
5. a-na GIR3.MEŠ a-bi-ia a[m-qu]t I fall at the feet of my father.
a-na UGU-® i a-bi-ia lu-ú š[u]l-m[u May my father be well!
a-na E2.HI.A-ka NITLAM4.MEŠ-k[a] May your estates, your
ERIN2-ka consorts, your troops,
a-na gab-bi [m]im-mu-ú everything that belongs to the
ša LUGAL kura-la-ši-i[a] king of Alashiya, my father,
10. a-bi- iʗa d[a]n-níš dan-níš be very, very well!
lu-ú šul-m[u]
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
a-bi a-nu-ma gišMA2.MEŠ My father, now enemy ships
lú.meš
ša KUR2 il-l[a]-ka are coming (and) they burn
[U]RU.HI.A-ia i-na IZI : i-ša-ti down my towns with fire.
15. i-ša-ri-ip They have done unseemly
ù a-ma-at things in the land!
[la]-a ba-ni-ta
[i-n]a ŠA3-bi KUR i-te-e[p]-šú
a-bu-iʗa ú-ul i-[d]e My father is not aware of the
20. ki-i gab-bu ERIN2.MEŠ E[N] fact that all the troops of my
a-bi-ia father’s overlord are
i-na kur® a-at-ti stationed in Hatti and that all
aš-bu ù gab-bu gišMA2.MEŠ-[ iʗ] a my ships are stationed in
i-na ku[r]lu-uk-ka-a LukkƗ. They still have not
aš-bu [a-d]i-ni ul ik-šu-da-ni arrived and the country is lying like that!
25. ù KUR-[t]u4 ka-am-ma na-da-at My father should know these
a-bu-ia a-ma-at an-ni-ta5 things.
[l]u-ú i-de i-na-an-na Now, the seven enemy
giš lú.meš
7 MA2.MEŠ ša KUR2 ships that are approaching
[š]a il-la-ka-a[n]-ni have done evil things to us.
30. ù a-ma-at maš-ik-ta
it-ep-šu-na-a-ši
i-na-an-na šum-ma gišMA2.[MEŠ] Now then, if there are any
ša lú.mešKUR2 ša-na-t[u4] other enemy ships send me a
i-ba-aš-ši-mi † é-m[a] report somehow, so that I will
35. [a-i]a-ka-am-ma šu-up-r[a]-ni know.”
ù lu-ú i-de4
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯

49
RS 20.18
1. um-ma me-šu-wa-ra “Thus says Eshuwara, the
lú kur
MAŠKIM GAL ša a-la-ši-a chief prefect of Alashiya.
a-na LUGAL kurú-ga-ri-it Speak to the king of Ugarit:
qí-bi-ma
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
5 a-na ku-a-ša KUR-t[i]-ka4-ma May you and your country be
lu-ú šul-mu well.
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
aš-šum a-ba-te.ME ša lúKUR2.ME As for the matter concerning
al-lu-ti DUMU.ME KUR-ti-ka4 those enemies: (it was) the
giš
MA2.ME-ka4-ma people from your country (and) your own ships (who)
10. a-ba-ta an-ni-ta did this!
i-te-ep-šu-ni
ù i-te-eq-ta an-nu-ti And (it was) the people
DUMU.MEŠ KUR-ti-ka4 i-[t]e-ep-šu from your country (who) committed these transgres-
sion(s).
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
ù it-ti-ia-ma So do not be angry with me!
15. lu la te-ze-em-me
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
ù i-na-an-na But now, (the) twenty enemy
giš lú
20 MA2.MEŠ ša KUR2.ME ships – even before they
i-na HUR.S[A]G.ME la-a-ma would reach the mountain
it-ta[l-ka]-ni-me (shore) – have not stayed
20. ù l[a] it-ta-za-za around, but have quickly
ù ® a-mut-ta moved on, and where they
it-ta-mu-uš-me have pitched camp we do not
ù a-šar it-ta-dú-ú know.
la ni-i-de4-me
25. aš-šum ud-dá-i-ka4 I am writing to you to inform
aš-šum na-s̙̙a-ri-ka4 and protect you. Be aware!”
al-tap-ra-ku
lu-ú ti-i-de4-me
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
Translation of all four Ugaritic texts according to Hoftijzer & van Soldt 1998: 343-4

Egyptian
Our main source on the upheavals of the Sea Peoples is offers depictions of the battles and their description in text.
Ramesses III’s mortuary tempel at Medinet Habu,96 which However, the monument commemorates not only the wars
with the Sea Peoples from years 5 and 8 of Ramesses III’s
reign (= 1179 BC and 1176 BC), but also preceding ones
96 i.e. Thebes. against the Nubians (considered to be fictitious) and the

50
Libyans (year 5) as well as successive ones against the whereas this cluster is followed by a town siege.98
Libyans (year 11), again, and the Asiatics (considered to The information on the wars with the Sea Peoples of
be fictitious).97 The depictions of the land- and sea battle Ramesses III’s Medinet Habu memorial is supplemented
against the Sea Peoples are located central on the outer by the text of the Stele from Deir el Medineh and the Pa-
east side of the monument (nos. 31 and 37-9), whereas the pyrus Harris.
texts describing the wars of year 5 and year 8 are situated
on the inner west side of court 2 (nos. 27-8) and inner Medinet Habu
north side of court 1 (nos. 44 and 46), respectively. Yet Inscription of year 5 (= 1179 BC)
another text referring to a military engagement with Sea
“The northern countries quivered in their bodies,
Peoples – this time in year 12 –, the so-called Südstele, can namely the Peleset, Tjek[er, …]. They were cut off
be found on the outer south side of the temple (no. 107) <from> their land, coming, their spirit broken. They
(Fig. 4). were thr-warriors on land; another (group) was on the
sea. Those who came on [land were overthrown and
slaughtered]; Amon-Re was after them, destroying
them. They that entered the Nile mouths were like
birds ensnared in the net (…). Their hearts are re-
moved, taken away, no longer in their bodies. Their
leaders were carried off and slain; they were cast
down and made into pinioned ones (…).”99

Inscription of year 8 (= 1176 BC)

“As for the foreign countries, they made a conspiracy
in their isles. Removed and scattered in the fray were
the lands at one time. No land could stand before
their arms, from Hatti, Kodi, Karkemis, Yereth [=
Arzawa], and Yeres [= Alasiya] on, (but they were)
cut off at (one time). A camp (was set up) in one
place in Amor. They desolated its people, and its land
was like that which has never come into being. They
were coming, while the flame was prepared before
them, forward toward Egypt. Their confederation was
the Peleset, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n), and Wesh-
esh, lands united. They laid their hands upon the
lands to the (very) circuit of the earth, their hearts
confident and trusting ‘our plans will succeed!’
Now the heart of this god, the Lord of the Gods,
was prepared, ready to ensnare them like birds. He
made my strength to exist, while my plans succeed.
Fig. 4. Plan of Ramesses III’s temple at Medinet Habu, Thebes (af- (…). I organized my frontier in Zahi [= southern Le-
ter Cifola 1991: 12).
vant], prepared before them, (to wit,) the princes, the
commanders of the garrisons, and the Mariannu [=
The scenes of the land- and sea battles are embedded charioteers]. I caused the Nile mouth to be prepared
in a pictorial narrative, which starts with the religious (1. like a strong wall with warships, galleys, and coast-
command of the god, 2. pharaoh leaves the temple) and ers, equipped, for they were manned completely from
bow to stern with valiant warriors, with their weap-
military (1. equipping the troops, 2. king’s departure, 3.
ons; the militia consisting of every picked man of
march) preparations and ends with the military (1. seizure Egypt, were like lions roaring upon the mountain
of prisoners, 2. celebration of victory, 3. return in triumph) tops. The chariotry consisted of runners, of picked
and religious (presentation of prisoners to the god) out- men, of every good and capable chariot-warrior.
Their horses were quivering in every part of their
come. The central military action in form of the land- and
bodies, ready to crush the countries under their hoofs.
sea battle is broken in two by a lion hunt in the middle,

98 Cifola 1991: 15-6.

99 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 30; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. IV, no.
97 Widmer 1975: 68. 44; Pritchard 1969: 263; Strobel 1976: 8; Peden 1994: 17.

51
 I was the valiant Montu [= war-god], standing fast at Character’. It is Amon-Re who has overthrown for
their head, so that they might gaze upon the capturing him the lands and has crushed for him every land un-
of my two hands; King of Upper and Lower Egypt: der his feet; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of
Usermare-Meriamon; Son of Re: Ramses III. the Two Lands: Usermare-Meriamon.”102
As for those who reached my frontier, their seed
is not, their heart and soul are finished forever and Depicted prisoners of war (Fig. 7):
ever. As for those who came forward together on the 1. chief of Hatti, 2. chief of Amor, 3. chieftain of the
sea, the full flame was in front of them at the Nile foe of the Tjeker, 4. Sherden of the sea, 5. chieftain of
mouths, while a stockade of lances surrounded them the foe Sha[su], 6. Teresh of the sea, 7. chieftain of
on the shore, (so that they were) dragged (ashore),
the Pe(leset).103
hemmed in, prostrated on the beach, slain, and made
into heaps from tail to head. Their ships and their
goods were as if fallen into the water. Südstele, year 12 (= 1172 BC).
I made the lands turn back from mentioning Mention of Tjeker, Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh and
Egypt; for when they pronounce my name in their Shekelesh.104
land, then they are burned up. Since I have sat upon
the throne of Harakhte [= manifestation of Horus]
and the Great Enchantress [= uraeus] was fixed upon
Stele from Deir el Medineh
my head like Re, I have not let the countries behold
Pharaoh boasts of having defeated Peleset and Teresh who
the frontiers of Egypt, to boast thereof to the Nine
Bows [= Egypts traditional enemies]. I have taken attacked Egypt.105
away their land, their frontiers being added to mine.
Their chiefs and their tribespeople are mine with Papyrus Harris
praise, for I am upon the ways of the plans of the All-
Lord, my august, divine father, the Lord of Gods.”100 “I extended all the boundaries of Egypt: I overthrew
those who invaded them from (or: in) their lands. I
Text to the scene of the land battle (Fig. 5) slew the Denyen in (= who are in) their isles, the
Tjeker and the Peleset were made ashes. The Sherden
“His majesty sets out for Zahi like unto Montu, to
and the Weshesh of the sea, they were made as those
crush every country that violates his frontier. His
that exist not, taken captive at one time, brought as
troops are like bulls ready on the field of battle; his
captives to Egypt, like the sand of the shore. I settled
horses are like falcons in the midst of small birds be-
them in strongholds, bound in my name. Numerous
fore the Nine Bows, bearing victory. Amon, his au-
were their classes like hundred-thousands. I taxed
gust father, is a shield for him; King of Upper and
them all, in clothing and grain from the storehouses
Lower Egypt, Ruler of the Nine Bows, Lord of the
and granaries each year.” 106
Two Lands (…).”101
The Wenamon story, as preserved on the Golenischeff
Text to the scene of the sea battle (Fig. 6)
papyrus, informs us about the period after the wars with
“Now the northern countries, which were in their
the Sea Peoples, in which Egypt can no longer exert its
isles, were quivering in their bodies. They penetrated
the channels of the Nile mouths. Their nostrils have power in its former dependencies along the coastal region
ceased (to function, so that) their desire is <to> of the Levant.
breathe the breath. His majesty is gone forth like a
whirlwind against them, fighting on the battle field
like a runner. The dread of him and the terror of him
have entered in their bodies; (they are) capsized and
overwhelmed in their places. Their hearts are taken
away; their soul is flown away. Their weapons are
scattered in the sea. His arrow pierces him whom he
has wished among them, while the fugitive is become
one fallen into the water. His majesty is like an en-
raged lion, attacking his assailant with his pawns;
plundering on his right hand and powerful on his left
hand, like Set[h] destroying the serpent ‘Evil of 102 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 41-2; cf. Pritchard 1963: 263.

103 Strobel 1976: 18; Sandars 1980: 106-7, afb. 68.

100 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 53-6; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. IV,
104 Kitchen 1983: no. 73, 9 f.; cf. Lehmann 1985: 23-4.
no. 64; Pritchard 1969: 262-3; Strobel 1976: 14; Drews 1993a: 51;
Peden 1994: 29-31. 105 Lepsius 1900: Vol. III, 218c; Drews 1993a: 51.

101 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 38; cf. Pritchard 1969: 263. 106 Breasted 1927: Vol. IV, no. 403; Strobel 1976: 18.

52
Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medinet Habu (from Oren 2000: 96, Fig. 5.5).

Fig. 6. Sea battle scene of Medinet Habu (from Oren 2000: 98, Fig. 5.6).

Fig. 7. Prisoners of war: (a) Hittite, (b) Amorite, (c) Tjeker, (d) Sherden, (e) Shasu, and (f) Teresh (from Nibbi 1975: Pl. I).

53
Golenischeff papyrus And the [Prince] of Byblos sent to me, saying: “Get
[out of my] harbor!” And I sent to him, saying: “Where
“Year 5, 4th month of the 3rd season, day 16 [= 23rd should [I go to]? (…) If [you have a ship] to carry me,
year of Ramesses XI (1099-1069 BC)]: the day on have me taken to Egypt again!” So I spent twenty-nine
which Wen-Amon, the Senior of the Forecourt of the days in his [harbor, while] he [spent] the time sending
House of Amon, [Lord of the Thrones] of the Two to me every day to say: “Get out (of) my harbor!”
Lands, set out to fetch the woodwork for the great and Now while he was making offering to his gods, the god
august barque of Amon-Re, King of Gods, which is on seized one of his youths and made him possessed. And
[the River and which is named:] “User-her-Amon.” On he said to him: “Bring up [the] god! Bring the messen-
the day when I reached Tanis, the place [where Ne-su- ger who is carrying him! Amon is the one who sent him
Ba-neb]-Ded and Ta-net-Amon were, I gave them the out! He is the one who made him come!” And while the
letters of Amon-Re, King of the Gods, and they had possessed (youth) was having his frenzy on this night, I
them read in their presence. And they said: “Yes, I will had (already) found a ship headed for Egypt and had
do as Amon-Re, King of the Gods, our [lord], has loaded everything that I had into it. While I was watch-
said!” I spent up to the 4th month of the 3rd season in ing for the darkness, thinking that when I descended I
Tanis. And Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and Ta-net-Amon sent would load the god (also), so that no other eye might
me off with the ship captain Mengebet, and I embarked see him, the harbor master came to me, saying: “Wait
on the great Syrian sea in the 1st month of the 3rd sea- until morning – so says the Prince.” So I said to him:
son, day 1. “Aren’t you the one who spend the time coming to me
I reached Dor, a town of the Tjeker, and Beder, its every day to say: ‘Get out (of) my harbor’? Aren’t you
prince, had 50 loaves of bread, one jug of wine, and one saying ‘Wait’ tonight in order to let the ship which I
leg of beef brought to me. And a man of my ship ran have found get away – and (then) you will come again
away and stole one [vessel] of gold, amounting to 5 de- (to) say: ‘Go away!’?” So he went and told it to the
ben, four jars of silver, amounting to 20 deben, and a Prince. And the Prince sent to the captain of the ship to
sack of 11 deben of silver. [Total of what] he [stole]: 5 say: “Wait until morning – so says the Prince!”
deben of gold and 31 deben of silver. When morning came, he sent and brought me up, but
I got up in the morning, and I went to the place where the god stayed in the tent where he was, (on) the shore
the Prince was, and I said to him: “I have been robbed of the sea. And I found him sitting (in) his upper room,
in your harbor. Now you are the prince of this land, and with his back turned to a window, so that the waves of
you are its investigator who should look for my silver. the great Syrian sea broke against the back of his head.
Now about this silver – it belongs to Amon-Re, King of So I said to him: “May Amon favor you!” But he said to
the Gods, the lord of the lands; it belongs to you; it be- me “How long, up to today, since you came from the
longs to Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded; it belongs to Heri-Hor, my place where Amon is?” So I said to him: “Five months
lord, and the other great men of Egypt! It belongs to and one day up to now.” And he said to me: “Well,
you; it belongs to Weret; it belongs to Mekmer; it be- you’re truthful! Where is the letter of Amon which
longs to Zakar-Baal, the Prince of Byblos!” (should be) in your hand? Where is the dispatch of the
And he said to me: “Whether you are important or High Priest of Amon which (should be) in your hand?”
whether you are eminent – look here, I do not recognize And I told him: “I gave them to Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and
this accusation which you have made to me! Suppose it Ta-net-Amon.” And he was very, very angry, and he
had been a thief who belonged to my land who went on said to me: “Now see – neither letters nor dispatches
your boat and stole your silver, I should have repaid it are in your hand! Where is the cedar ship which Ne-su-
to you from my treasury, until they had found this thief Ba-neb-Ded gave to you? Where is its Syrian crew?
of yours – whoever he may be. Now about the thief Didn’t he turn you over to this foreign ship captain to
who robbed you – he belongs to you! He belongs to have him kill you and throw you into the sea? (Then)
your ship! Spend a few days visiting me, so that I may with whom would they have looked for the god? And
look for him.” you too – with whom would they have looked for you
I spent nine days moored (in) his harbor, and I went (to) too?” So he spoke to me.
call on him, and I said to him: “Look, you have not But I said to him: “Wasn’t it an Egyptian ship? Now it
found my silver. [Just let] me [go] with the ship cap- is Egyptian crews which sail under Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded!
tains and with those who go (to) sea!” But he said to He has no Syrian crews.” And he said to me: “Aren’t
me: “Be quiet! (…).” there twenty ships here in my harbor which are in
(…) I went out of Tyre at the break of dawn (…). Za- commercial relations with Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded? As to
kar-Baal, the prince of Byblos, (…) ship. I found 30 Sidon, the other (place) which you have passed, aren’t
deben of silver in it, and I seized upon it. [And I said to there fifty more ships there which are in commercial re-
the Tjeker: “I have seized upon] your silver, and it will lations with Werket-El, and which are drawn up to his
stay with me [until] you find [my silver or the thief] house?” And I was silent in this great time.
who stole it! Even though you have not stolen, I shall And he answered and said to me: “On what business
take it. But as for you, (…).” So they went away, and I have you come?” So I told him: “I have come after the
joined my triumph [in] a tent (on) the shore of the [sea], woodwork for the great and august barque of Amon-Re,
(in) the harbor of Byblos. And [I hid] Amon-of-the- King of the Gods. Your father did (it), your grandfather
Road, and I put his property inside him. did (it), and you will do it too!” So I spoke to him. But

54
he said to me: “To be sure, they did it! And if you give Ta-net-Amon, the officers whom Amon put in the north
me (something) for doing it, I will do it! Why, when of his land, and they will have all kinds of things sent. I
my people carried out this commission, Pharaoh – life, shall send him to them to say: ‘Let it be brought until I
prosperity, health! – sent six ships loaded with Egyp- shall go (back again) to the south, and I shall (then)
tian goods, and they unloaded them into their store- have every bit of the debt still (due to you) brought to
houses! You – what is it that you’re bringing me – me you.’” So I spoke to him.
also?” And he had the journal rolls of his fathers So he entrusted my letter to his messenger, and he
brought, and he had them read out in my presence, and loaded in the keel, the bow-post, the stern-post, along
they found a thousand deben and all kind of things in with four other hewn timbers – seven in all – and he
his scrolls. had them taken to Egypt. And in the first month of the
So he said to me: “If the ruler of Egypt were the lord of second season his messenger who had gone to Egypt
mine, and I were his servant also, he would not have to came back to me in Syria. And Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and
send silver and gold, saying: ‘Carry out the commission Ta-net-Amon sent: 4 jars and 1 kak-men of gold; 5 jars
of Amon!’ There would be no carrying of a royal-gift, of silver; 10 pieces of clothing in royal linen; 10 kherd
such as they used to do for my father. As for me – me of good Upper Egyptian linen; 500 (rolls of) finished
also – I am not your servant! I am not the servant of papyrus; 500 cowhides; 500 ropes; 20 sacks of lentils;
him who sent you either! If I cry out to the Lebanon, 30 baskets of fish. And she [= Ta-net-Amon] sent to me
the heavens open up, and the logs are here lying (on) (personally): 5 pieces of clothing in good Upper Egyp-
the shore of the sea! Give me the sails which you have tian linen; 5 kherd of good Upper Egyptian linen; 1
brought to carry your ships which would hold the logs sack of lentils; and 5 baskets of fish.
for (Egypt)! Give me the ropes [which] you have And the Prince was glad, and he detailed three hundred
brought [to lash the cedar] logs which I am to cut down men and three hundred cattle, and he put supervisors at
to make you (…) which I shall make for you (as) the their head, to have them cut down the timber. So they
sails of your boats, and the spars will be (too) heavy cut them down, and they spent the second season lying
and will break, and you will die in the middle of the there.
sea! See, Amon made thunder in the sky when he put In the third month of the third season they dragged
Seth near him. Now when Amon founded all lands, in them (to) the shore of the sea, and the Prince came out
founding them he founded first the land of Egypt, from and stood by them. And he sent to me, saying: “Come!”
which you come; for craftsmanship came out of it, to Now when I presented myself near him, the shadow of
reach the place where I am, and learning came out of it, his lotus-blossom fell upon me. And Pen-Amon, a but-
to reach the place where I am. What are these silly trips ler who belonged to him, cut me off, saying: “The
which they have had you make?” shadow of Pharaoh – life, prosperity, health! – your
And I said to him: “(That’s) not true! What I am on are lord, has fallen on you!” But he [= Zakar-Baal] was an-
no ‘silly trips’ at all! There is no ship upon the River gry at him, saying: “Let him alone!”
which does not belong to Amon! The sea is his, and the So I presented myself near him, and he answered and
Lebanon is his, of which you say: ‘It is mine!’ It forms said to me: “See, the commission which my fathers car-
the nursery for User-het-Amon, the lord of [every] ried out formerly, I have carried out (also), even though
ship! Why, he spoke – Amon-Re, King of the Gods – you have not done for me what your fathers would have
and said to Heri-Hor, my master: ‘Send me forth!’ So done for me, and you too (should have done)! See, the
he had me come, carrying this great god. But see, you last of your woodwork has arrived and is lying (here).
have made this great god spend these twenty-nine days Do as I wish, and come to load it in – for aren’t they
moored (in) your harbor, although you did not know going to give it to you? Don’t come to look at the terror
(it). Isn’t he here? Isn’t he the (same) as he was? You of the sea! If you look at the terror of the sea, you will
are stationed (here) to carry on the commerce of the Li- see my own (too)! Why, I have not done to you what
banon with Amon, its lord. As for your saying that the was done to the messengers of Kha-em-Waset, when
former kings sent silver and gold – suppose that they they spent seventeen years in this land – they died
had life and health; (then) they would not have had (where) they were!” And he said to his butler: “Take
such things sent! (But) they had such things sent to him and show him their tomb in which they are lying.”
your fathers in place of life and health! Now as for But I said to him: “Don’t show it to me! As for Kha-
Amon-Re, King of the Gods – he is the lord of this life em-Waset – they were men who he sent to you as mes-
and health, and he was the lord of your fathers. They sengers and he was a man himself. You do not have one
spent their lifetimes making offering to Amon. And you of his messengers (here in me), when you say: ‘Go and
also – you are the servant of Amon! If you say to see your companions!’ Now, shouldn’t you rejoice and
Amon: ‘Yes, I will do (it)!’ and you carry out his com- have a stela [made] for yourself and say on it: ‘Amon-
mission, you will live, you will be prosperous, you will Re, King of the Gods, sent to me Amon-of-the-Road,
be healthy, and you will be good to your entire land and his messenger – [life], prosperity, health! – and Wen-
your people! (But) don’t wish for yourself anything be- Amon, his human messenger, after the woodwork for
longing to Amon-Re, (King of) the Gods. Why, a lion the great and august barque of Amon-Re, King of the
wants his own property! Have your secretary brought to Gods, I cut it down. I loaded it in. I provided it (with)
me, say that I may send him to Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and my ships and my crews. I caused them to reach Egypt,

55
 in order to ask fifty years of life from Amon for myself, “We have come after the blasted ships which you are
over and above my fate.’ And it shall come to pass that, sending to Egypt with our opponents!” But he said to
after another time, a messenger may come from the them: “I cannot arrest the messenger of Amon inside
land of Egypt who knows writing, and he may read my land. Let me send him away, and you go after him
your name on the stela. And you will receive water (in) to arrest him.”
the West, like the gods who are here!” So he loaded me in, and he sent me away from there at
And he said to me: “This which you have said to me is the harbor of the sea. And the wind cast me on the land
a great testimony of words!” So I said to him: “As for of Alashiya [= Cyprus]. And they of the town came out
the many things which you have said to me, if I reach against me to kill me, but I forced my way through them
the place where the High Priest of Amon is and he sees to the place where Heteb, the princess of the town, was.
how you have (carried out this) commission, it is your I met her as she was going out of one house of hers and
(carrying out of this) commission (which) will draw out going into another of hers.
something for you.” So I greeted her, and I said to the people who were
And I went (to) the shore of the sea, to the place where standing near her: “Isn’t there one of you who under-
the timber was lying, and I spied eleven ships belong- stands Egyptian?” And one of them said: “I understand
ing to the Tjeker coming in from the sea, in order to (it).” So I said to him: “Tell my lady that I have heard,
say: “Arrest him! Don’t let a ship of his (go) to the land as far away as Thebes, the place where Amon is, that
of Egypt!” Then I sat down and wept. And the letter injustice is done in every town but justice is done in the
scribe of the Prince came out to me, and he said to me: land of Alashiya. Yet injustice is done here every day!”
“What is the matter with you?” And I said to him: “Ha- And she said: “Why, what do you (mean) by saying
ven’t you seen the birds go down to Egypt a second it?” So I told her: “If the sea is stormy and the wind
time? Look at them – how they travel to the cool pools! casts me on the land where you are, you should not let
(But) how long shall I be left here! Now don’t you see them take me in charge to kill me. For I am a messen-
those who are coming to arrest me?” ger of Amon. Look here – as for me, they will search
So he went and told it to the Prince. And the Prince be- for me all the time! As to the crew of the Prince of By-
gan to weep because of the words which were said to blos which they are bent on killing, won’t its lord find
him, for they were painful. And he sent out to me his ten crews of yours, and he also kills them?”
letter scribe, and he brought to me two jugs of wine and So she had the people summoned, and they stood
one ram. And he sent to me Ta-net-Not, an Egyptian (there). And she said to me: “Spend the night (…).”
singer who was with him, saying: “Sing to him! Don’t (…)”
let his heart take on cares!” And he sent to me, say:
“Eat and drink! Don’t let your heart take on cares, for At this point the papyrus breaks off. Since the tale is
tomorrow you shall hear whatever I have to say.” told in the first person, it is fair to assume that Wenamon
When morning came, he had his assembly summoned returned to Egypt to tell his story, in some measure of
and he stood in their midst, and he said to the Tjeker:
“What have you come (for)?” And they said to him: safety or success (Pritchard 1969: 25-9).

El-Amarna Ramesses II Merneptah Ramesses III

Lukka x x x
Sherden x x x x
Shekelesh x x
Teresh x x
Ekwesh x
Denye(n) x
Tjeker x
Peleset x
Weshesh x

Table 1. Overview of the mention of the Sea Peoples in the various Egyptian sources from the Late Bronze Age.

56
 6. LUKKA AND THE LUKKA LANDS

Since the time of Emmanuel de Rougé, who wrote in 1867, coast. This seems to have formed part of Lukka according
the Lukka have straightforwardly been identified with the to the combined evidence of El-Amarna text no. 38 and RS
Lycians.107 The latter are known from Homeros onwards 20.238 from Ras Shamra/Ugarit.113 Of these texts, the first
to inhabit the valley of the Xanthos river and its immediate one bears reference to piratical raids on Alasiya (= Cyprus)
surroundings in Anatolia.108 As to the precise habitat of and apparently on the Egyptian coast by the people of the
their equivalents in Hittite texts, Trevor Bryce has put for- land of Lukki, which is therefore likely to have had a
ward two specific theses, namely (1) Lycaonia to the east coastal zone. The second informs us that the king of Ugarit
and (2) Caria to the west of classical Lycia. Of these two has sent his entire fleet to the waters off the coast of Lukka,
theses, the first one is primarily based on the fact that in a presumably, as suggested by Michael Astour, in an attempt
fragment of Hattusilis III’s (1264-1239 BC) annals, Keil- to ward off the passage of the Sea Peoples from the Ae-
schrifturkunden aus Boghazköy (= KUB) XXI 6a, the gean into the eastern Mediterranean.114 If this latter sug-
MEŠ URU
Lukka lands (KUR.KUR Luqqa) appear in a para- gestion is correct, we are dealing here with the Lycian
graph preceding one on military campaigns against coun- coast, indeed.
tries like Walma, San®ata, and Walwara known from the A dramatic change in the state of affairs as presented
border description of the province of Tar®untassa – a Hit- by Bryce occurred thanks to the recent discovery of a
tite province situated to the east of (the) Lukka (lands).109 monumental hieroglyphic inscription from the reign of
The second thesis takes as its starting point that in the so- Tud®aliyas IV (1239-1209 BC) at Yalburt in the neighbor-
called Tawagalawas-letter (KUB XIV 3), probably from hood of Ilgın. As demonstrated by Massimo Poetto, this
the reign of Muwatallis II (1295-1271 BC),110 people from text, which deals with a military campaign in the Lukka
Lukka (LUMEŠ URU
Luqqa) are mentioned directly follow- lands (lúkaUTNAi), bears reference to the place names Pi-
ing the destruction of Attarima. In the same letter Attarima nata, Awarna, Talawa, and Patara, which are identifiable
is associated with Iyalanda, which for its association with with classical Pinale or Pinara, Arñne or Arna, Tlawa or
Atriya must be located close to Millawanda (or Milawata). Tlǀs, and Pttara or Patara situated in the valley of the
If Millawanda (or Milawata) may be identified with classi- lower Xanthos river.115 It further mentions the place
cal Miletos (as is commonly asserted by now), it follows names Luwanda and H walatarna, which correspond to
according to this line of reasoning that people from Lukka classical Loanda and ȋbide or Kaunos in the valley of the
must be situated in its immediate Carian hinterland.111 Indus river.116 There can be little doubt, therefore, that, re-
What strikes us about these suggestions is that precisely gardless the blank in the archaeological record, the Lukka
the region of the Xanthos valley and its immediate sur- lands are situated precisely within the confines of classical
roundings in the middle are left out – a situation which, for Lycia proper. This conlusion receives even further empha-
the lack of remains of Late Bronze Age settlements here, sis if Machteld Mellink is right in her identification of the
appears to be neatly reflected in the archaeological record Siyanta river, which figures in the border description of
(but as we will see deceitfully so).112 Mira in Mursilis II’s (1321-1295 BC) treaty with Kupanta-
Bryce makes an exception, though, for the Lycian kuruntas, with the Xanthos river.117
A question which remains to be answered is whether
the expression “Lukka lands” designates the same geo-
107 De Rougé 1867: 39.

108 Bryce 1986: 13 “There can be little doubt that for Homer Ly-
cia and the Xanthos valley were one and the same”. 113 Bryce 1992: 128-9; for EA no. 38, see Moran 1992: 111.

109 Bryce 1974: 397 (with reference to Cornelius); Bryce 1992: 114 Astour 1965a: 255; cf. Otten 1993; Keen 1998: 27.
121-3; cf. Otten 1988: 37-8. 115 Poetto 1993: 47-8 (block 9); 78-80. Note that these identifica-
110 Smit 1990-1 ; Gurney 1990. tions are only partly followed by Keen 1998: 214-20.
111 Bryce 1974: 398-403; Bryce 1992: 123-6. 116 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 174; Woudhuizen 2004a: 30-1.

112 Bryce 1974: 130; cf. Keen 1998: 214. 117 Mellink 1995: 35-6.

57
graphical range as Lukka or a wider one. To answer this “in these lands, the great kings of Hatti, my fathers
question, we have little evidence to go on, as the Lukka (and) grandfathers, no one has marched”,
lands are mentioned only twice, (1) in the fragment of the
annals of Hattusilis III, KUB XXI 6a,118 and (2) the annal- with which reference is made to the region of
istic hieroglyphic Yalburt text from the reign of Awarna, Pinata, and Talawa in the lower Xanthos
Tud®aliyas IV. Now, it is interesting to observe that in the valley.124 As opposed to this, the earlier section of
his campaign in the Indus valley concerns an uprising
introductory section of the Yalburt text Wiyanawanda (=
of territory already within the Empire, as it is ex-
classical Oinoanda in the upper Xanthos valley) appears to pressly stated to be apa muwa- “reconquer(ed)”.125
be included in the Lukka lands,119 whereas in the hiero- The inclusion of the land of Par®a in the Empire, as
glyphic inscription of Suppiluliumas II (1205-1180? BC) hinted at in the Bronze Tablet from Bo÷az-
from the Südburg in Bo÷azköy/Hattusa the same place köy/Hattusa, plausibly antedates Tud®aliyas IV’s Ly-
name occurs alongside Lukka as a separate entity.120 This cian campaign as recorded for the Yalburt text.
Finally, as we have seen, Wiyanawanda already fig-
distinction may be further illustrated by the fact that in the
ures as a border town of the province of Mira in the
afore-mentioned treaty of Mursilis II with Kupantakurun- times of Mursilis II. From this sequence of affairs, we
tas (CTH 68) Wiyanawanda is staged as a border town of may safely deduce that the Hittites slowly, but confi-
the latter’s province Mira.121 Next, as we have noted dently, encircled the region of the lower Xanthos val-
above, in the Yalburt text the region of Loanda and ȋbide ley before they ultimately went over to conquer it.
The rationale behind this is easily explained by the
or Kaunos in the valley of the Indus river is likewise in-
geographic situation, according to which the lower
cluded into the Lukka lands. Finally, in KUB XXI 6a the Xanthos valley is separated from the surrounding re-
hostile Lukka lands are mentioned in one and the same gions by a spur of the formidable Taurus mountains
paragraph as Par® a, which is convincingly identified by (see Fig. 8). As I have argued elsewhere, the con-
Heinrich Otten with classical PergƝ in Pamphylia, on the quest of the lower Xanthos valley is not an objective
eastern border of classical Lycia.122 It is interesting to ob- per se, but a prelude to Tud®aliyas IV’s Cyprus-
Alasiya campaign, launched by him in the final years
serve in this connection that in his treaty with Kuruntas on
of his reign and made more permanent by his son
the Bronze Tablet from Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, Tud®aliyas IV
Suppiluliumas II.126
is announcing a military campaign against the land of
Par®a, which, when conquered, will be included in the ter-
ritory of Kuruntas’ province Tar®untassa.123 If we take this
evidence at face value, it may reasonably be argued that
Lukka refers solely to the lower Xanthos valley with
Patara, Awarna, Pinata, and Talawa, whereas the Lukka
lands includes the regions to the north, west, and east of
Lukka proper.
In the Yalburt text Tud®aliyas IV proudly stipulates:
i-tá-i -pa-wa UTNA-ná-i URA+H ANTAWAT-i H Á(TI)UTNA
à-mi-i mTÁ(TI) H UH A-i na4-à H WA-Ɨ-sa-® a H WÁ-Ɨ-tá

118 Note that Steiner 1993: 129 draws attention to yet another ins-
Fig. 8. Map of Lycia (from Mellink 1995).
tance of the Lukka lands in Hittite cuneiform (KUB XXI 31), but
the context is too fragmentary to be of any use here.
119 Poetto 1993: 48-9 (block 9); 80; cf. Woudhuizen 1994-5: 176
(phrase 4); Woudhuizen 2004a: 28; 32.
124 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 179; Woudhuizen 2004a: 35-6 (phrase
120 Hawkins 1995: 22-3 (phrases 1 and 4); 29; 54; cf. Woudhuizen
42). Note that the mention of hostages from Pina (= hieroglyphic
1994-5: 200 (phrases 1 and 4); Woudhuizen 2004a: 78; 83-4.
Pinata) and Awarna in the Milawata-letter (KUB XIX 55) plausi-
121 Heinhold-Krahmer 1977: 201; cf. del Monte & Tischler, s.v. bly postdates Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian campaign as recorded for the
122 Otten 1988: 37-8; VIII, 60-2; Par® a along the Kaštaraya Yalburt text, see Woudhuizen 2005: 115.

river, corresponding to classical PergƝ along the Kestros in Pam- 125 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 176; Woudhuizen 2004a: 42 (phrase 12).
phylia. 126 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 175; cf. Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6;
123 Otten 1988: VIII, 63-4. Woudhuizen 2004a: 31-2.

58
 7. ETHNOGENESIS OF THE GREEKS

The decipherment of Linear B by the British architect Mi- riods, what distinguishes the transition at c. 2000 BC from
chael Ventris has proved that Greek existed as a language the previous one at c. 2300 BC is the presence at some
from the second half of the 15th century BC onwards: the sites of Mattpainted ware, originating from the Cycladic
earliest tablets are in fact from the Late Minoan II-IIIA1 islands, and a little imported or locally imitated Middle
period at Knossos in Crete (= c. 1450-1350 BC).127 The Minoan IA ware. It further deserves notice that at Lerna in
question which will be addressed here is: when did the a context to be dated after the destruction of the “House of
Greek language, and hence probably the Greek ethnos – in the Tiles” bones have been found, first, in the Early Hella-
later times at least the Greek language is one of the most dic III period, of a horse-like animal and later, in the Mid-
distinctive features of the Greek ethnos – , come into be- dle Helladic period, of a true horse.
ing? Was it the result of an immigration by proto-Greeks A majority of the archaeologists, led by Caskey, is of
into the region we call Greece, or are there other processes the opinion that in the two aforesaid transitional periods a
at work? In order to tackle this question, we will look at new people arrived in Greece, coming from the north or
the relevant archaeological, historical, and linguistic evi- east or both, which spoke an Indo-European language, if
dence. not already Greek then at least about to become Greek.128
From an archaeological point of view, there are three This majority standpoint is challenged by the penetrating
periods which might be of relevance to our question: first study of René van Royen & Benjamin Isaac, who convinc-
the transition from Early Helladic II to Early Helladic III ingly demonstrated that the transition from Middle Hella-
(c. 2300 BC), then the transition from Early Helladic III to dic to Late Helladic I, usually considered to be without a
Middle Helladic (c. 2000 BC), and finally the transition true break, shows evidence of discontinuity in occupation
from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC) (for in about the same way as the two foregoing transitional pe-
alternative opinions focussing on different periods, see ad- riods. Thus it happens that sites are abandoned (Argos) or
ditional note at the end of this section). All these three destroyed by fire (Eleusis, Kirrha) at the time of the intro-
transitional periods in varying degrees show evidence of duction of the Minoanizing Late Helladic I ware.129 An-
discontinuity in occupation. The type site for the transition other new feature of this period, next to the Minoanizing
from Early Helladic II to Early Helladic III is Lerna, ex- pottery style, is the introduction of new types of graves:
pertly excavated by the Americans under the leadership of shaft graves, tholos- and chamber tombs – the latter for
John Caskey. Here the so-called “House of the Tiles” went multiple burials. Of these, the shaft graves at Mycenae de-
up in flames and was covered by a tumulus, new house serve special mention for their extremely rich contents:
forms were introduced, characterized by apsidal ends, a clearly here were buried valiant warriors who appreciated
new pottery style was developed, first hand-made only, luxuries inspired by as far away a country as Egypt (think
which is baptized Minyan ware, and a new type of burial of the daggers with Nilotic scenes, the gold masks and
came into fashion, namely individual burials in cist graves. Heinrich Schliemann’s observation that one of the corpses
In the following transition from Early Helladic III to Mid- was mummified). As manifest from the scenes on the ste-
dle Helladic, the new features characteristic of Lerna and lae which marked their graves, the dignitaries in question
some other sites, are also introduced at places that re- were specialized in chariot warfare. In line with these find-
mained untouched in the first transitional period, some- ings, there has come into being a minority view according
times, as at Eutresis, after a violent conflagration. to which the arrival of the proto-Greeks in Greece consists
Although related cultural traits were introduced at both pe- of a so-called takeover by a comparatively small but well-
organized chariot-brigade in the transitional period from
Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I. As a variant, more
127 For the correlation of archaeological phases and absolute
chronology, see Warren & Hankey 1989; note however that the
lowering of the dates of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten as per
Kitchen 1989 has its repercussions for the date of the transition 128 Caskey 1973.
from Late Minoan IIIA1 to Late Minoan IIIA2, which should
likewise be lowered from c. 1370 BC to c. 1350 BC. 129 Van Royen & Isaac 1979.

59
closely linked up with the given majority view, these in- Cretan type and of which as many as 120 in sum have been
vaders are also considered non-Greek foreigners. found, served export purposes for the at that time still pre-
In order to decide between these conflicting views, it dominantly Minyan hinterland of Thebes.134 Finally, the
may be of relevance to determine who were the inhabitants Thracian nature of the ancient population of Phokis may be
of Greece before the arrival of the proto-Greeks. The most further enhanced by the fact that the Thracian tribe of the
serious attempt to tackle this question is formed by Jan Abantes are recorded to have moved from their city Abai
Best’s investigation into the origins of the cultural traits of in Phokis to Euboeia across the Euripos.
the Middle Helladic period, in casu Minyan ware, cist It is rightly stipulated by Casson that there is also evi-
graves with individual burials and apsidal houses. The dence of Phrygians among the earliest inhabitants of
closest parallels for these three features he was able to Greece. Most famous in this respect is, of course, the case
trace in the northern Balkans in the period antedating their of Pelops, after whom the Peloponnesos (= “island of
introduction into Greece. As this region in historical times Pelops”) is named. In later times, the presence of the Phry-
is inhabited by Thracian tribes, Best extrapolated that gian Pelops in southern Greece was no longer understood
bearers of the Middle Helladic culture in Greece were and he was considered an immigrant from Anatolia – the
kinsmen of the latter.130 This conclusion could be backed later habitat of the Phrygians. But the fact that the Phry-
up by literary tradition, according to which, as first noted gians were originally at home in southern Greece is duly
by Stanley Casson, central Greece had once been inhabited indicated by scores of Phrygian place names (Azania,
by Thracians.131 Thus it is recorded that the Thracians Mideia, Mopsopia, Olympia, Phrikion, Phrixa, Phrixos,
with Eumolpos and his son Ismaros were driven from Phrygia) and personal names (Adrastos, Akrisios,135
Eleusis by the Athenian Erekhtheus, and that they took Atreus, Azan, Azeus, Kelainos, Kharites,136 Khlǀris,137
refuge at the court of the Thracian king Tegyrios in Boeo- Phorkys, Phrixos, Proitos) attested in the historical records.
tian Tegyra.132 Furthermore, the Thracian king Tereus is In some instances, like a-da-ra-te-ja (= Greek AdrƗsteja)
of old situated at Daulis in Phokis, and the likewise Odry- or a-da-ra-ti-jo (= Greek AdrƗstijos), u-ru-pi-ja (= Greek
sian royal name Sitalkas is recorded as an epiklesis of Olumpia), ke-ra-no (= Greek Kelainos), and mo-qo-so (=
Apollo at Delphi.133 The presence of the Thracian tribe of Greek Mopsos) the ancient nature of these names can be
the Odrysians in Phokis is strikingly confirmed by evi- emphasized by their occurrence or of that of related forms
dence from Linear B. On an inscribed stirrup jar from the in Linear B.138 With the Thracians and the Phrygians, we
destruction layer of the “House of Kadmos” at Thebes, have by no means exhausted the historical documentaries
dated c. 1350 BC, the ethnonym o-du-ru-wi-jo “Odrysian” on the earliest inhabitants of Greece. Yet another group
is recorded. As another inscribed stirrup jar was found in which figures prominently in the sources is that of the
Orkhomenos, it seems not unlikely to assume that the stir- Leleges, who Herodotos (Histories I, 171) identifies with
rup jars from the “House of Kadmos”, which in fact are of the Carians from the Cycladic islands. Their presence in
southern and central Greece may perhaps be reflected in
130 Best in Best & Yadin 1973; cf. Coles & Harding 1979: 132 f.
To the three given comparanda should be added the tumulus for 134 Woudhuizen 1989.
elite burials as attested for Vraca in Bulgaria during the Early
Bronze Age, i.e. either previous to or simultaneous with its intro- 135 Brother of Proitos, see Sakellariou 1986: 133; cf. Akrisias, the
duction in southern Greece, see Coles & Harding 1979: 136, Fig. Phrygian name for Kronos according to a gloss by Hesykhios, see
47. Note that the tumulus ultimately constitutes a North Pontic Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 91.
steppe or Kurgan element, further represented by sherds of corded 136 Cult installed by Eteokles of Orkhomenos, see Pausanias,
ware as recorded for Armenokhori in eastern Macedonia, Eutresis
Guide to Greece IX, 35, 1; cf. Old Phrygian agaritoi “ungracious
in Boeotia, and Agia Marina in Phokis at the end of the Early
(D. sg.)” in G-02, see Brixhe & Lejeune 1984.
Bronze Age, see Sakellariou 1980: 151.
137 Wife of Neleus, descendant of the Minyan royal house of Ork-
131 Casson 1968: 102-3.
homenos, see Pausanias, Guide to Greece IX, 36, 4 – 37, 1; cf. the
132 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Eumolpos. Phrygian gloss glouros “gold” (< PIE *ghlǀro- or *g̗ hel-), see Haas
133 Note in this connection that one of the harbors of Delphi, 1966: 144, 209 and cf. Gamkrelizdge & Ivanov 1995: 618, from
which it follows that the personal name is of the same type as
Krisa, exemplifies a Thracian toponym originating from Proto-
Greek Khruseïs and English Goldy.
Indo-European [= PIE] *krs- “black”, see Detschew 1976, s.v.
Krisos. 138 Woudhuizen 1993b.

60
the archaeological record by the Mattpainted ware, which, colonized the rest of Greece.141 Secondly, Jan Best de-
as we have seen above, originates from the Cyclades as fended the thesis that the proto-Greeks were identical with
well and of which the introduction, as we have just seen, the Hyksos, the foreign conquerors of lower Egypt in the
distinguishes the transition from Early Helladic III to Mid- Second Intermediary Period (c. 1720-1550 BC), who were
dle Helladic. As a complicating factor, it should be real- driven from the country by the founder of the 18th dy-
ized that there are still more population groups mentioned nasty, Ahmose, and with their kinsmen from Canaan and
in the historical sources which cannot positively be as- Syria took refuge to the southern shores of Greece.142 Fi-
signed to either of the three tribes identified so far for the nally, Frank Stubbings likewise painted the picture of a
lack of evidence. On the whole, however, it may safely be conquest of the Argolid by displaced Hyksos leaders from
stated that with the Thracians, Phrygians, and Egypt, only he did not consider them proto-Greeks, but a
Leleges/Carians we have discussed the most prominent of foreign warrior caste who, like they did in Egypt, adapted
the population groups present in Greece before the Greeks to the culture and language of the host country.143 Of these
or living there simultaneously with the Greeks in their ear- three theories, the last two take into consideration the well-
liest history. known historical evidence of Danaos, the ancestor of the
From a linguistic point of view, it deserves attention Danaoi, coming from Egypt to the Argolid, and of Kadmos
that the Thracian language, although barely known, is con- with his Phoenicians founding the city of Thebes. The va-
sidered of Indo-European stock and most closely related to lidity of this literary evidence is strengthened a great deal
Phrygian, this to the extent that one speaks of the Thraco- by the fact that the Mycenaean Greeks are referred to by
Phrygian language group.139 As opposed to this, Carian, the name Tanayu (T͑n3y) “Danaoi” in the Egyptian hiero-
which, it must be admitted, also largely eludes us because glyphic inscriptions from the funerary temple of Amenho-
the script in which the language is recorded still goes un- tep III (1390-1352 BC) at Kom el-Hetan in Egyptian
deciphered, is generally assumed to be a member of the Thebes.144
Indo-European Anatolian group of languages, together Which of the three models about what happened in
with Hittite, Luwian, and Palaic. As such, it may be held Greece c. 1600 BC is the right one? In order to answer this
responsible for place names in -ss- and -nth- in Greece, question, we will examine them a little closer, starting with
which are decidedly of Indo-European Anatolian type.140 the one presented by Drews. This author takes as his start-
Furthermore, one may be tempted to point to related Ly- ing point the view of the linguists Thomas Gamkrelidze &
cian type of names like Glaukos (= Linear B ka-ra-u-ko), Vjaþeslav Ivanov, who argued that the Greek language is
Lykaon, Pandion, Sandion, and Leda. At any rate, we ob- closely related to Armenian on the one hand and Indo-
viously have to reckon with at least two distinct pre-Greek Iranian on the other hand, and that the homeland of the
linguistic layers of Indo-European (= IE) stock, namely proto-Greeks accordingly must be sought somewhere in
Thraco-Phrygian and IE Anatolian. the region of what was once Armenia, just south of the
If the bearers of the Minyan culture of Middle Hella- Caucasus. Here they found in abundance the different sorts
dic Greece are rightly identified as Thraco-Phrygians, then of wood to build their chariots and the horses to drive
it necessarily follows that the view according to which the them.145 A problem posed by this view is that at the time
Greeks arrived or otherwise came into being in the only that Greek is supposed to have split off from the parent
remaining transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic language and the proto-Greeks are supposed to have under-
I at c. 1600 BC must be correct. Therefore, let us take a taken their journey to their new home in Greece, the Ar-
look at the various theories proposed. In the first place,
Robert Drews in his stimulating monograph on the subject
argued that the proto-Greeks were a chariot gang who 141 Drews 1988.

came by boat from Pontos to Thessaly, from where they 142 Best in Best & Yadin 1973.

143 Stubbings 1973.

144 Edel 1966; cf. Woudhuizen 1992a: 73; pace Strange 1980: 22,
139 Crossland 1971: 857; contra Polomé 1982a: 888. note 33; 148.
140 Laroche 1957: 7; Laroche 1961a: 91; cf. Woudhuizen 1989: 145 Drews 1988: 32 ff.; 200-1; since 1995 the work of Gamkre-
193-4. lidze & Ivanov is available in English translation.

61
menians are not yet living in Armenia! As related by character up to well in Late Helladic III. The centre from
Herodotos (Histories VII, 73), the Armenians are an which Mycenaean influence radiates, ancient Iolkos in the
apoikia of the Phrygians, who prior to their migration to south, is still characterized by Minyan cist graves as late as
the Anatolian plateau inhabited the Olympos region in the the Late Helladic IIB-IIIA period, whereas a Mycenaean
borderland of northern Thessaly and southern Macedonia palace is reported here only from Late Helladic IIB or
on the European continent, and before this, as we have IIIA1 onwards.150 From an historical point of view, the
seen above, even the region as far south as the Peloponne- persistence of Middle Helladic traditions in Iolkos during
sos. There is some evidence that the Phrygians entered the earlier phase of the Mycenaean period coincides with
Anatolia already in the Late Bronze Age, as according to the “Minysche Schicht” of its royal house as represented
Homeros they are situated along the banks of the Sangarios by Kretheus, Pelias (= the brother of Neleus who with Pe-
in the period before the Trojan war (c. 1280 BC). More- lasgians settles at Pylos c. 1600 BC, see further below),
over, a Hittite text from the reign of Tud®aliyas II (1390- and Akastos.151
1370 BC) or Arnuwandas I (1370-1355 BC) makes men- Finally, it is noteworthy that Drews heavily leans on
tion of a certain Mita (= Phrygian Midas) of Pa®®uwa, a the linguistic thesis put forward by William Wyatt, who
region to the northeast of the Hittite capital Bo÷az- maintains that the Indo-European invaders of Greece knew
köy/Hattusa.146 However, there can be no doubt that the the chariot and the horse when they first entered Greece.
greatest surge of Phrygians into the highland of Anatolia Wyatt arrived at this conclusion by comparing the words
took place only after the fall of the Hittite empire at the for chariot and its major parts to that for the four-wheel
end of the Bronze Age, when, under the name of Muski, mule wagon, from which comparison it appeared that the
they are recorded by the annals of the Assyrian king Ti- first category is based on Indo-European roots, whereas the
glathpileser I (1115-1077 BC) to have reached the region latter is not. However, the conclusion that the Greeks in-
of the upper Euphrates in great numbers. As cogently ar- troduced these Indo-European words is only valid in case
gued by Igor Diakonoff, this particular historical event there is no evidence of Indo-European speech in Greece
triggers the formative phase of the Armenian people, in a prior to the Greeks, as Wyatt explicitly asserts.152 In the
country formerly inhabited by Luwians and Hurrians.147 previous pages, we have seen reason to believe that there
Another weakness in the scenario presented by Drews were Indo-European speaking tribes in Greece before the
is formed by the crucial role he attributes to the Thessalian arrival of the Greeks or their otherwise coming into being.
plain in the colonization of Greece by the proto-Greeks. This nullifies Wyatt’s reasoning. As we have noted in the
Thus it is assumed that the proto-Greeks first arrive in foregoing, the horse was already known in Greece from c.
Thessaly and from there go on to take over central and 2300 BC onwards. In line with this observation, it is of in-
southern Greece.148 This view is contradicted by the ar- terest to note that the Greeks have preserved the old cen-
chaeological evidence, which clearly shows that the tum form for “horse”, Mycenaean i-qo (= later Greek
Mycenaean culture first develops in the Argolid and only hippos), instead of taking over the new Indo-Aryan satem
at a later time spreads to more northerly regions like Thes- form aĞva- which came in vogue in other regions under the
saly.149 In fact, the plain of Thessaly, just like the hinter- influence of the from the late 18th century BC onwards
land of Thebes, remains predominantly Minyan in modern chariot warfare (cf. Luwian asuwa-).153 Further-
more, the Greeks preferred their own word for the chariot
itself, Mycenaean a-mo (= later Greek harma), instead of
146 Woudhuizen 1993b; contra Drews 1993b, who also denies the
European origin of the Phrygians on account of the fact that ar-
chaeological evidence, for which he is tendentiously looking only 150 Hope Simpson 1981: 161; Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 135; Papa-
c. 1200 BC, is lacking. dimitriou 2001: 129; cf. Smit 1989. Note that Stubbings 1973: 642
147 Diakonoff 1984 (65; 117 assigns a date of c. 1165 BC to the is mistaken in assigning the Mycenaean palace at Iolkos to the
transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I.
invasion of the Muski, which is incompatible with the reign of Ti-
glathpileser I, but suits their first mention in the Assyrian records, 151 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Iolkos.
see Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 463). 152 Wyatt 1970.
148 Drews 1988: 192-4.
153 In the centum languages the palatals k̗, g̗, and g̗ h develop into
149 Dickinson 1977: 24. gutturals, whereas in the satem languages they become assibilized.

62
adopting the then modern Indo-Aryan indication ratha-. sic outline in harmony with the relevant archaeological and
More in general, I do not understand why Wyatt does not historical data. In order to estimate its validity, however,
take into account the evidence from Kassite, where the we have to go more into detail. As we have noted earlier,
parts of the chariot, with only one exception, are all indi- the transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I c.
cated by Akkadian instead of Kassite words (Balkan 1954: 1600 BC shows evidence of discontinuity in occupation.
127-30). From an historical point of view, it is highly interesting to
If we next turn to the scenario presented by Best, it observe that precisely the sites which show discontinuity
first deserves our attention that identification of the proto- of occupation figure prominently in the stories about the
Greeks with the Hyksos from Egypt and their kinsmen foundation of new royal houses or a memorable war (see
from Canaan and Syria, contrary to Drews’ thesis, is in ba- Fig. 9). The evidence may be summarized as follows:

site conqueror(s) subjected or expelled source

1. Argos Danaos from Egypt Pelasgos or Pelasgio- Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Da-
tans naos.
2. Thebes Kadmos with Phoenicians Hyantes and Aones Pausanias, Guide to Greece IX, 5, 1.
3 Kirrha- Cretans from Knossos women & daughters Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo 388 ff.
Krisa
4. Pylos Neleus with Pelasgians Pylos with Leleges Pausanias, Guide to Greece IV, 36, 1.
from Iolkos
5. Eleusis Erekhtheus from Athens Eumolpos with Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v.
Thracians Eumolpos.

Table 2. Literary traditions with a bearing on the transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I, c. 1600 BC.

Square symbols: pottery in combination with architectural remains

(Pylos, Kirrha, Thebes, Eleusis, and Athens). Triangular symbols:
pottery in shaft graves, tholos- and chamber tombs (Koryphasion,
Peristeria, Epidauros Limera, Lerna, Mycenae, Prosymna, and
Thorikos). Sources: van Royen & Isaac 1979 and Hope Simpson
1981.

With respect to this overview it must be admitted that the

association of Danaos with Argos is problematic, since the
latter site is abandoned in the earliest phase of the
Mycenaean period. Probably Argos has seized the myth at
the expense of some other site in the Argolid. Furthermore,
Thebes is not included in the list of sites which lent itself
to a continuity/discontinuity analysis by van Royen &
Isaac, even though it might be pointed out that the different
orientation of the earliest Mycenaean walls as compared to
their Middle Helladic predecessors rather suggests discon-
Fig. 9. Distribution of centres of radiation of Late Helladic I mate-
rial.

63
tinuity.154 However this may be, what primarily concerns effectuated by intermarriage (the mother of Eurystheus,
us here is the fact that in three instances the conquerors are Nikippe, is claimed to be a daughter of Pelops). On the ba-
explicitly identified as foreigners, whereas in two instances sis of the probable mention of Atreus in an Hittite text
these are just locals from Greece itself. From an archaeo- from the reigns of Tud®aliyas II (1390-1370 BC) and Ar-
logical point of view, the latter adapted to the Mycenaean nuwandas I (1370-1355 BC), where he occurs in the form
culture developed under the influence of the foreign invad- of Attarissiyas, this takeover by the Pelopids may safely be
ers pretty quickly, so that they may fruitfully be consid- assumed to be anterior to the late 15th century BC or be-
ered as local allies. In linguistic terms, these local allies ginning of the 14th century BC – in fact it may perhaps
can, of course, not be held responsible for the introduction even be surmised to have its archaeological reflection in
of the Greek language in Greece, which, in line with Best’s the shift from shaft graves to tholos tombs, which occurred
scenario, must have been the privilige of the foreign invad- in Late Helladic IIA.157 Because Danaos is reported to
ers. Hence, let us take a closer look at them. have come from Egypt, it has been plausibly assumed that
What can be said about the language(s) of the foreign he represents a conquest of the Argolid by the Hyksos, the
invaders? One group, which settled in Krisa, is straight- foreign rulers of lower Egypt who were kicked out at about
forwardly identified as Cretans from Knossos. These may the time of the shaft graves in Mycenae.
safely be assumed to have spoken one of the languages Our question, therefore, is: who were the Hyksos? For
current on the island before the introduction of Linear B c. sure, there was a Semitic component among them, as the
1450 BC, recorded for documents in Linear A and Cretan first element of the name of one of their kings, Yakob-Har,
hieroglyphic, respectively. A good case can be made that strikingly recalls Biblical Jakob.158 In addition to this,
Linear A contains a west-Semitic idiom, whereas Cretan there may have been a Hurrian component among them: as
hieroglyphic probably bears testimony of both west- pointed out by Wolfgang Helck, the sister and daughter of
Semitic and Luwian (see further section 12 below).155 At the Hyksos king Apophis bore Hurrian names.159 It is even
any rate, one thing is clear: our Cretans from Knossos did possible that there was an Indo-European component
not speak a Greek vernacular. Next comes Kadmos with among them, to be more specific of the Indo-Aryan type:
his Phoenicians. Taking this tradition at face value, the thus Drews draws our attention to the fact that the Indo-
conquerors of Thebes are likely to have spoken a Semitic Aryan term marya is used in Egyptian texts to indicate a
tongue. In fact, the name of Kadmos himself has been co- charioteer or chariot fighter160 (note in this connection that
gently interpreted as representing the Semitic root qdm the distribution of Indo-Aryan names [especially with the
“east”, whereas that of his sister Europa, whom he was so elements aĞva- and ratha-] and terms over the Near East is
desparately looking for, may likewise be based on a Se- intrinsically linked up with the spread of chariot warfare –
mitic stem, viz. ‘rb “west” (in Astour’s explanation, these the latter being introduced in Egypt by the Hyksos).161
names stand for the morning and evening star, respec-
tively, of which the one seems to follow the other end-
lessly). Furthermore, Kadmos is held responsible for the 157 Hope Simpson 1981: 14.

introduction of the mystery cult of the Kabeiroi, the great 158 Redford 1992: 98-122.
gods whose name recalls Semitic kbr “great”.156 Again, 159 Helck 1971: 101; contra van Seters 1966: 182-3, who consi-
not a trace of the Greek language. Remains the case of ders the names in question west-Semitic. It is interesting to note in
Danaos, after whom the Greeks were named Danaoi. First this connection that, as remarked by Stubbings 1973: 637, the
of all, it is interesting to note that the royal house he Egyptian name Apophis occurs in Greek mythology in form of
Epaphos (or Epopeus).
founded in Mycenae ends with the reign of Eurystheus, af-
160 Drews 1988: 151.
ter whom the originally Phrygian, but by now fully Myce-
naeanized, Pelopids take over: a clear instance of a reflux, 161 Mayrhofer 1974; considering the personal names
Tar®undaradus, Piyamaradus, and Rhadamanthys, apparently
based on the onomastic element ratha- “chariot”, the Indo-Aryan
154 Symeonoglou 1973: 14-5; fig. 3.
influence may even be assumed to have radiated to the Aegean,
155 Best & Woudhuizen 1988; Best & Woudhuizen 1989; Woud- though, as we have seen, not to the Greek mainland. This latter
suggestion is further enhanced by Schachermeyr’s (1984 : 98) and
huizen 2001b.
Latacz’s (2003: 312) identification of the Cretan personal name
156 Astour 1965b; cf. Edwards 1979. Meriones as a reflex of Indo-Aryan maryannu. As duly stressed by

64
Evidently, the Hyksos were a highly mixed company. But centum language.164 The same holds good for Thracian,
of all the things it may be, there is not a shred of evidence which in an early inscription from Kjolmen shows the
for proto-Greek among them (the comparison of the Uga- form ekoa “mare” (< PIE *ek̗wo-).165 Another outstanding
ritic royal name Niqmadu to Greek Nikomedes is an ingen- feature is formed by the relative pronoun, in which respect
ious but futile attempt, not taking into account the fact that, Phrygian with the form ios or yos exhibits a particular af-
considering the royal name Niqmepu as attested for finity to the Mycenaean forerunner of later Greek hos, i.e.
Aleppo, the first element of the name appears to be jo- as represented in the composite jo-qi (the use of these
Niqm-).162 And this is exactly the component which ac- forms instead of reflexes of PIE *kwi- or *kwo- is an inno-
cording to the scenario of Best was so dominant that it vation which Greek and Phrygian share with Indo-Iranian,
planted its language on the whole population of Greece. If which has ya-).166 This Phrygian affinity to particularly
proto-Greeks were present among the Hyksos at all, and if Mycenaean Greek can be further illustrated by the se-
they entered Greece, I think their numbers must be as- quence lavagtaei vanaktei (D sg. in -i) from a dating for-
sumed to have thinned out to homeopathic proportions! mula, the roots of which strikingly recall the Mycenaean
The third and final model is that of Stubbings, who, in titulary expressions ra-wa-ke-ta (= Greek lƗvƗgetƗs)
line with Best, paints the picture of a military conquest of “leader of the host” and wa-na-ka (= Greek (v)anaks)
the Argolid by displaced Hyksos rulers, but, contrary to “king”, respectively. The preservation of the wau, a typical
Best, does not consider them proto-Greeks but simply for- archaic feature, also characterizes Phrygian forms like
eigners who were not numerous enough to cause a lan- ev(e)- (cf. Greek eu- “good”), venavtun (cf. Greek heauton
guage shift. The immediate consequence of this view is “himself”), vetei (cf. Greek etos “year”), otuvoi (cf. Greek
that Greek developed from the languages of the population ogdoos “eighth”), etc.167 Of these forms venavtun (with
groups already present in Greece at the time of the take- first element ven- < PIE *swe-) is also interesting in an-
over by the foreign military caste, in casu Thraco-Phrygian other respect, as it shows the loss of the initial s which in
and IE Anatolian. As a matter of fact, of these two lan- Greek becomes h (a development which Greek has in
guages Thraco-Phrygian is so closely related to Greek that common with Iranian and Armenian).168 Furthermore, it
it must be assumed to have once formed a linguistic con- may be pointed out that both Phrygian and Thracian share
tinuum with the latter. The similarity of Greek to Phrygian with Greek the use of the augment in the indicative of the
was noted already by the ancient Greeks themselves. Thus past tense, cf. Phrygian edaes “he dedicated” and Thracian
Plato makes Socrates remark in a dialogue that the Phry- edakat “he made” (this is again an innovation which Greek
gians have the same word slightly changed for pur “fire”, and this time Thraco-Phrygian share with this time San-
hudǀr “water” and kunes “dogs” and many other words.163 skrit).169 If we realize, finally, that medio-passive forms in
Especially the case of kunes (< PIE *k̗(u)won-) is interest- -tor reported for Neo-Phrygian are problematic as Old
ing, because it demonstrates that Phrygian, like Greek, is a

164 Note, however, that in New Phrygian satem influences as wit-

Drews 1988: 96-7, the temporary military superiority of the Indo- nessed by the form seiti < PIE *k̗ei- “to lie, to be put to rest” may
Aryan invaders, probably originating from the Transcaucasian have slipped in, see Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 132-3.
steppes, during the late 18th and early 17th centuries BC is based
165 Woudhuizen 2000-1. Like it is the case with Phrygian (see the
on their combination of the Near Eastern war-chariot with horse-
control in the form of the bit – a steppe innovation – , of which the previous note), in the late period satem influences, as represented
seal impressions and seal depicted in Littauer & Crouwel 1979: by esbi- “horse”, may have slipped in, see Detschew 1976: 171.
figs. 33-4 and 36 bear testimony, whereas their Near Eastern op- 166 Crossland 1971: 866; cf. Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 339;
ponents up to that time were accustomed to the technical inferior
345.
nose-ring, see, for example, the sealing depicted in Littauer &
Crouwel 1979: fig. 29. 167 Woudhuizen 1993b. The given examples are based on the Old

162 Best 1992-3. Note, however, that the ethnonym Danaoi is like- Phrygian texts (8th-6th centuries BC) as discussed in Woudhuizen
1993a. I have purposely avoided to make use of parallels from
ly to be based on the PIE root *dƗnu- “river” as exemplified by the
New Phrygian texts (2nd-3rd centuries AD), because, under the
Old European and North Pontic steppe river names Danube, Don,
overwhelming influence of Hellenism, this is actually on the way
Dnieper, and Dniester (see Sakellariou 1980: 175-7), which would
of becoming a provincial form of Greek.
explain the mythical identification of the daughters of Danaos as
waternymphs. 168 Crossland 1971: 853.

163 Plato, Cratylus 410. 169 Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 312.

65
 Phrygian already bears testimony of the innovative middle Thus, it appears that Caskey is essentially right in his as-
forms in -toy or -toi, Phrygian may well be considered to sumption that in the transitional periods from Early Hella-
side with Greek with respect to the loss of the medio- dic II to Early Helladic III (c. 2300 BC) and from Early
passive in -r- as well (yet another innovation which Greek Helladic III to Middle Helladic (c. 2000 BC), a new people
and Phrygian share with Indo-Iranian).170 Against the arrived in Greece which spoke an Indo-European language
background of this considerable overlap in lexicon, phono- which was later to become Greek. And Stubbings is essen-
logical, and grammatical features between Greek and tially right in his assumption that in the transitional period
Thraco-Phrygian, then, I think it is not farfetched to as- from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC)
sume that Greek came into being as a split from Thraco- Greece was conquered by foreign invaders from Egypt and
Phrygian under the impetus of foreign tongue(s) intro- Palestine who, however, were not numerous enough to
duced, as we have seen, by conquerors from Egypt, Phoe- plant their language(s) on the at that time indigenous popu-
nicia, and Crete in the transition from Middle Helladic to lation. The only ingredients which we have added is that,
Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC) (see Fig. 10). in accordance with Best’s view, the bearers of the Minyan
culture were Thracian and Phrygian tribes, and that Greek
is a split from Thraco-Phrygian taking place in southern
time
and central Greece under the influence of foreign tongue(s)
scale:
introduced by the conquering warrior caste of expert
P IE *b hrƗter- *b hrug- *d hƝ- *g hlǀro- charioteers who take over control of these areas c. 1600
BC. I can only hope that these new ingredients have been
presented in such a manner that they will become as influ-
ential as the old ones.
c. 1600 BC

Linear B teke Additional note: Remaining models

Iron Age phratƝr bratere phruges Briges tithƝmi edaes khlǀros glouros
In the above, I have not treated all models, only the his-
torically viable ones. Remaining models for the ethnogene-
Fig. 10. Reconstruction of the split between Greek and Thraco- sis of the Greeks are:
Phrygian on the basis of the development of the mediae aspiratae
(after Haas 1966: 209). 171 (1) during the Neolithic, c. 6000 BC (Renfrew);172
(2) at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, c. 3200 BC
(Coleman);173
In retrospect, it may be concluded that our investiga- (3) at the end of the Late Bronze Age, c. 1200 BC (Gru-
tion into the theories on the ethnogenesis of the Greeks has mach, Hood).174
led us to a point of view which is very close to the one
held by the majority of scholars and expressed by the con- Of these models, the Neolithic option has become “en
tributors to the prestigious Cambridge Ancient History. vogue” lately, being further propagated by Robert Drews
in his collection of papers by various scholars entitled
Greater Anatolia.175 In theory, however, a connection be-
170 Note that the supposed medio-passive forms addaketor and tween the spread of Neolithic agricultural economy with
abberetor turn up instead of active addaket in variants of the pro- that of the Indo-European languages as defended by Colin
tasis of the damnation formula, which usually runs as follows: ios
Renfrew would lead us to assume a gradual diffusion of
ni semoun tou knoumanei kakoun addaket “whoever will bring any
damage to this grave”, see Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 31;
contra Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 341-3; 345. For the middle
172 Renfrew 1987.
forms in -toy or -toi, see Woudhuizen 1993a: 5-6. It should be
stressed in this connection, however, that passive forms in -r- have 173 Coleman 2000.
been preserved in Armenian as well, see Haas 1966: 247.
174 Grumach 1969; Hood 1974.
171 I am indebted to Wim van Binsbergen for drawing this dia-
gram. 175 Drews 2001.

66
linguistic features from an hypothetical centre, Anatolia in and Early Bronze Age in Greece would seriously hamper
Renfrew’s view, to the outlying districts (= wave of ad- the transmission of the pre-Greek place names in -ss- and
vance). Hence, it cannot explain the intrusion of a more -nth-, no inhabitants being left to execute this transmission.
developed Indo-European layer as represented by Phrygian Finally, arrival of the Greeks at the end of the Bronze Age
and Greek in between conservative IE Anatolian on the is definitely ruled out by the decipherment of Linear B as
one hand and an as yet undivided Italo-Celtic in eastern an old form of Greek.
and central Europe on the other hand:176 like the presence
of an Hungarian speaking “island” in a Slavic speaking
“sea”, this distribution pattern indicates disruption by im-
migrants from elsewhere than the hypothetical centre Ana-
tolia – the more so because it is repeated to the east, with
innovative Indo-Iranian in between conservative IE Anato-
lian on the one hand and Tocharian on the other hand.
Moreover, the more developed features of Phrygian and
Greek, which these have in common with Sanskrit, like the
relative *yo-, the augment in the indicative of the past
tense, and the loss of medio-passive -r-, or with Iranian,
like the loss of initial s, are unlikely to have been crystal-
ized already as early as the beginning of the Early Bronze
Age. My reconstruction of the relatively late split between
Phrygian and Greek on the one hand and Indo-Iranian on
the other would be as follows:

progressive use of developments in the innovative

the horse group of Indo-European lan-
guages

domesticated horse at- augment split of Indo-Iranian

tested in mainland relative *yo- from Phrygo-Greek
Greece loss of medio-
passive -r-
loss of initial s

chariot satem Indo-Iranian only

Table 3. Developments in the innovative group of Indo-European

languages related to the progressive use of the horse

To this comes that the hiatus between the Neolithic

176 For the reflex of PIE *kwi- or *kwo- in Celtic, cf. the Celtibe-
rian indefinite kuekue- “whosoever” in kuekuetikui (D sg. in -i) “to
whomsoever it may concern” as attested for the so-called reĞ
bronze, see Meid 1996: 30-1; Meid 2000: 12; for the reflex of PIE
*swe- in Celtic, cf. the Gallic reflexive pronoun of the 3rd person
sue- “self-”, see Meid 1996: 31, and the possibly related Celtibe-
rian forms Ğue and ĞueĞ, see Meid 1993, Glossar s.v. Note, how-
ever, that the significance of the relative *yo- for the innovative
group of Indo-European languages is somewhat undermined by
the fact that its reflex is also attested for conservative (also medio-
passive -r and centum, see Meid 1993: 59 and 44, respectively)
Celtiberian, see Meid 1993: 96.

67
 8. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE MYCENAEAN GREEKS

In the history of the Greeks from the time of their forma- which they ruled from the palace of Knossos.179 As first
tion to that of the downfall of the Mycenaean palaces, we pointed out by Fritz Schachermeyr, this takeover of power
can distinguish three major phases: 1. the period of the in Crete has its reflection in the wall paintings of Aegean
Minoan thalassocracy (c. 1550-1450 BC), 2. the Minoan- embassies in the graves of Egyptian dignitaries. Thus, in
Mycenaean transitional period (c. 1450-1350 BC), and 3. the tomb of Rekhmare, which was finished early in the
the period of the Mycenaean koinƝ (c. 1350-1185 BC). reign of Tuthmosis III’s successor Amenhotep II (1427-
In the period of the Minoan thalassocracy, the Greek 1400 BC), the Minoan kilts with “codpieces” are replaced
mainland appears to have been at least partly subject to by Mycenaean ones without “codpieces”, whereas in the
Minoan overlords. This is suggested by the Attic tradition slightly later tomb of Menkheperreseneb a prince of the
according to which in the time of king Aigeus, the father of land of Keftiu (= Crete) is depicted in altogether Mycena-
the Athenian hero Theseus, a yearly tribute of seven young ean style with a beard.180 Further proof is afforded by the
girls and seven boys was due to the Cretan king Minos. Linear B tablets from Knossos, which are accidentally pre-
These girls and boys, so the story goes, were to be sacri- served by the fire that destroyed the palace at the end of
ficed to the Minotaur of the labyrinth in king Minos’ pal- our Minoan-Mycenaean transitional period (= Late Minoan
ace at Knossos. That Theseus, with the help of Ariadne, IIIA1/2, c. 1350 BC). Owing to the decipherment of Linear
the daughter of king Minos, slayed the Minotaur and freed B by Michael Ventris in 1952, we know namely that this
Athens from the ignominious yoke of Minoan domination, script was used to write Greek.181 At the same time, how-
does not, of course, alter the fact that the Athenians were ever, a Minoan rest group is allowed to continue their own
tributaries beforehand.177 traditions in the Mesara plain, of which fact modest Linear
The period of Minoan thalassocracy ends with the for A archives of about 150 tablets in sum at Hagia Triada (=
the Minoans disastrous eruption of the Santorini volcano. HT) and two Cretan hieroglyphic inscriptions, the famous
The discussion on the chronology of this event – and hence discus of Phaistos and the double-axe of Arkalokhori, bear
its impact – has recently received a new impetus by Man- testimony (see further section 12 below).
fred Bietak’s sensational find of tephra from the Minoan Within the frame of international politics, our Mi-
eruption of the Santorini volcano in Tel el-Dab‘a/Avaris in noan-Mycenaean transitional period can itself be subdi-
a layer dated to the reign of Tuthmosis III (1479-1425 vided into three distinct subphases.182 The first subphase is
BC). As the reign of the latter pharaoh synchronizes with characterized by the vicissitudes of the so-called Assuwian
Late Minoan IB, the eruption in question can now safely league – a short lived coalition of forces from Troy in the
be held responsible for the massive destructions at the end north to Lycia in the south of western Anatolia under the
of this particular period (c. 1450 BC).178 Having lost the leadership of the royal house of the later kingdom of Ar-
ships of their fleet because of this disaster, the Minoans zawa and named after the Asios leimǀn “Asian field” near
were an easy prey to the Mycenaeans of mainland Greece. the latter’s capital Apasa (= Ephesos). As indicated by a
Soon after the eruption of the Santorini volcano, the retrospective passage in a Hittite text of later date, the in-
Mycenaeans, archaeologically traceable by warrior graves fluence of this league radiated to the islands (Luwian gur-
of mainland type and their predilection for so-called Ephy- sawara) of the Aegean.183 Among these islands may well
raean goblets, took over control of the island of Crete,

179 Woudhuizen 1992a: 66-77.

180 Schachermeyr 1960; Schachermeyr 1980: 457-8.

177 Woudhuizen 1992a: 55.
181 Ventris & Chadwick 1973.
178 Bietak 2000: 194; this evidence now supersedes that presented
182 See on this subdivision Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld &
by Driessen & Macdonald 1997 (end of Late Minoan IA, c. 1500
Woudhuizen 2004, section 8.
BC) and Manning 1999 (1628 BC). For an overview of the pro-
blem of the Santorini eruption, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 47-79. 183 Starke 1981.

69
have been Crete, since in the text of the Phaistos disc (if reached to Uda and Tuwanuwa, which means to the terri-
we are allowed to make use of the reading and interpreta- tory south of the Halys river deep in the ancestral Hatti
tion of the latter document recently put forward by a group lands. Furthermore, the Egyptian pharaoh requests
of Dutch scholars, referred to in note 182) this town is Tar®undaradus to send Kaskans, a people situated to the
called “Assuwian” (B 10-11) and in the tablets of Hagia north of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, but at the
Triada mention is made of a-si-ja-ka u-mi-na-si “of the time even occupying Nenassa south of the Halys bow. The
Asian town” (HT 28a), which likely refers to Phaistos, marriage of Amenhotep III with a daughter of
again.184 The radiation of Assuwa’s influence to Crete Tar®undaradus was part of a grander scheme, namely to
might also account for its occurrence in form of Asiya curb Hittite power both in the east and the west. Another
(’Isy) in the annals of Tuthmoses III for the years just after part of this scheme was formed by the political support
the eruption of the Santorini volcano (in casu 1445 and rendered to the Mycenaean Greeks. As argued by Eric
1441-1440 BC). This subphase ends with the defeat of the Cline, this support is emanating from the discovery of
Assuwian league by the Hittite king Tud®aliyas I (1430- scarabs and faïence plaques of Amenhotep III and his wife
1400 BC). Tiyi in the Aegean region, a concentration of which was
With the elimination of the Assuwian league by the found in the capital Mycenae itself. Moreover, there is a
Hittites again a vacuum of power is created in the Aegean remarkable correspondence between the findspots of these
region – thus marking the start of our second subphase. Egyptian imports and the places mentioned in the list of
One of the parties taking advantage of this situation is At- Aegean place names on a statue base found in Amenhotep
tarissiyas, the man of A®®iyƗ, in whom we may recognize III’s temple tomb at Kom el-Hetan, Thebes, which, though
Atreus, the father of Agamemnon, king of Mycenae and starting and ending in Crete, likewise attributes a central
leader of the Akhaians at the time of the Trojan war. Ac- position to the Greek mainland if not actually to Mycenae
cording to the annals of the Hittite kings Tud®aliyas II itself. Interestingly, the distribution of the Egyptian im-
(1390-1370 BC) and Arnuwandas I (1370-1355 BC), this ports plausibly suggested to reflect political support in-
Akhaian ruler repeatedly attacked Madduwattas – a Hittite cludes western Asia Minor, as a scarab of Amenhotep III
vassal in the region of southwest Anatolia – and with the has been discovered at Panaztepe in the Hermos valley,
latter held a raid on the island of Alasiya (= Cyprus), using which conceivably belonged to the realm of Tar®unda-
as much as 100 chariots.185 radus.187 The rationale behind lending political support to
The third and final subphase of the Minoan- both Tar®undaradus and the Mycenaean Greeks in a con-
Mycenaean transitional period is characterized by the re- tainment policy of the Hittites may perhaps be provided by
newed prominence of Arzawa under its king Tar®unda- the information from the discus of Phaistos – if, at least,
radus. This king corresponded with the Egyptian pharaoh one is allowed to make use of the aforesaid reading and in-
Amenhotep III (1390-1352 BC) about the marriage of his terpretation of this hieroglyphic text as recently offered by
daughter to the latter. In this correspondence, recovered at a group of Dutch scholars.188 Here great king Tar®unda-
Tell El-Amarna, it is stipulated that the land of Hatti is radus, who, although not mentioned explicitly by name, is
“shattered”.186 The latter situation is plausibly connected likely to be identified as the sender of the letter, is staged
with the historical preamble to a decree of Hattusilis III as the overlord of the Mycenaeans in Crete under leader-
(1264-1239 BC) according to which before the reign of ship of king Nestor of Pylos in mainland Greece189 – the
Suppiluliumas I (1344-1322 BC) the realm of Arzawa

184 Meijer 1982: 97. For Luwian umina- “town”, see Laroche 187 Cline 1987; Cline 2001; note, however, that a scarab of queen
1960a: *228; Woudhuizen 1994-5: 183; Woudhuizen 2004a: 41. Tiyi has also been found outside the Aegean proper in Cyprus, see
185 Note the diffusion of Mycenaean ware from the Argolid, rea- Kenna 1971: 24, no. 47.

ching Kos in Late Helladic IIB and Ialysos in Rhodes in Late Hel- 188 Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004.
ladic IIB-IIIA1, thus providing us with stepping stones for 189 On the relation of Pylos with Crete, see Hiller 1996: 81-2 with
Attarissiyas’ actions in southwest Anatolia and Cyprus, see Vans-
reference to tablet fragments in Knossian scribal tradition from the
choonwinkel 1991: 164-5.
old palace at Pylos and the mention in the Pylos tablets of the Cre-
186 Moran 1992: 101 (= EA no. 31); cf. Mercer 1939: EA no. 31 tan towns Aminiso “Amnisos” (PY 943) and Kotuwe “Gortys (D)”
(“zersplittert”). (PY An 233, etc.).

70
latter no doubt also a vassal of the king of Mycenae.190 The history of the Mycenaeans during the period of
Hence, the political destinies of great king Tar®undaradus the koinƝ can be followed from the sidelines by their role
of Arzawa and the Mycenaean Greeks are intricately in the Hittite sources, where they are addressed as
linked up with each other. An interesting detail in this con- A®®iyawa “Akhaians”.196 Basic to this role is the fact that
nection is that with the specification of Phaistos as Assu- with Millawanda (= Miletos) they have a foothold in west-
wian Tar®undaradus refers back to the Assuwian league of ern Asia Minor. This history begins with a major setback,
his predecessor of about a generation ago in order to le- since, according to his annals, the Hittite great king Mur-
gitimize his claim on Crete. silis II (1321-1295 BC) razed Millawanda down to the
This intricate political situation in which Nestor of ground in the third year of his reign, which information
Pylos, who, as we have just noted, was a vassal of the king agrees with an archaeologically detected destruction layer
of Mycenae, ruled over Crete in his capacity as vassal of for Miletos in the Late Helladic IIIA2 to Late Helladic IIIB
great king Tar®undaradus of Arzawa, and in which there transitional period.197 The Mycenaeans, however, retained
was some room for the continuity of Minoan traditions, their hold on the site, as in the next episode, under the Hit-
was abruptly put to an end by the Mycenaeans from the tite great king Muwatallis II (1295-1271 BC), a certain Pi-
Argolid at the beginning of Late Helladic IIIA2 (c. 1350 yamaradus, who is the father-in-law of the governor of
BC), when these burned down the palace of Knossos and Millawanda, Atpas, raided Hittite territory apparently with
introduced megaron houses and standardized types of pot- the backing of the king of A®®iyawa. Muwatallis II, who
tery, the so-called Mycenaean koinƝ, all over the island.191 was preparing himself for the battle of Kadesh with Egypt
This expansionism of Mycenaeans from the Argolid coin- (1274 BC), preferred to settle the matter in diplomatic
cides with their conquest of Thebes – which had strong terms, and, in doing so, addressed the king of A®®iyawa as
Cretan connections as examplified by the inscribed stirrup his “brother”, which means recognition as an equal and
jars! – and the setting up of Orkhomenos as a Minyan (= hence great king. His A®®iyawan colleague was of the
non-Greek) satellite state in central Greece.192 Further- same mood, as with respect to a former conflict about
more, the Mycenaeanization of Thessaly to the northeast Wilusa (= Homeric Ilios or Ilion) he is stated to have re-
probably sets in from Late Minoan IIIA2 onwards.193 Fi- marked:
nally, the Mycenaeans from the Argolid extend their influ- LUGAL KUR ® a-at-ti- uʗa-an-aš-kán ú-ug 8. ku-e-da-ni
ence over the Aegean islands and as far east as Miletos – a A.NA [INI] M URU uʗi-l[u]-[š]a še-ir ku-ru-ur 9. e-šu-u-
former Minoan colony named after Milatos in Crete194 – en nu- uʗa-[m]u a-p[í]-e-[d]a-ni INIM-ni la-ak-nu-ut
on the west coast of Asia Minor. 195 10. nu- uʗa ták-šu-la-u-en X (X) X- uʗa-an-na-aš ku-ru-
ur a-a-ra 

190 Note in this connection that according to Homeros, Iliad XI, “In der Angelegenheit von Wilusa, der entwegen der
690-3 Herakles defeated the Pylian king Neleus and killed 11 of König des Landes Hattusa und ich uns feind waren,
his 12 sons, leaving only Nestor as his successor. in der hat er mich umgestimmt, und wir haben uns
vertragen. Ein … Krieg ist Unrecht für uns.”198
191 Schachermeyr 1980: 446; Woudhuizen 1992a: 75.

192 Woudhuizen 1989: 199-202. As it seems, this sidely remarked conflict about
Wilusa became conflated in Greek memory as the Trojan
193 Smit 1989, who, unfortunately, does not distinguish between
Late Minoan IIIA1 and 2.
[214], 244, 254+255, 269, and 276.
194 Niemeier 1998a: 27 ff. first building phase, Late Minoa IA to
196 This identification, already implied in the discussion of Atta-
Late Minoan IB; cf. Fick 1905: 29; 117.
rissiyas above, is now commonly accepted; note, however, that
195 Niemeier 1998a: 33 second building phase, Late Helladic Heinhold-Krahmer 2003 is still hesitating about it.
IIIA2 to Late Helladic IIIB. Note that the extension of the Myce- 197 Niemeier 1998a: 38; Niemeier 1998b: 150-1 end of second
naean sphere of influence in the eastern Aegean is reflected in the
building period.
later Pylos tablets by ethnica like Kinidija, Miratija, Raminija,
Kisiwija, and Aswija, bearing reference to what appear to be 198 Sommer 1932: KUB XIV 3 iv 7-10 (cited without the nume-
female captives from Knidos, Miletos, Lemnos, Chios, and rous question marks for uncertain signs). For the dating of the Ta-
Asia/Assuwa, respectively, see Parker 1999. Note further that wagalawas-letter to the reign of Muwatallis II and an overview of
Miratijo “man of Miletos, Milesian” figures prominently in the the discussion about this, see Smit 1990-1 and, most recently,
recently edited Theban tablets, see Aravantinos, Godart & Sacconi Gurney 2002.
2001: Fq 177, 198, [214], 244, 254+255, 269, and 276.

71
war199 – a suggestion further emphasized by the fact that gouries, Berbati, Prosymna, Midea/Dendra, Tiryns, Orkhomenos,
the name of the king of Wilusa at the time of Muwatallis Iria, Gla, Eutresis, Thebes, Brauron.
II, Alaksandus, corresponds to Greek Alexandros/Paris;200
at any rate, a date of say c. 1280 BC for this conflict corre-
lates perfectly with the archaeologically established de- After this glorious episode, however, it goes down
struction of Troy VI, usually assigned to c. 1300 BC. with the image of the Mycenaean king in the eyes of the
Hittites. It has been argued that in the reign of the Hittite
great king Tud®aliyas IV (1239-1209 BC) the Mycenaeans
had lost their Anatolian bridgehead in the region of Mile-
tos. Thus there is documentary evidence that the ruler of
Milawata (= variant of Millawanda) at the time turned
sides and went over to the Hittite camp.201 In the archaeo-
logical record this seems to be reflected by Hittite features
in the material culture of Miletos in the second half of the
13th century BC.202 Whatever the extent of these argu-
ments, fact is that in a treaty with Sausgamuwa of Amurru,
in which Tud®aliyas IV ordered a ban on traffic between
A®®iyawa and Assyria via the harbors of Amurru, the
name of the king of A®®iyawa, initially summed up among
the kings equal in rank with the Hittite great king, has been
erased.203 Evidently, the king of A®®iyawa was down-
graded in the eyes of the Hittites as compared to the situa-
tion at the time of Muwatallis II. To this comes that the
ban on traffic of A®®iyawa as referred to in the Sausga-
muwa-treaty may have become more serious in the course
of time. Tud®aliyas IV had a program of incorporating all
of southwest Anatolia into his realm: early in his reign he
announced the plan to conquer the territory west of Par®a
Fig. 11 (see next page). Sites in southern and central Greece de-
along the Kastaraya (= Perge along the Kestros in Pam-
stroyed and/or abandoned at the end of Late Helladic IIIB. Source:
phylia) and to add the newly won territory to the province
Hope Simpson & Dickinson 1979. of Tar®untassa (= Cilicia Aspera).204 At a later stage in his
reign, he conquered the region of the lower Xanthos valley
shown are the following sites: Teikhos Dymaion, Pylos, Nikhoria, in Lycia – a country where no one of his ancestors had
Menelaion, Ayios Stephanos, Krisa, Tsoungiza, Mycenae, Zy- ever marched.205 The rationale behind this scheme is to
clear the sea from pirates – the Lycians were notorious for
this activity already in the time of the El-Amarna archive
199 So also Bryce 2003: 208, who, however, wrongly dates the
in the 14th century BC – as a preparation for his ultimate
Tawagalawas-letter to the reign of Hattusilis III. It is interesting to
goal: the conquest of Alasiya (= Cyprus). In the final years
note in this connection that according to Webster 1960: 67 the Hit-
of his reign, then, he ultimately launched a campaign
tites are mentioned in Homeros among the Trojan allies as 1. Ha-
lyzones from Alybe – a city, like Hattusa, associated with silver – against the island of Alasiya, but a definite result was
(Iliad II, 856) [but note that Meyer 1968: 12 connects Alybe with reached only by his son and successor, Suppiluliumas II
the Khalybians of the Early Iron Age], and 2. Keteians (Odyssey (1205-1180? BC), who also set up a memorial for this
XI, 521); they may further appear as adversaries of the Phrygians
along the Sangarios in form of Amazones in a retrospective pas-
sage referring to the time that Priamos still fought himself (Iliad 201 Bryce 1998: 339-42 (Milawata-letter).
III, 184) – the same Amazones upon whom Bellerophon stumbles
202 Niemeier 1998b: 153.
during his adventures in the hinterland of Lycia (Iliad VI, 186), cf.
Leonhard 1911: 15-6. See also section 2, notes 52 and 53 above. 203 Bryce 1998: 342-4.
200 Note that a reflection of these events is preserved by
204 Otten 1988: VIII, 62-4 and commentary.
Stephanos of Byzantion’s remark in his Ethnika, s.v. Samylia that
Motylos, after founding this Carian city, received Helena and Paris 205 Poetto 1993; Woudhuizen 1994-5: 168-179; Woudhuizen
there, see Riemschneider 1954: 40. 2004a: section 3 ; see section 6 above.

72
campaign.206 Now, most of the inscriptions in Cypro- mercenaries alongside the Teresh, Lukka, Sherden, and
Minoan date to the period of Hittite rule, say c. 1210- Shekelesh. The only one planning to settle in the Egyptian
1180? BC, if not actually from the last days before the delta was the Libyan king himself who is reported to have
conquest by the Sea Peoples. The larger texts among the been accompanied by his family and to have carried with
inscriptions are bills of lading, registering the sea-borne
him all his possessions.213 As such the Libyan campaign
traffic between western Anatolia and the Near East, espe-
is clearly distinct from the later attacks by the Sea Peoples
cially Ras Shamra/Ugarit.207 What really strikes us about
in the reign of Ramesses III (years 1179 and 1176 BC),
these documents is the absence of Greek names. Of course,
when, according to the reliefs at Medinet Habu, the Sea
a Greek trader may be hidden behind geographically in-
spired indications like “Iasos” or “the Samian”, but the Peoples themselves carried with them ox-drawn carts with
same absence of Greek names also characterizes the much their wives and children.214 Interesting to observe in this
more substantial archives at Ras Shamra/ Ugarit.208 At any connection is that the Greeks are referred to in the Egyp-
rate, it is clear that the responsible persons specified by tian records of the Libyan campaign by a reflex of their
ethnonyms are men like Pi®as,209 trader from Lycia, Hittite name, A® ® iyawa, instead of their usual Egyptian
Sanemas,210 representative of the Shekelesh, or Akamas, designation Tanayu, which in variant form Denye(n) is re-
representative of Ephesos and a place plausibly situated in introduced by Ramesses III (see section 9). Another
the Troad (see section 13) – members of Sea Peoples who strange thing is that the fallen of the Ekwesh are explicitly
later knew their way to the Orient, but decidedly no stated to have been circumcized (hence their hands were
Greeks! Accordingly, the evidence amounts to a serious cut off as a trophy instead of their penises) – a rite well-
ban of the Mycenaean Greeks from the waters bordering
attested for the Egyptians and the Semites, but so far not
the Anatolian peninsula in the west and the south during
for the Mycenaean Greeks.215
the final phase of the Hittite Empire period.211
The period of the Mycenaean koinƝ ends in massive
Just antedating the coming to power of Suppiuliumas
destructions and/or abandonment of sites on the Greek
II, in year 5 of Merneptah (= 1208 BC), the Akhaians in
mainland: in southern and central Greece 10 important
form of Ekwesh – the final -sh is likely to be identified as a
sites show a destruction layer at the end of Late Helladic
suffix also present in Shekelesh (= Sicels) and Weshesh (=
IIIB (c. 1185 BC),216 5 of which are abandoned after-
Ausones or Osci)212 – are recorded to have taken part in
wards, whereas at least 9 more important sites are just
the campaign of the Libyan king Meryey against Egypt. In
abandoned at the time (see Fig. 11 on the previous
this campaign the Akhaians served as foreign allies or
page).217 In view of these figures, the transition from Late
Helladic IIIB to Late Helladic IIIC is much more discon-
206 Güterbock 1967; Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6; Woudhuizen tinuous than preceding periods of an archaeological break
1994-5: 175; Woudhuizen 2004a: 32; the memorial in question is discussed in the foregoing section (but note that the density
Niúantaú in Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, see Woudhuizen 2004a: 72-5.
of the Late Helladic IIIB sites is higher than ever before).
207 Woudhuizen 1992a: 94-145; Woudhuizen 1994.
Yet, as we know from later records, the language spoken in
208 Astour 1964; Sandars 1980: 35; 46. Note, however, that Ugari- Greece remains Greek and the inhabitants of the Early Iron
tic Yman likely refers to Ionia, see Dietrich & Loretz 1998: 337- Age and following periods are Greeks, thus in this sense –
46, of which the related ethnonym, contrary to the opinion of Die-
trich & Loretz 1998: 344, is already attested for Linear B in form
of Ijawone “Ionians”, see Ventris & Chadwick 1973, glossary, s.v.
and cf. Driessen 1998-9. 213 Sandars 1980: 101.

209 For Luwian hieroglyphic seals bearing testimony of the MN 214 Sandars 1980: 117, afb. 77; 118-20. As we have seen in sec-
Pi® as, see Güterbock 1942: 68, no. 66; Kennedy 1959: 160, no. tion 4 above, the given distinction was particularly made by Hölbl
39. 1983.
210 Note that this name is strikingly paralleled for a Cretan hiero- 215 Barnett 1969: 11; note that the Philistines from Crete were also
glyphic sealing from Gortys (# 196), reading, with the cross at the not circumcized, see section 12.
start and hence from right to left, 019-061-E74 sa-ná-ma. 216 Warren & Hankey 1989: 161 association of Late Helladic IIIB
211 Cf. Cline 1991. with Tewosret 1188-1186 BC at Deir ‘Alla.
212 Wainwright 1961: 72; Redford 1992: 252, note 54; cf. Hittite 217 Hope Simpson & Dickinson 1979; cf. Shelmerdine 1997: 581.
Karkisa alongside Karkiya “Caria”. On the identification of the See also Betancourt 1976: 40 with even larger figures, but without
Sea Peoples in question, see section 14 below. specification of the names of the sites in question.

73
give and take a few dialectal reshuffles – there is no real Luwian hieroglyphic equivalent of Hittite A®®iyawa, char-
break, but only continuity.218 As an explanation of this acterized, just like it is the case for the text of the Phaistos
paradox between archaeological evidence and linguistic disc, by aphaeresis.224 In the archaeological record, this
data, it has been suggested that the enemy which attacked event is reflected in the destruction of Tarsus at the end of
the Mycenaeans at the end of Late Helladic IIIB wasted the Late Bronze Age and the subsequent introduction of
the country but – apart from some minor exceptions indi- Late Helladic IIIC ware of Argive background.225 Another
cated by the presence of handmade foreign ware (see also branch of the Mycenaean Greeks, referred to as Denye(n)
sections 10 and 14)219 – did not come to settle in it.220 At by the Egyptians and Dan by the Hebrews, went further
any rate, the Pylos tablets indicate that the enemy came by south and settled initially in the region of Tel Qasile – a
sea from the northwest, as ships are sent to cape Pleuron in new foundation – in Canaan, perhaps some time after the
Aitolia to cope with the emergency situation.221 This does settlement of the Philistines (see section 9).226 Both these
not exclude, however, a simultaneous or slightly posterior migrations, however, were not massive enough to plant the
attack from the north over land, to which the large scale Greek language: the Akhaians in the region of Adana went
destructions in Thessaly bear testimony (see Fig. 12)222 over to Luwian and the Danaoi of Canaan to Semitic.
and against which the inhabitants of the Peloponnesos tried Apart from emigration to Cyprus and the Orient,
to protect themselves by building a wall on the Isthmos.223 which may have been an ongoing process from Late Hel-
As a result of the breakdown of the Mycenaean civili- ladic IIIC to Submycenaean,227 there can be observed a
zation, a number of people from the Peloponnesos decided clustering together of the population in Greece itself into
to join the seaborne attackers and took the boat to the Ori- refuge areas during this time. These refuge areas, like Ak-
ent in order to settle in Cyprus and in the region of Adana haia, Kephalenia, and Attica, but especially the Aegean is-
on the adjacent side of the mainland. For the last men- lands Naxos, Kos, and Rhodes, could bear testimony to a
tioned region this is proved by the recently discovered considerable degree of recovery.228 Moreover, the popula-
Luwian hieroglyphic-Phoenician bilingual inscription of tion in Crete withdrew to mountain sites like Karphi, Vro-
Çineköy, dated to the reign of Urikki in the late 8th cen- kastro, and Kastri.229 From Attica the Ionian emigration to
tury BC, in which the land of Adana is called H iƗwa, the the region of Miletos in western Asia Minor took place,
probably in the Submycenaean period;230 the Aiolian mi-

218 For religious continuity, see Nilsson 1927: 400-14; Schnapp-

Gourbeillon 2002: Chapitre IV. 224 Teko÷lu & Lemaire 2000; for the Phaistos disc, see Achter-
219 Rutter 1975; Deger-Jalkotzy 1983; Popham 2001; for further berg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004: 85; 98; 110.
literature, see section 14, note 600. 225 Goldman 1956: 63; 350-1; Mee 1978: 150, who stipulates that
220 Desborough 1964: 224; cf. Betancourt 1976: 41. the number of Late Helladic IIIC sherds (875 in sum) allows for
the actual presence of Mycenaeans. Cf. Strabo, Geography XIV, 5,
221 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: 185-6: PY An 12 ereta Pereuro-
12, according to which Tarsus is colonized from Argos.
nade ijote (= Greek eretai Pleurǀnade iontes) “rowers to go to
226 For the absence of Late Helladic IIIC1b ware here, see Bietak
Pleuron”. Further maritime measures are forthcoming from the
oka-tablets, which, notwithstanding the linguistic criticism by 1993: 257-8.
Risch 1958: 354 and Palmer 1998: 154, deal with holkades “ships 227 Dikaios 1971: 519 (Late Helladic IIIC1b from the Argolid);
for transportation”, see Pugliese Carratelli 1954: 469; Mühlenstein
Catling 1973; Vanschoonwinkel 304-5 (Paphos, Late Helladic
1956: 36 ff.; cf. Best 1996-7: 120-7; for the state of emergency
IIIC); Schachermeyr 1980: 380 (sub-Mycenaean from the Pelo-
exemplified by these tablets, one of which is headed by the phrase
ponnesos). The earliest evidence of the Greek language on Cyprus
ouruto opia2ra epikowo (= Greek (h)ǀ(s) wruntoi opi(h)ala epi-
is provided by the Opheltas-obelos, dating to the middle of the
kouroi) “Thus the watchers are guarding the coast” (PY An 657),
11th century BC, which bears testimony of the Arcado-Cyprian
see Palmer 1956; Palmer 1965: 143-54.
genitive (Opeletau), see Masson 1983: 408.
222 Schachermeyr 1980: 393; Popham 2001: 282-3 (figs.). As a
228 Desborough 1964: 226 ff.; Betancourt 1976: 40; Schacher-
historical parallel one might point to the fact that when Dionysios
meyr 1980: 51.
of Syracuse raided the Caeretan harbor Pyrgi in 384 BC, the Celts
in the hinterland seized the opportunity to attack the Etruscans 229 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 156-9.
from the rear. 230 Schachermeyr 1980: 375; cf. Herodotos, Histories I, 146, who
223 Sandars 1980: 173; Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 108-9 (Late Hel- stipulates that the Ionians killed the male Carians and married with
ladic IIIB/C transitional period). their wives.

74
 gration from Boeotia and Thessaly to the coastal zone of
Mysia may well have occurred in about the same period or
just a little afterwards.231 The Dorians, who repopulated an
almost deserted Peloponnesos at the end of the Submyce-
naean or the beginning of the Protogeometric period,232
followed in the footsteps of their Ionian and Aiolian
tribesmen, colonizing Crete, Rhodes, and the region of
Halikarnassos still later. Not for a long time, however, the
Greeks were to reach a degree of unity as we have experi-
enced for the period of the Mycenaean koinƝ – and then
only under foreign pressure!

(a)

(b)

Fig. 12. Sites and cemeteries (a) in Late Helladic IIIB and (b) in
Late Helladic IIIC (from Popham 2001: 282-3).

231 Spencer 1995: 275-7 (repopulation of Mytilene and Pyrrha on

Lesbos during the Protogeometric period).
232 Eder 1998. See also section 2 above.

75
 9. FROM DANAOI TO DAN

In Homeros there are three indications of the Mycenaean repetition of the n. 239
Greeks: Akhaioi (= Akhaians in our English transcription), In the relevant literature, the Denye(n) are often, to-
Argeioi, and Danaoi.233 As we have seen in the preceding gether with the Danaoi, identified with the Danuna of the
section, a reflection of the first of these ethnonyms, El-Amarna texts (in casu the letters by Rib-addi of Byblos
A® ® iyawa, is used by the Hittites to refer to the Mycena- and Abimilki of Tyre).240 However, the form Danuna cor-
ean Greeks. As opposed to this, the Egyptians rather pre- responds to the root of Dnnym “people of Adana” as re-
ferred reflections of the third ethnonym, Tanayu or corded for the Phoenician version of the bilingual Karatepe
Denye(n). The interesting thing about this Egyptian prefer- text (late 8th century BC), and has nothing to do with the
ence is that the ethnonym Danaoi is derived from the heros Danaoi of mainland Greece.241 This conclusion is further
eponym Danaos, who according to myth originated from substantiated by the fact that, according to the Ugaritic
Egypt. Thus it is reported that Danaos, son of Belos, fled texts, the line of defence against the Sea Peoples is organ-
before his brother Aigyptos from Egypt to Argos in ized in the waters of Lycia in southwest Anatolia: there is
Greece.234 Taking this myth at face value, the name no question of a revolt in the Hittite province of Kizzu-
Danaoi may at first have had a bearing on the inhabitants watna – to which the town of Adana belongs – at the time.
of the Argolid only, in order to receive a wider connotation Only after the period of the resurrection of the Sea Peoples
in the course of time. This would tally with the information and the fall of the Hittite Empire, the region of Adana is
provided by Pindaros, according to which Danaoi refers to colonized by a number of Greek settlers – an historical fact
the pre-Doric inhabitants of Argos, Mycenae, and Lace- of which the recently found Luwian hieroglyphic-
daimon.235 Phoenician bilingual inscription from Çineköy (late 8th
Egyptian Tanayu is first attested for the annals of century BC) bears testimony, in which the land of Adana is
Tuthmoses III (1479-1425 BC).236 Next, it occurs on a referred to by the name H iƗwa, i.e. the Luwian equivalent
base of a column of the royal temple tomb of Amenhotep of Hittite A®®iyawa “Akhaian”,242 and which is further-
III (1390-1352 BC) at Kom el-Hetan (Thebes) in direct as- more reflected in the archaeological record by the intro-
sociation with place names from the Greek mainland like duction of Late Helladic IIIC ware of Argive background
Mycenae, Thebes, Messenia, and Nauplia.237 After an in- in the region after the destruction of Tarsus (see also sec-
termezzo in the reign of Merneptah (1213-1203 BC), in tion 8)!243
which in line with the Hittites a reflection of Akhaioi (= Next to this settlement by a branch of Mycenaean
Ekwesh) is used, the related form Denye(n) turns up Greeks under the name of Akhaians in the region of
amongst the attackers of Egypt in year eight of Ramesses Adana, another group under the name of Dan (< Danaoi)
III (1184-1153 BC). This latter ethnonym has been identi- went further south and settled initially in the region of Tel
fied with the Danaoi since the time of Emmanuel de Qasile – a new foundation – in Canaan, perhaps, for the
Rougé.238 As noted by Alan Gardiner, this identification lack of Late Helladic IIIC1b ware, some time after the set-
receives further emphasis from the fact that the name in tlement of the Philistines.244 As suggested by Yigael
question also occurs in shorthand variant Denye without

239 Gardiner 1947: 126.

240 EA no. 117, 90 ff.; EA no. 151, 52; cf. Hall 1926: 281; Gar-

233 Hall 2002: 53, note 98 (with specification of their frequency). diner 1947: 125; Laroche 1958: 263-75; Barnett 1969: 9; Strobel
1976: 202; etc.
234 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Danaos.
241Cf. Schachermeyr 1982 : 193 ff.
235 Pindaros, Pythian Odes 4, 85 f.
242 Teko÷lu & Lemaire 2000.
236 Mégalomatis 1996: 811.
243 Goldman 1956: 63; 350-1; Mee 1978: 150.
237 Edel 1966; Edel 1988.
244 Bietak 1993: 257-8; cf. Singer 1985: 114-5 who for this ab-
238 De Rougé 1861: 145. sence altogether doubts the colonization of the site by Dan.

77
Yadin, a line from the song of Deborah, running as fol-
lows: “And Dan, why did he remain in ships?”, preserves
the memory of the precolonial stage in the history of the
tribe of Dan.245 At any rate, historical sources locate the
Danites on the coast between Asdod in the south and Dor
in the north,246 and more specifically situate the region of
their inheritance near Joppa.247 In the course of time, then,
the Danites expanded their territory to Zora and Eshtaol in
the hinterland of Tel Qasile and Joppa, from where they
are recorded to have conquered Laish in the sphere of in-
fluence of Sidon to the north, of which they changed the
name into Dan.248 This latter event may well be linked up
with the fact that the foundation layer of Tel Qasile (stra-
tum XII) ends with a destruction of the site.249

245 Bible, Judges V, 17; Yadin in Best & Yadin 1973: 69.

246 Josephus, Antiquities V, 87.

247 Bible, Joshua XIX, 40-8.

248 Bible, Judges XVIII, 1-31.

249 Yadin in Best & Yadin 1973: 70.

78
 10. ETRUSCAN ORIGINS
Models Asia Minor. These so-called orientalists can be subdivided
into two groups: those who situate the colonization of
The problem of Etruscan origins has received scholarly at- Etruria at the end of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1200 BC),254
tention already in antiquity. First of all, there is the testi- and those who rather place this event in the Early Iron Age
mony of Herodotos of Halikarnassos (5th century BC) (c. 750-675 BC).255 A representative of the first mentioned
according to which the Etruscans were Lydian colonists group of orientalists is the Indo-Europeanist Robert
from western Asia Minor. Hard pressed by a famine, so the Beekes. However, he is exceptional in combining the idea
story goes, half of the Lydian population under the leader- of an oriental origin with the linguistic analysis of the ad-
ship of king Atys’ son Tyrsenos mustered on ships at herents of the autochthonous thesis. Thus, Beekes likewise
Smyrna and sailed to Italy, where they settled in the terri- considers Etruscan and Lemnian relics of a language once
tory of the Umbrians.250 As opposed to this, we have the spoken in the Aegean before the Indo-European migra-
opinion of Dionysios of Halikarnassos (1st century BC), tions.256 Much more common among orientalists is it to
who, on the basis of a comparison between the customs consider Etruscan related to the Indo-European languages
and the languages of the Etruscans and the Lydians, of Asia Minor, and in particular to Luwian.257 The latter
reached the conclusion that these two peoples were unre- language was spoken in southern and western Anatolia
lated. He extrapolated from this conclusion that the Etrus- during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, and, in its
cans were no Lydian colonists, but had always lived in western extremity, was subject to a dialectal development
Italy.251 which resulted in Lycian and Lydian of the Classical pe-
As divided as opinions were on the subject of Etrus- riod.258
can origins in antiquity, so they are in our present era. A Now, there is some evidence of non-Indo-European
majority among scholars in the field holds that the Etrus- languages in Asia Minor, originally going back to the time
cans were autochthonous. In accordance with this view, the before the Indo-European migrations. In the first place,
Etruscans are considered a remnant population surviving mention should be made of Hattic, the language of the in-
the onset of Indo-European migrations which brought the habitants of Hattusa before this city was taken over by the
Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, and Faliscans to the Italian pen- Hittites, as recorded in Hittite texts dating from the 2nd
insula. Their language, so this line of appraoch continues, millennium BC. Next, there is Hurrian, the language of the
is not comparable to any other in the world, except for the realm of Mitanni, once a formidable rival of the Hittites in
one attested for the famous stele from Kaminia on the is- their strive for hegemony in eastern Anatolia and North
land of Lemnos in the Aegean. This only linguistic rela- Syria. This language developed into Urartian of the Early
tionship acknowledged by the adherents of the Iron Age. Finally, we cannot omit the Semitic language,
autochthonous thesis receives meaningful explanation in which in the form of Akkadian was used as a lingua franca
two ways. In the first place, Lemnian is, on the analogy of for international correspondence between the empires of
Etruscan in Italy, considered a remnant of a once widely the 2nd millennium BC – a function taken over by Ara-
dispersed Mediterranean language surviving the onset of maic during the Early Iron Age. But, except for some bi-
Indo-European migrations into the Aegean basin.252 Sec- linguals with Aramaic for Lycian and Lydian, this
ond, Lemnian is seen as the result of a colonization by evidence has a bearing on eastern Asia Minor only. In
Etruscans from Italy into the north-Aegean region.253
A minority among scholars, but a persistent one, is of
the opinion that the Etruscans were colonists from western 254 Hencken 1968.

255 Schachermeyr 1929.

256 Beekes & van der Meer 1991; Beekes 1993; Beekes 2002:
250 Histories I, 94.
219-20; cf. Steinbauer 1999: 389.
251 Roman Antiquities I, 25-30.
257 Meriggi 1937; Laroche 1961b.
252 Pallottino 1988: 98.
258 For Lydian as a Luwian dialect, see Woudhuizen 1984-5a;
253 Gras 1976; Drews 1992; de Simone 1996. Woudhuizen 1990 ; Woudhuizen 2005 : appendix IV.

79
western Asia Minor the linguistic situation is much less earliest history of Rome, according to literary tradition
complicated. Here we find evidence of two language originate from Greece. For Dionysios, this is reason to as-
groups, both of them Indo-European, namely Luwian, sume that they are in fact a Greek ethnos. In reality, how-
which, as we have seen, developed into Lycian and Lydian ever, the Pelasgians are a pre-Greek population group,
of the Classical period, and Thraco-Phrygian, presumably already present in Greece before the Greeks came into be-
the vernacular of the common people of the Troas already ing. As they are so different from the Greeks, Dionysios
in the Bronze Age (see section 13, especially note 520, be- cannot use the Tyrrhenians to the same effect: to declare
low) and, after the fall of the Hittite Empire c. 1180 BC, them Greeks would be preposterous. The unprecedented
introduced further east into the Anatolian highland. If, for and rather forced distinction between Tyrrhenians and
the sake of argument, we have to allow for remnants of a Pelasgians leads to absurd consequences, like, for instance,
non-Indo-European language in western Anatolia, this can the assumption that the language of the inhabitants of Cor-
only entail small pockets, uncapable of providing the tona, whom Dionysios considers to be Pelasgians, was dis-
amount of people necessary for the colonization of Etruria tinct from that of the Tyrrhenians.261 Dozens of
as envisaged by the orientalists. As a matter of fact, inscriptions disprove this: the language of the inhabitants
Beekes’ tenet of non-Indo-European survivals in the Ae- of Cortona was straightforwardly Etruscan.262 Another
gean is entirely based on the linguistic analysis of the question which arises from Dionysios’ distinction between
Lemnos stele as common among the adherents of the Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians is where the latter were living
autochthonous thesis. at the time that the Pelasgians are said to have occupied
their country.263 Finally, the way in which Dionysios dis-
poses of the Pelasgians in order to make room for the Tyr-
Autochthonous thesis
rhenians is extremely suspect: he simply, so to say, lets
The statement by Dionysios of Halikarnassos that the them evaporate into thin air!264 In short, the story on
Etruscans differed in customs and language from the Lydi- which the adherents of the autochthonous thesis base
ans is perfectly true for the period in which he lived, the themselves suffers from many flaws.
1st century BC. But, if a colonization of Etruria from Also the explanation of the relationship between
Lydia had taken place, as Herodotos wants us to believe, Etruscan and Lemnian within the frame of the autochtho-
then this event happened some 6 to 11 centuries in the past. nous thesis leads up to unsurmountable difficulties. The
During this period, we must believe that the customs and first option, according to which the Etruscans and Lem-
language had developed independently in Lydia and Etru- nians were both remnants of population groups surviving
ria, which would explain the differences. It is of much the onset of Indo-European immigrations, runs up against
greater importance, therefore, to know whether the Etrus- the fact that the two languages were so closely related that
can customs and language were more closely related to such a long period of independent development is highly
those of the Lydians when these first manifested them- inconceivable (the Indo-European invasions in the Aegean
selves, in the late 8th and early 7th century BC. date back to at least c. 2300 BC, see section 3). The second
At the same time, it is interesting to determine what option, according to which the north-Aegean region was
exactly is Dionysios’ drive to disconnect the Tyrrhenians, colonized by Etruscans from Italy in the late 8th or early
as the Etruscans are called by the Greeks, from the Pelas-
gians. In previous sources, like, for instance, Thucydides
98, note 3.
(5th century BC), these two population groups are persis-
261 Roman Antiquities I, 29, 3; this view, based on a misreading of
tently identified.259 The answer to this question is given by
†Crotoniats for Crestoniats in the manuscript of Herodotos’ text, is
Dionysios himself in the introduction to his work: he wants followed, amongst others, by Briquel 1984: 101-140 (esp. 126 ff.)
to prove that the founding fathers of Rome were actually and Beekes 2002: 221, in the latter case without realizing the con-
Greeks.260 Now, the Pelasgians, who played a role in the sequence. For futher literature, see Sakellariou 1977: 88, note 6.
262 Rix 1991: 301-4; Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000; cf. Briquel

259 Peloponnesian War IV, 109, 4. 1984: 133.

263 Roman Antiquities I, 20, 5.
260 Roman Antiquities I, 5, 1; cf. I, 17, 1; I, 60, 3. This point of
view is common among Hellenistic poets, see Sakellariou 1977: 264 Roman Antiquities I, 24, 4; 26. 1

80
7th century BC, is, considering the slight dialectal differ- Also from an archaeological perspective the coloniza-
ences, a priori possible, but lacks a proper archaeological tion of Etruria at the end of the Bronze Age is highly
and historical basis. unlikely. It is true that at this time Italy is characterized by
the introduction of a new culture, the so-called proto-
Colonization at the end of the Villanovan (= an earlier phase of Villanovan),266 but, as
Bronze Age demonstrated convincingly by Hugh Hencken, the latter
shows close affinities with the European Urnfields. Thus
If the autochthonous thesis turns out to be flawed, what the typical biconical urns relate to counterparts primarily
about the thesis of oriental origins? As we have seen, one discovered in the region of Oltenia and the Banat, Hungary
group of orientalists situates the colonization of Etruria (see Fig. 13).267 Furthermore, the house urns, which are so
from Asia Minor at the end of the Bronze Age. These well-known a feature of the Latial variant of (proto-)Villa-
scholars base themselves on the chronology of Herodotos, novan, find their closests parallels in northern Germany
who places the rulers descending from Atys’ son Lydos (see Fig. 14).268 In line with these observations, it seems
prior to those of the Heraklids. The reign of the latter, reasonable to assume that new population groups have en-
Herodotos continues, lasted as many as 22 generations or tered Italy, as Hencken does, only not from the Aegean,
505 years in sum before the last representative, Kandaules, but from Europe. These new population groups can plausi-
was set aside by Gyges, the first ruler of the Mermnades, at bly be identified as the forefathers of the historical Italic
the beginning of the 7th century BC.265 Accordingly, it peoples of the Umbrians, Oscans,269 Latins, and Faliscans,
follows that the descendants of Atys’ son Lydos were in whose languages show the closest affinity to Celtic and
power before the beginning of the 12th century BC. Hero- Germanic. At any rate, the Umbrians have the same name
dotos, however, amplifies this information with the remark as the German tribe of the Ambrones (Jutland in Den-
that the population of Sardis and its surroundings were mark),270 branches of which can, on the basis of related
called Lydians after Lydos, whereas prior to his rule they place and river names, be traced as far afield as France,
were known as Maeonians. Now, Maeonians is the form of Spain, and even northern Italy,271 whereas that of the
address for the Lydians in the epic songs of Homeros, Oscans or Ausones is obviously related to the Celtic eth-
which, as we have seen in section 2, primarily reflects Late nonyms Ausci (near Auch in southern France) and
Bronze Age history. Hence the name Lydians can only be Ausetani (in Ausa-Vich, Catalonia).272 (As demonstrated
surmised to have come into currency in the Early Iron Age. by Hans Krahe, both ethnonyms are rooted in his Old
Ergo: Herodotos’ chronology is flawed. European river names, the first being based on *embh-,
*ombh- “moist, water” and the second on *av-, *au-

266 Note that Hencken 1968 wrongly applies the term pre-
Villanovan instead; cf. Fugazzola Delpino 1979; Ridgway 1988:
628 ff.
267 Hencken 1968: 441, fig. 452.

268 Behn 1924: 90-1; Tafel 6, d-e; note, however, that the north
German house urns postdate the Latial ones.
269 Note in this connection that the introduction of proto-
Villanovan in Lipari and at Milazzo in Sicily is attributed to the
Ausones (= variant form of Osci) who according to Diodoros of
Sicily, Library of History V, 7, invaded Lipari and Sicily from the
Italian peninsula, see Hencken 1955: 31.
Fig. 13. Distribution of biconical urns in the Urnfield world (from
270 Altheim 1950: 56-7.
Hencken 1968: 441, fig. 452).
271 Schmoll 1959: 83; 119, note 1.

265 Histories I, 7. 272 Bosch-Gimpera 1939: 40.

81
“source, stream”).273 ous procedure. In the first place, it leaves out the proto-
Villanovan phase, which cannot be dissociated from Villa-
novan and which spread far to the south, reaching Apulia,
the Lipari islands and even northern Sicily – regions where
later evidence of Italic languages are found (see Fig.
15).275 Secondly, the use of the distinction between crema-
tion and inhumation burial rites as an ethnic marker is, as
far as the 8th century BC is concerned, an oversimplifica-
tion. After the introduction of proto-Villanovan at the end
of the Bronze Age, there is a revival of the rite of inhuma-
tion spreading from the south of Italy to the north, reaching
Caere in the 9th and 8th centuries BC. Similarly, the
Etruscans are also acquainted with both rites – be it that
their cremation burials are clearly distinct from the Villa-
novan ones (see further below). Hence, the distinction is
rather Villanovan style cremations and inhumations versus
Etruscan style cremations and inhumations – a line of ap-
proach actually applied by Ingrid Pohl in her publication of
the Iron Age cemetery of Caere.276 Finally, the identifica-
tion of the bearers of Villanovan culture in Etruria with the
forebears of the Etruscans disregards the historical evi-
dence according to which the Etruscans colonized the land
of the Umbrians and drove them out of their original habi-
tat.277 As a matter of fact, there are numerous reminis-
cences of the Umbrians originally inhabiting the region
later called Etruria, like the river name Umbro, the region
called tractus Umbriae, the association of the Umbrian
Fig. 14. Distribution of house urns (from Bouzek 1997: fig. 49). tribes of the Camartes and Sarsinates with the inland
The distinction between open and closed map symbols is immate- towns Clusium and Perugia, and the identification of Cor-
rial in the present connection tona as an Umbrian town.278 At any rate, the sites which
have yielded Umbrian inscriptions mostly lie along the
This reconstruction of Italian prehistory at the end of eastern fringe of the Villanovan style cremation area,279
the Bronze Age, which assumes a relation between Urn- and there even have been found Umbrian type inscriptions
field culture and the historical peoples of the Umbrians, in Picenum on the other side of the Appenines, whereas
Oscans, Latins, and Faliscans, collides with the view of the literary sources speak of Umbrians in Ancona, Ariminum,
foremost representant of the autochthonous thesis, Mas- Ravenna, and Spina to the north280 – regions where
simo Pallottino. The latter put much effort in an attempt to
disconnect the Italic Indo-European languages from the
(proto-)Villanovan culture, the bearers of which he consid- 275 For Ausones (= Oscans) on the Lipari islands and in Milazzo,
ers to be the forebears of the Etruscans. To this end he pre- see Diodoros of Sicily, The Library of History V, 7.
sents a map showing the distribution of archaeological 276 Pohl 1972.
cultures of Italy in the 9th and 8th centuries BC, which he
277 Plinius, Natural History III, 14, 112.
compares with the distribution of the various languages as
278 Altheim 1950: 22-3.
attested in about the 5th century BC.274 This is a danger-
279 Poultney 1959: 3.

280 Pseudo-Skylaks, Periplus 16; Strabo, Geography V, 1, 11; V,

273 Krahe1964: 90-1; 43-4.
2, 1; Justinus, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi
274 Pallottino 1988: 68; Abb. 1-2. XX, 1, 11; cf. Briquel 1984: 33; 51; 88; Salmon 1988: 701.

82
(proto-)Villanovan is attested (cf. Fig. 15). made common cause with colleagues from the east-
Mediterranean basin, like the Ekwesh or Akhaians from
the Greek mainland, Peleset or Pelasgians from the Ae-
gean, Tjeker or Teukrians from the Troas, and Lukka or
Lycians from western Asia Minor. The importance of
bearers of the Urnfield culture, like we have suggested for
the Oscans, among these Sea Peoples is stressed by the fact
that their boat(s) as depicted in Ramesses III’s memorial at
Medinet Habu are characterized by bird-head devices at
both the bow and the stern – as convincingly shown by
Shelley Wachsmann a typical Urnfield feature.284 Fur-
thermore, this element among the Sea Peoples can even be
shown to have settled in the Levant at Hamath, where Urn-
field cemeteries with more than 1000 urns have been dug
up.285 Within the frame of the autochthonous thesis, the
Teresh or Tyrsenians (= Tyrrhenians) are, on the analogy
of the Sicilians and Sardinians, likewise supposed to have
come from Italy, but considering their Aegean location in
early Greek literary sources this is unlikely (see section
12). At any rate, the direction of the migrations at the end
of the Bronze Age is clearly from west to east, and not the
other way round. Therefore, the colonization by the Etrus-
cans of Italy from Asia Minor as recorded by Herodotos
does not fit into the period of the Sea Peoples.

Fig. 15. Distribution of (a) proto-Villanovan and (b) Villanovan Colonization in the Early Iron Age
sites (after Hencken 1968: fig. 466).
The question which remains to be answered is whether the
The repercussions of the Urnfield migrations into It- colonization by the Etruscans of Italy from Asia Minor as
aly are archaeologically traceable to well into the Aegean recorded by Herodotos does fit into the period of the Early
region. Thus Urnfield material of Italian or European type Iron Age. This is the period of exploration and coloniza-
is attested for the islands Crete, Kos, and Euboia as well as tion of the west-Mediterranean basin by Phoenicians and
for various locations on the Greek mainland.281 Appar- Greeks. Was there among these explorers and colonists of
ently, some population groups in Italy were displaced at the far west a third party, namely Luwians from western
the time, or some of the European immigrants, whose Anatolia?
maritime nature has already been extrapolated by First of all, it is important to note that only from c.
Hencken,282 went straight on to the Aegean. This is ex- 700 BC onwards Etruria is characterized by an archaeo-
actly the situation recorded by the Egyptian sources on the logical culture that with certainty can be identified as
so-called Sea Peoples, which inform us about raids by the
Shekelesh, Sherden, and Weshesh, in which we can recog- 1872: 299; cf. Reinach 1910: 36, note 3; Macalister 1913: 25; see
nize the Italic peoples of the Sicilians, Sardinians, and further section 14 below.

Oscans (see section 14 below).283 These western raiders 284 Wachsmann 1998: 178 (with reference to de Boer 1991 who,
with due reference to Hencken 1968 [in turn going back to Kim-
mig 1964: 223-4, Abb. 1], already noted the connection); Wach-
281 Popham 2001. smann 2000: 122.
285 Wachsmann 2000: 123; Drews 1993: 201, note 104 stipulates
282 Hencken 1968: 634.
that a substantial number of the European Naue type II sword,
283 For the identification of the Weshesh as Oscans, see Chabas mostly of iron, were found in these cremation graves.

83
Etruscan, because from that date onwards inscriptions con- ber tomb which is entirely hewn out of the soft tufa with
ducted in the Etruscan language are found.286 One of the mock roof beams in place as if it were a wooden construc-
most outstanding features of this Etruscan culture is tion. The same technique is so common for Etruria that if
formed by the chamber tomb under tumulus for multiple the photos of the Mysian example would have had no cap-
burials. The burial rites may consist of inhumation or a tion one could easily be mistaken to be dealing with an
special form of cremation, according to which the remains Etruscan grave.290 Unfortunately, the Anatolian examples
of the pyre are collected in a gold or silver container in the last mentioned two cases were so thoroughly robbed
which, wrapped in a purple linen cloth, is placed in a locu- that they cannot be properly dated. Next, it deserves our
lus of the grave. The closest parallels for such elite- attention that Lycia from the 6th century BC onwards is
cremations are found in Anatolian style chamber tombs typified by façade graves hewn out of the natural rock,
under tumulus at Salamis on Cyprus.287 The rite in ques- which bring to mind the façade graves hewn out of the
tion is meticulously described by Homeros in connection natural rock of Norchia and its immediate surroundings to
with the burial of Patroklos, for which reason one often which a similar date is assigned as the Lycian counter-
speaks of an Homeric burial. As far as mainland Greece is parts.291 Like the Mysian tomb mentioned above, the fa-
concerned, similar elite-cremations are attested for the hero çade graves imitate wooden constructions. Hence, it is
of Lefkandi and the burials at the west gate of Eretria. The interesting to note that actual wooden constructions have
element which is missing here, however, is the characteris- been dug up in Phrygia. Here large wooden boxes dating to
tic chamber tomb under tumulus (the hero of Lefkandi is the late 8th and early 7th centuries BC serve as a replace-
discovered in an apsidal building secondarily used as a ment of the stone built chamber tomb in like manner as in
grave and covered by a tumulus).288 Vetulonia during the 7th century BC. Finally, mention
Chamber tombs under tumulus for multiple burials are should be made of a Lycian chamber tomb from the 5th
a typical Mycenaean feature. During the Late Bronze Age century BC with paintings which bear a strong resem-
this type of burial is disseminated by Mycenaean colonists blance to the Etruscan ones in Tarquinia – be it that the
from mainland Greece to western Asia Minor, where it is Lycian paintings, in contrast to their Etruscan counterparts,
subsequently taken over by indigenous population groups show Persian motifs.292
like the Carians, Lycians, Lydians, and ultimately the In summary, on the basis of the preceding survey of
Phrygians. The earliest indigenous examples are pseudo- relations in funeral architecture one gains the impression
cupolas in Caria, dated to the period of c. 1000 to 800 BC. that Etruria was in close contact with various regions of
These graves are characterized by a rectangular ground- western Anatolia during the Early Orientalizing period and
plan and a concentrically vaulted roof. The problem of the beyond.293 Possibly, a crucial role was played by Mysia,
dome resting on a square is solved by the so-called the Aiolian coast, and the offshore islands like Lesbos, be-
pendentive. This very same construction is typical of cause here the typical local pottery, just like in Etruria
chamber tombs in Populonia during the 7th century BC.289 from the 7th century BC onwards, consists of bucchero.294
Similarly, in Lydia a chamber tomb has been found with a The inference that colonists from various regions of
roof vaulting lenghtwise in the same way as for example western Asia Minor migrated to Etruria may receive fur-
the famous Regolini-Galassi tomb at Caere, dating to the ther emphasis if we take a look at the script. As mentioned
7th century BC. Furthermore, Mysia has produced a cham- in the above the earliest inscriptions in the Etruscan lan-
guage date from c. 700 BC onwards. In general, it is as-

286 Hencken 1968: 631.

290 Kaspar 1970: 71-83.
287 D’Agostino 1977: 57-8; note that the Etruscan nature of the
291 Contra Åkerström 1934: 104-7.
elite-cremations at Pontecagnano is deducible from the fact that
the earliest inscriptions from this site are conducted in the Etrus- 292 Mellink 1972: 263 ff.
can language, see Rix 1991: Cm 2.2, Cm 2.7, and Cm 2.19, all of 293 This contact needs to be distinguished from and can at the
6th century BC date.
same time be underlined by Etruscan post-colonial trade with the
288 Bérard 1970; Popham, Touloupa & Sackett 1982. Aegean as attested by the presence of Etruscan bucchero at,
289 Schachermeyr 1929: 89-91; 100-1; cf. Demus-Quatember amongst other sites, Smyrna and Pitane, see Briquel 1991: 80.

1958: 63. 294 Pfuhl 1923: 153 f.

84
sumed that the Etruscans have borrowed their alphabet model is applicable to the Etruscan colonization, as sug-
from the Greeks, in particular from the Euboeians at Pith- gested by the large number of Italic names in Etruscan in-
ecussae and Cumae. This view, however, runs up against scriptions dating from the 7th and 6th centuries BC
serious difficulties, since the local Etruscan alphabets are onwards. To give some examples, one might point to:
characterized by signs and sign-forms unparalleled for Cventi, Eknate, Venelus, Vete, Vipie, Kavie, Kaisie, Ma-
Greek inscriptions. In the first place we have to consider in merce, Numesie, Petrus, Punpu, Pupaia, Puplie, Spurie,
this connection the sign for the expression of the value [f] Flavie, and tribal names like Latinie, Sapina, and
as attested for an early 7th century BC inscription from Sarsina.299 As a matter of fact, the colonists from western
Vetulonia (Vn 1.1) in north-Etruria, which consists of a Asia Minor constitute an elite, who impose their superior
vertical stroke with a small circle on either top. As time culture on the by far more numerous indigenous Italic
goes by, this sign develops into the well-known figure-of- population. A vital component of the colonial culture is
eight [f], which spreads from the north of Etruria to the formed by their language.
south ultimately to replace the digraph of wau and Ɲta (< A first hint at the nature of the language can be de-
hƝta) for the same sound in the south-Etruscan alphabets. rived from the name of some of the newly founded cities.
The origin of this sign can be traced back to the Lydian al- Thus Tarquinia (= Etruscan TarFna-) is, on the analogy of
phabet, where during the same time it knows exactly the Greek colonial names like Posidonia, Apollonia, and
same development! Next, a late 7th century BC inscription Herakleia, which are also based on a divine name, named
from Caere (Cr 9.1) in south-Etruria bears testimony of a after the Luwian storm-god Tar® unt-.300 In addition, a
variant of the tsade which is closer in form to the Phoeni- number of Etruscan personal names, like Arn-, Mezentie,
cian original than the Greek san. The closest parallel for MuFsie, 4ifarie or 4efarie, can be traced back to Luwian
this sign can be discovered in the local script of Side in counterparts (Arnuwanta-, Mukasa-) or Luwian onomastic
Pamphylia. On the basis of these observations it lies at elements (masana- “god”, Tiwata- or Tiwara- “sun-god”);
hand to infer that various groups of colonists from various the same applies to family names like Camitlna (< Luwian
regions in western Asia Minor, ranging from Lydia in the ® anta- “in front of”) and VelaveĞna (< Luwian walwa-
north to Side in the south, simply have taken (features of) “lion”), be it that the diagnostic element -na- though
their script with them.295 originating from Luwian hieroglyphic ná- “son”301  is an
The colonists not only introduced their own type of Etruscan innovation unparalleled for Anatolian onomas-
grave and their own type of alphabet, they also settled tics. Furthermore, Etruscan vocabulary shows many corre-
themselves, just like the Phoenicians and Greeks, in urban spondences with Luwian, like for instance the very
centres founded according to neatly circumscribed ritu- common verb muluvane- or muluvani- “to offer as a vow”,
als.296 An often heard argument in favor of the continuity the root of which is related to Luwian maluwa- “thank-
between the Villanovan and Etruscan Orientalizing periods offering”. Of a more profound nature are similarities in
is that the Etruscan cities are founded on locations where morphology (adjectival suffixes -s- and -l-), the system of
in the previous period Villanovan villages are situated.297
It should be realized, however, that the Greek colony in ted c. 700-675 BC which is not included in the corpus Rix 1991,
Cumae is also preceded by an indigenous Italic settlement see Woudhuizen 1992a: 158-61.
and that there is ample evidence for intermingling between 299 Cf. Vetter 1953.

the original inhabitants and the new arrivals.298 The same 300 Evidence for a Tar® unt-cult in western Anatolia is provided

by Lycian Trqqñt- or Trqqas (Houwink ten Cate 1961: 126),

whereas the remains of such a cult are indicated by the demos
295 Woudhuizen 1982-3: 97; for the Sidetic tsade, see Woudhui-
Tarkundara at Mylasa in Caria (Woudhuizen 1992a: 7, note 28a),
zen 1984-5b: 117, fig. 5. the epiklesis TarguƝnos of Zeus in Lydia (Woudhuizen 1990:
296 Woudhuizen 1998: 178-9. 101), and the heroic name Tarkhǀn as reported for Mysia by
Lykophron, Aleksandra 1248. The attempts by Briquel 1984: 181
297 Hencken 1968: 636. ff. (who does not even refer to the long standing [since Herbig
298 Müller-Karpe 1959: 36-9; note that there are also Etruscans 1914: 20-1] and well-known equation of Etruscan TarFna- to Lu-
wian Tar® unt- in a note) to dissociate Mysian Tarkhǀn from its
among the new settlers as indicated by the Etruscan nature of an
proper Anatolian background are altogether futile.
elite-cremation in the so-called fondo Artiaco dated c. 700 BC, see
Strøm 1971: 146 and Strøm 1990, and an Etruscan inscription da- 301 Woudhuizen 2005 : 19-20.

85
(pro)nominal declension (genitive-dative singular in -s or ern Asia Minor were involved in trade with the indigenous
-l, ablative-locative in --(i) or -r(i), nominative plural in -i, population of Italy for the same reasons as the Phoenicians
genitive plural in -ai > -e) and verbal conjugation (3rd per- (to be more specific: Aramaeans)305 and Greeks: the met-
son singular of the present-future in --(i)), the use of sen- alliferous (especially iron) nature of the regions of the
tence introductory particles (va-, nac, nu-), enclitic Tolfa hills near Tarquinia, Elba, and Populonia. This situa-
conjunctions (-c or -F, -m), negative adverbs (nes or nis), tion of precolonial offshore trade in Italy is described by
etc. On the basis of these features, Etruscan can be classi- one of our earliest sources with respect to the Tyrsenians,
fied as most closely related to Luwian hieroglyphic of the namely Hesiodos. In his Theogony, which dates from the
Early Iron Age (adjectival suffixes -asi- and -ali-, sentence 8th century BC, he informs us that the indigenous kings
introdutory particle wa-, negative adverb nas), but in cer- Agrios and Latinos ruled over the famous Tyrsenians who
tain aspects already showing developments characteristic live very far off mukhǀi nƝsǀn hieraǀn “in a recess of the
of Lycian (genitive plural in -ãi > -e1) and Lydian (dative holy islands”!306 The motivation to let these trade contacts
singular in -l1, loss of closing vowel in the ablative- culminate into actual colonization comes from domestic
locative ending, sentence introductory particle nak, enclitic difficulties: at the end of the 8th century BC Anatolia suf-
conjunction -k) of the Classical period. Finally, Etruscan fered heavily from the Kimmerian invasion, which over-
shows a number of deviations from Luwian which it shares threw the Phrygian realm of king Midas and terrorized the
with Lemnian, like the 3rd person singular ending of the Lydian realm of the tyrant Gyges.307 If you were living
past tense in -ce, -ke or -Fe, the vocabulary word avi(l)- along the coast and were acquainted with the route to more
“year”, and the enclitic conjunction -m “and”. Considering peaceful regions, this was the time to pick up your belong-
the fact that the Lemnos stele contains a dating-formula ings, board on a ship and settle in the metalliferous zone of
bearing reference to a certain Holaie from Phokaia, who is Italy, where, from a military point of view, the indigenous
specified as king (vanacasial < Greek (v)anaks) over the population was by far inferior!
Myrinians and Seronians, the places of which, on the anal-
ogy of Phokaia, are likely to be situated in Aiolia, these
Additional note: The Indo-
deviations may plausibly be ascribed to the dialect of the
Europeanization of Tuscany
indigenous population of Mysia.302 If so, the linguistic
evidence coincides remarkably with the results from our
There is archaeological and linguistic evidence for a still
archaeological investigation according to which we were
earlier layer in the process of Indo-Europeanization of
already able to posit a crucial role for Mysia in the coloni-
Tuscany than the ones discussed above.
zation process. Notwithstanding his mistaken chronology,
Thus in the early 3rd millennium BC, Tuscany is
Herodotos, while not telling the whole story in all its nu-
characterized by the Rinaldone culture. Typical for this
ances, has certainly transmitted a tradition which in its nu-
culture is the Tomb of the Widow at Porte San Pietro,
cleus may safely be considered historically correct!
which consisted of a single chambered stone-cut catacomb
We still have to answer the following question: why
did Luwian population groups from western Asia Minor
take the boat and sail to Italy in order to settle in the coun- tries to get rid of the un-Greek features by reading the combination
try of the Umbrians? In an attempt to address this question, of sigma and san in one inscription as sigma and four stroked uns-
temmed mu and by emending the sequence ]mi maion[ in another
it is important to note that the excavations at the island of
inscription as ei]mi + MN [in the genitive, but the four stroked
Pithecussae, alongside Phoenician (to be more specific unstemmed mu occurs only in inscriptions of later date (as in the
Aramaic)303 and Greek inscriptions, have produced what maker-formula ]inos m’epoiese from c. 700-675 BC) and the ver-
should be called proto-Etruscan ones dating to the period bal form e(i)mi, in all of its occurrences in Jeffery 1998, turns up
after the personal name it is associated with. Similar criticism also
of c. 750 to 700 BC.304 Apparently, the Luwians of west- applies to BartonČk & Buchner 1995.
305 Bernal 1991: 192 (with reference to Homeros, Iliad II, 783).
302 Best & Woudhuizen 1989; Woudhuizen 1992b; Woudhuizen For the distinction of Phoenicians at Pithecussae by their burial ri-
1998; Woudhuizen 2001a. See further appendix II. tes, see now Docter 2000.
303 Buchner 1982: 293. 306 Theogony 1011-6.

304 Woudhuizen 1992b: 154 ff. Contra Johnston 1983: 63, who 307 Sauter 2000.

86
grave of North Pontic steppe type, in which a man was north-Aegean and southwest Anatolia, introducing the Ori-
buried with his wife. The skeleton of the man was associ- entalizing culture (c. 700 BC onwards). And all this in a
ated with a stone battle-axe, copper daggers, an arrowhead, region which Massimo Pallottino in a lifelong effort would
and a pot. Skull injuries attested for the skeleton of the have us believe (and succeeded in making his fellow
woman suggest that she was dispatched on the death of her Etruscologists believe) to be the home of a pre-Indo-
husband to accompany him in the afterlife according to the European rest group!
likewise North Pontic rite of suttee. Other Rinaldone
tombs produced horse remains – a feature pointing once Postscriptum
again in the direction of the North Pontic steppe where the In an article about Etruscan origins which appeared in
animal in question was not only abundantly found but also BABesch 79 (2004) 51-7, the Etruscologist Bauke van der
suggested to have been already domesticated from the 4th Meer speaks out in favor of the orientalist thesis, but he
millennium BC onwards.308 does not choose between the two variant models of coloni-
From a linguistic point of view, it has been observed zation as presented here, viz. at the end of the Bronze Age
by Hans Krahe that Tuscany, with names like Alma, Ar- or during an advanced stage of the Early Iron Age: in fact,
menta, Aventia, Albinia, Arnus, Elsa, Auser, Ausenna, and he posits three waves of colonization in sum, namely one
Visentios, is included in the distribution of his Old Euro- c. 1100 BC, a second c. 900 BC, and the third c. 700 BC
pean river names.309 These names, which are based on (p. 55).
well-attested Proto-Indo-European roots, may well be
rooted in the 3rd millennium BC, as their overall distribu-
tion, as rightly stressed by Peter Kitson, coincides re-
markably with that of the Bell Beaker culture.310
Accordingly, the bearers of the Rinaldone culture are
likely to be held responsible for the given layer of Old
European river names in Tuscany.
All in all, then, there can be distinguished at least
three different layers in the process of Indo-Europeaniza-
tion of Tuscany: (1) the bearers of the Rinaldone culture of
North Pontic steppe affiliations (3rd millennium BC on-
wards), (2) the Osco-Umbrians and Latin-Faliscans, which
we have held responsible for the introduction of the Euro-
pean Urnfield culture in Italy (12th century BC onwards),
and (3) Luwian population groups originating from the

308 Mallory 1989: 93-4; 198-201; in my opinion Drews 2004: 15-

9 goes too far in discrediting the Dereivka bone cheekpieces as
evidence for horse control.
309 Krahe 1962: 304; note that Auser and Ausenna may have been
introduced later by the Ausones or Oscans, just like the Ombrone
is likely to be named by the Umbrians. The Tiber is the Etruscan
and hence latest name of the foremost river in Tuscany (< Luwian
Tiwat/ra- “sun-god”), which used to be called Albula (< PIE *albh-
“white”) in an earlier period, see Krahe 1964: 53.
310 Kitson 1997: 204-5; cf. Tovar 1977: maps 1-6 with Harrison
1988: 12, map 1. Note that Tuscany is not included in the distribu-
tion of the Bell Beaker culture, but the inclusion of the region of
Palermo, where a twin catacomb grave from the Aeneolithic
Conca d’Oro culture has been found (see de Vries 1976: 210-11),
may suggest a connection between the Bell Beaker culture on the
one hand and the catacomb culture on the other.

87
 11. THE AENEAS’ SAGA: ETRUSCAN ORIGINS IN PARVO

If we are right in our conclusion that Luwian population Euboeian colony Cumae,315 Aeneas and his Trojan colo-
groups from western Asia Minor colonized Etruria in the nists reach their final destination, Latium at the mouth of
late 8th or early 7th century BC, there may also well be a the Tiber.316
kernel of truth in the colonization by Trojans of the coastal Having pitched their camp in Latium, there evolves a
region of Latium as transmitted to us by the famous Ae- war with the local population, who want to get rid of the
neas’ saga. intruders. The war entails a truly epic coalition of forces.
According to Vergilius’ version of this myth, the Tro- On the side of the Latins fight the Caeretan king Mezentius
jans set out with 20 ships from Antandros, which lies at the with his son Lausus, who had been driven out of their
northern side of the same bay that also harbors Smyrna – hometown and had taken refuge with the Rutulians,
the starting point, as we have seen, of the Lydians in their Aventinus with followers from the Aventine hill, Catillus
colonization of Etruria according to Herodotos. From here, and Corus with followers from Tibur, Caeculus with fol-
they first go to the Thracian coast, where they build a city lowers from Praeneste, Messapus with Faliscan Aequi,
called Aeneadae after their leader Aeneas (in Hellanikos’ Clausus with Sabins, Halaesus with Osci from the region
version this first stopping place is specified as Pallene in of Cales and the Volturnus, Oebalus with Teleboans from
Khalkidike).311 Next, the journey proceeds via Delos to Capri, Ufens with Aequiculi, Umbro from the Marsian
Crete, where again the Trojans build a city, this time called hills, Virbius from Egeria’s woods, Camilla with Volsci,
Pergamea after Pergama – an alternative name of their Volcens with Latins, and Turnus with his Rutulians.317
hometown Troy. After this intermezzo, they move on to The help of the Greek hero Diomedes (Aeneas’ foe in the
the realm of Hellenus in Chaonia, Epirus, which is inhab- Trojan war), residing at Arpi, is called upon, but he refuses
ited by kinsmen who likewise escaped from Troy after the to join in. On the side of the Trojans fight Evander with his
fall of the city at the end of the Trojan war.312 Sailing Arcadians, declared enemies of the Latins, Tarchon with
along the eastern coast of Italy and Sicily, their next major an Etruscan army of undetermined origin, Massicus with
stopping place is the realm of Acestes in the region of Eryx followers from Clusium and Cosae, Abas with men from
and Segesta, northwest Sicily, where, just like in Chaonia, Populonia and Elba, Asilas with men from Pisae, Astyr
the population consists of kinsmen from Troy. As a matter with followers from Caere, Pyrgi and Graviscae, Cinyrus
of fact, in the part of the trip between Crete and Sicily the with Ligurians, and Ocnus and Aulestis with an army from
main concern of the expedition is to avoid the hostile Mantua. In sum, this basically Etruscan coalition is re-
Greek settlements along the shores and on the islands of ported to comprise 30 ships.318 The war ends with the
the Ionian sea. After their stay with Acestes, Aeneas and death of the leader of the Italic coalition, Turnus, by the
his companions are driven by a storm to the coast of Af- hand of the Trojan leader, Aeneas. (In the version by Dio-
rica, where they visit Carthago, the town newly founded nysios of Halikarnassos, Aeneas – who is married with
by Phoenicians from Tyre under the leadership of queen Latinus’ daughter Lavinia and rules both the Trojans and
Dido.313 From here, they return to the realm of Acestes in the Latins at the time of the war with the Rutulians and
Sicily, where games are held in honor of Aeneas’ father Mezentius – simply disappears, and the Latins subse-
Anchises, who had died there during their first stay.314 Fi- quently build a hero-shrine for him.)319 In the course of the
nally, after a visit of the underworld in the region of the following peace, preluded to in Vergilius’ version of the
myth, the native Latins will not change their name into

315 Vergilius, Aeneid VI.

311 Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 4 F 31; cf. Galinsky
1969: 111-2. 316 Vergilius, Aeneid VII.

312 Vergilius, Aeneid III. 317 Vergilius, Aeneid VII, 647-817; IX, 367-70.

313 Vergilius, Aeneid I; IV. 318 Vergilius, Aeneid X, 146-214.

314 Vergilius, Aeneid V. 319 Roman Antiquities I, 64.

89
Trojans, nor will they change their language and alter their in his version of the myth. Now, this heroon is connected
attire and customs, but the Trojans will sink down and with a grave from c. 675-650 BC, containing a few frag-
merge in the mass, leaving them only the introduction of ments of bone, some 60 vases of impasto and bucchero sot-
some new religious rites.320 tile, and the remnants of a chariot (see Fig. 16).325 Clearly,
Some of the elements of the Aeneas’ saga as summa- it was believed that the person commemorated by means of
rized above can be corroborated by archaeological, epi- the heroon had been buried in the grave underlying the
graphical or historical data. Thus, the reported sojourn of monument, which once again points to a date in the Early
Aeneas with his Trojans on the Thracian coast, according Iron Age of Aeneas’ arrival in Latium.
to Hellanikos in Pallene on the Khalkidike, is reflected in
the archaeological record by tetradrachms from the nearby
city of Aineia, dated to the period before 525 BC, which
depict the flight of Aeneas and his wife Creusa from
Troy.321 Next, their stay at the court of Dido in the newly
founded city of Carthago can only be dated to the period
after 814/3 or 813/2 BC – the historical foundation date of
the city according to Timaios.322 As the fact that, accord-
ing to Homeros’ Iliad, Aeneas already fought in the Trojan
war, which may well be assigned to c. 1280 BC, is incom-
Fig. 16. The Heroon of Aeneas at Lavinium (from Somella 1974:
patible with a visit by the same person of Carthago in the
Taf. VII).
late 9th or early 8th century BC, i.e. some 5 centuries later,
Dionysios of Halikarnassos, whose focus is on chronology,
More in general, the alliance of Aeneas with the
quite consistently rejected the historical validity of this
Etruscans finds its expression in the archaeological record
event.323 It should be realized, however, that we are deal-
in a scarab326 and a large number of vases from Etruria
ing with myth and that in this category of evidence epi-
with scenes from the Aeneas legend, dated to the late 6th
sodes from various periods can be telescoped into a single
and/or early 5th century BC.327 The Etruscan town of Veii
lifetime. Furthermore, the historical validity of one of the
even produced cult statues depicting Aeneas carrying his
adversaries of the Trojans in their war with the Latins is
father Anchises, dated to the early or mid 5th century
greatly enhanced by the discovery of an Etruscan inscrip-
BC.328 As it seems, then, the Etruscans considered the Ae-
tion from Caere, dated to c. 680/675-650/640 BC, reading
neas saga as part of their cultural heritage. It comes as no
mi Laucies Mezenties surprise, therefore, that the poet who fashioned the legend
into its most famous form, Publius Vergilius Maro from
“I (am) of Lucius Mezentius”.324 Mantua, ultimately originates from an Etruscan back-
Again, this evidence points to a date in the Early Iron Age ground, his family name being derived from Etruscan Ver-
of the vicissitudes of Aeneas and his Trojans in the west. cna-.329 Yet, the aforesaid heroon at Lavinium should
Finally, in Lavinium, 100 metres southeast of the 13 altars warn us against the oversimplified conclusion of Karl Ga-
of the Latin League, a heroon has been found dated to the linsky, written, it must be admitted, before this sensational
4th century BC, which has been identified as the hero- find, that “when Aeneas appeared in Italy, (…) he be-
shrine of Aeneas reported by Dionysios of Halikarnassos

320 Vergilius, Aeneid XII, 819-43.

325 Somella 1974; Ross Holloway 1994: 135-8.
321 Galinsky 1969: 111-2, Fig. 87.
326 Galinsky 1969: 60; 103; Fig. 44.
322 Der Neue Pauly, s.v. Karthago; cf. Dionysios of Halikarnas-
sos, Roman Antiquities I, 74,1. 327 Galinsky 1969: 122-3.

323 Loeb edition, p.160-1, note 1. 328 Galinsky 1969: 125; 133; Fig. 111.

324 Heurgon 1992: 24. Note that this name corresponds with Lau- 329 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Vergilius; Schulze
sus, the son of Mezentius, in the literary tradition. 1966: 101; 379; cf. Rix 1991: s.v. (esp. Perugia).

90
longed to the Etruscans.”330 Rather, we are dealing with a 3rd century BC, which carries the legend
genuinely Latial tradition, which radiated to south Etruria. Lare Aineia d(onum)
The earliest historical source connecting Aeneas with
the west is provided by the work of Stesikhoros (early 6th “Dedication to Lar Aineias”.336
century BC) as preserved for the Tabula Iliaca, which One of the outstanding deeds with which Aeneas is cred-
shows Aeneas with his father Anchises (holding the cista ited concerns his introduction of the cult of the ancestral
sacra) and son Ascanius bording a ship eis tƝn Hespe- Trojan gods, the Penates.337 According to the imagery, he
rian.331 Next, Hellanikos of Lesbos holds that Aeneas is responsible for saving the sacra of the Penates, carried
came to Italy from the land of the Molossians, either with either by his father Anchises in a cista338 or by his wife
Odysseus or after him, and founded the city of Rome, Creusa in a doliolum,339 from destruction at the time of the
which he named after a Trojan woman called RǀmƝ.332 fall of Troy. Now, Timaios (early 3rd century BC) informs
When the date of the foundation of Rome became fixed at us that the holy objects of the sanctuary at Lavinium were
753 BC, however, chronographers and historians faced the kept in a keramos Trǀikos “a Trojan earthen jar”.340
problem that one person could not possibly be staged as a Rightly, Galinsky connected this information with Livius’
combattant in the Trojan war and at the same time be held account that during the Gallic invasion in 390 BC the sa-
responsible for the foundation of Rome some five centuries cra of the Roman Penates were placed in two doliola,
later. Hence, authors from the 4th century BC onwards earthen jars.341 That the sanctuary of the Latin League at
prefer to attribute the foundation of Rome to a descendant Lavinium with its 13 altars, which, as we have noted
of Aeneas (or of a woman from his Trojan followers),333 above, lies at a 100 metre distance of Aeneas’ heroon, was
culminating into Dionysios of Halikarnassos’ calculation indeed dedicated (at least partly) to the cult of the Penates
that Romulus is the 17th in descent from Aeneas!334 This is confirmed by a 6th century BC inscription associated
process of filling up the time between the Late Bronze Age with altar no. 8, reading
and an advanced stage of the Early Iron Age is of doubtful
historical value: the Italic people had, for instance, no rec- Castorei Podlouquei-que qurois
ollection at all of the arrival of the ancestors of the Umbri-
“to the kouroi Castor and Pollux”;342
ans and Oscans in Italy c. 1200 BC. Rather, therefore, we
should face the fact that, as noted above, Aeneas as a hero the Greek Dioskouroi, namely, were identified in literary
and saint became associated in myth with widely separated tradition with the Penates.343 In Etruria, these were also
historical episodes. venerated as testified by an early 5th century BC inscrip-
Considering the aforesaid hero-shrine, the association tion from Tarquinia, reading
of Aeneas with Lavinium seems prior to the one with itun turuce Venel Atelinas Tinas cliniiaras
Rome. According to the inscription reported by Dionysios
of Halikarnassos to belong to this hero-shrine, Aeneas was
worshipped here as a god.335 Further evidence for an Ae-
neas cult is provided by a cippus from Tor Tignosa, 5
336 Galinsky 1969: 158.
miles inland from Lavinium, dated to the late 4th or early
337 See Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 69, 4 for

330 Galinsky 1969: 131. their identifcation with the Kabeiroi or Megaloi Theoi of Samo-
thrace.
331 Galinsky 1969: 106-7; Figs. 85-6.
338 See note 326 above.
332 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 72, 2; cf.
339 Galinsky 1969: Fig. 45.
Galinski 1969: 103.
340 Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 566 F 59; cf. Galinsky
333 Galinsky 1969: 142-3; cf. Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman
1969: 155.
Antiquities I, 72, 5.
341 History of Rome V, 40, 7-8.
334 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 45, 3; see for
the discussion of the intervening kings ibid. I, 71 and cf. Livius, 342 Gordon 1983: 76-7; cf. Galinsky 1969: 151; 154.
History of Rome I, 3, 6-11: all very shadowy figures, indeed. 343 Cassius Hemina frg. 6 = Servius ad Aeneid I, 378; cf. Galinsky
335 Roman Antiquities I, 64, 5. 1969: 154; Fig. 119 (Dioscuri) = Fig. 120 (Penates).

91
 “Venel Atelinas has given this to the sons of Tin”.344 the, according to literary tradition, related population of
Eryx and Segesta in northwest Sicily, some inscriptions
It is therefore no contradiction that the inscription of the
have been found, among which coin legends. One of these
Dioskouroi is Greek inspired, whereas the altars of the
coin legends consists of a bilingual, according to which
sanctuary are of Etruscan type.345 On the contrary, this
Elymian Erukaziie corresponds to Greek Erukinǀn “of the
threefold identification facilitates us to further explain the
Erycinians”; the other, Segestazie, shows exactly the same
popularity of the Aeneas’ saga in southern Etruria.
formation, but then for the town Segesta.351 Now, these
In our summary of Vergilius’ Aeneid, we have seen
Elymian legends are characterized by the Lycian ethnic
that as a corollary to the peace between the Trojan colo-
formation in -z(i)- (Sppartazi “Spartans”; Atãnazi “Atheni-
nists and the native Latins, there will, with the exception of
ans”) and likewise Lycian ending of the genitive plural -e1
some new religious rites, be no change of the name of the
(Pttaraze1 “of the Patarians”)352 – a combination which is
inhabitants of Latium, nor in their language, customs, and
also attested for Etruscan Kar-azie “of the Carthagin-
dress. Evidently, the Trojan colonists, in contrast to their
ians”.353 Apparently, therefore, the language of these par-
Lydian colleagues in Etruria, were not numerous enough to
ticular Trojans, and hence probably of followers of Aeneas
cause a language shift: at any rate the epigraphical evi-
related to them as well, was closely related to Lycian, i.e.
dence shows decisively that the current language remained
of Luwian type. This inference coincides with the fact that
Latin, not to say that there is not a trace of the language of
the place name Roma is based on the same root as that of
the Trojan colonists left. What could it have been? To an-
the Lycian heroic name Romos, being likewise derived
swer this question, it is interesting to note that the name
from the Luwian name for the stag-god, Rum/nt-.354
“Trojans” is used to indicate a motley crowd from various
To conclude, the main contribution of the Trojan
regions. Most explicit is the distinction of Lycians, whose
colonists is the introduction of the cult of their ancestral
ships are stipulated to be under the command of Oron-
gods, the Penates. Furthermore, there may be a grain of
tes.346 But there are also names of Lydian (Atys, Gyges,
thruth in the tradition that leading families of Rome traced
Palmus)347 and Thracian (Ismarus [of a Maeonian =
their origin back to a Trojan follower of Aeneas, like the
Lydian], Tereus, Thamyrus)348 type. Both latter elements
Atii from Atys,355 Sergii from Sergestus356 – a Phrygian
may be expected in the Troad, as the region was overrun
or Lydian name357 – , and the Cluentii from Cloanthus,358
by Thraco-Phrygians from the Balkans at the end of the
though the identification of Aeneas’ son Ascanius with Iu-
Bronze Age349 and under the control of the Lydians at the
lus, the ancestor of the Iulii, seems, on the basis of the
time of Gyges.350 The only hard evidence comes from an-
double naming, a little bit forced.359
other direction: Elymian. In this language, once spoken by

344 Rix 1991: Ta 3.2 (= TLE 156); note in this connection that ac-
cording to Myrsilos of Lesbos (3rd century BC) F 8 the Kabeiroi
of Samothrace are considered Tyrrhenian gods, see Lochner-
351 Lejeune 1969.
Hüttenbach 1960: 102.
345 Alföldi 1963: 266; Pl. XVI; cf. Woudhuizen 1992a: 194, note 352 Kinch 1888: 193-4; cf. Melchert 1993, s.v.

104. 353 Rix 1991: Carthago Af 3.1 (= TLE 724); Woudhuizen 1992b:
346 Vergilius, Aeneid, I, 113; VI, 334; cf. X, 751; XII, 516. 83; 90; 95.
347 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 568; IX, 762; X, 697, 699; cf. Gusmani 354 Herbig 1914: 28; Houwink ten Cate 1961: 128-31.

1964, s.v. (note that †q = p). 355 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 568-9; cf. Briquel 1991: 471-6.
348 Vergilius, Aeneid X, 139; XI, 675; XII, 341; cf. Detschew
356 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 121.
1976, s.v.
357 Beekes 2002: 214, with reference to Phrygian Surgastoy, see
349 For the Balkan affinities of the Trojan “Buckel” ceramic (=
Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: Dd-102, and Lydian Srkstu-, see Gusmani
Troy VIIb2), see Rutter 1975.
1964, s.v. For the related Thracian Sergesteus, see Detschew 1976,
350 Strabo, Geography XIII, 22, 1; cf. Pedley 1972: 19 (Milesians s.v.
asking for permission from Gyges to colonize Abydos on the Hel- 358 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 122-3.
lespont); note also with Briquel 1991: 83 that Daskyleion in the
Troad is called after the father of Gyges, Daskylos. 359 Vergilius, Aeneid I, 267, etc.

92
 (Lyrnessos) and -nth- (Sminthe).365 Evidently, we are
dealing here with settlers from Luwian speaking areas to
Additional note 1: Aeneas’ realm in
the south and southeast, who moved across the language
the Troad
border as determined by Dainis (< Luwian tƗini- “oily”)
being the indigenous name of later Greek Elaia (= harbor
In the preceding section, we have observed that Aeneas
of Pergamon)366 into a presumably Thraco-Phrygian mi-
and his Trojan followers boarded their ships in Antandros,
lieu.367
which is situated on the southern coast of the Troad, just
If our association of Aeneas with a Luwian speaking
south of mount Ida, looking out over the Aiolian gulf.
region south of mount Ida is correct, the information from
Now, Aeneas is particularly linked up with the region of
the Homeric hymn to Aphrodite that the Trojan language
mount Ida in the southern Troad, as this is the spot where
as spoken by Aeneas’ father Ankhises is other than Phry-
he is reported to have been conceived by Ankhises and
gian need not be representative for the entire Troad.368
Aphrodite.360 However, if we want to be more specific, it
Furthermore, his later relationship to the Etruscans in Italy
is interesting to observe that according to a passage in
receives a meaningful explanation as being one of a kin-
Homeros’ Iliad Aeneas is said at a time before the Trojan
ship nature!
war to have been driven from the Ida, where he guarded
the cattle herd, by Akhilleus, who next plundered Lyrnes-
sos and Pedasos in the plain of Adramytion – an attack Additional note 2: Dardanians: a
from which Aeneas is saved by the protection of Zeus.361 form of Etruscan self-designation
This passage, then, seems to suggest an association of Ae-
neas, not only with the region of mount Ida itself, but also Confirmation of our inference that the Etruscans consid-
with the river valley to the south of it. ered the Aeneas’ saga as part of their cultural heritage is
This very same region south of mount Ida with which provided by a set of eight identical Etruscan inscriptions
Aeneas seems to be associated, is also reported to be in- on three boundary stones from Smindja in the territory of
habited by Leleges and/or Kilikes. Thus according to one Carthago. These inscribed boundary stones were set up by
passage, Altes, the king of the Leleges, is stated to have his the followers of the democratic consul Gn. Papirius Car-
residence in Pedasos along the river Satnioeis,362 whereas bone from the Etruscan city of Chiusi who fled from their
according to another Eëtion, king of the Kilikes, once lived hometown to Africa in 82 BC after having sided with
in Thebes at the foot of the wooded Plakos, where he was Marius in the civil war between the latter and the ulti-
killed by Akhilleus during the latter’s afore-mentioned raid mately victorious Sulla.369
in the region.363 Both the ethnonyms Leleges and Kilikes The inscriptions run in retrograde direction and read
are indicative of Luwian speaking population groups – the
Kilikes for their origin from Cilicia and the Leleges for
their being identified with Carians.364 The latter inference
receives further confirmation from the fact that the region 365 Woudhuizen 1989: 194, Fig. 2; 197. See also section 7, note
south of mount Ida is characterized by place names in -ss- 140 above.
366 Starke 1997: 457; Högemann 2000: 10.

367 For the Thraco-Phrygian nature of the Trojan language, see

Gindin 1999 and section 13, note 520 below. For another Luwian
360 Homeros, Iliad II, 819-21.
speaking enclave in the Troas, cf. the Lycians under the leadership
361 Homeros, Iliad XX, 89-93; 188-194. This ties in with an ear- of Pandaros along the Aisepos and in Zeleia, see Homeros, Iliad II,
824-7; IV, 88; 103; 121; for the Lycian nature of Pandaros, see
lier section of the Iliad, in which Akhilleus is stated to have captu-
Homeros, Iliad V, 105 (LukiƝthen) and cf. Strabo, Geography
red Briseïs in Lyrnessos and to have demolished the walls of
XIV, 3, 5 reporting his temenos at Pinara in the Xanthos valley;
Thebes in the same plain, killing the local leaders Mynes and Epis-
furthermore, his name corresponds to Lycian *Pñtra- (Melchert
trophos, the sons of Euenos, Homeros, Iliad II, 688-93.
1993, s.v. Pñtreñne/i-). Both Luwian speaking areas are already
362 Homeros, Iliad XXI, 86-7. acknowledged by Gindin 1999: 261.
363 Homeros, Iliad VI, 396-7; 415-6. 368 Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 111-5.

364 Herodotos, Histories I, 171. 369 Heurgon 1969: 286; Colonna 1980: 4.

93
as follows:370

1. M(arce) “Marcus Unata Zutas

Vnata
2. Zvtas tvl(ar) (dedicated) the boundaries (of
3. Dardanivm the territory) of the Dardanians
4. Tins to Dionysos,
5. F 1000 (paces).”

In this text, then, the Etruscan settlers in question call

themselves Dardanians (Dardanivm, characterized by the
Latin genitive plural -om in Etruscan disguise),371 after
Dardanos, the mythical ancestor of Aeneas.372 Now, in
form of Drdny the latter ethnonym is first recorded as an
indication of the allies of the Hittites from the Troad in the
Egyptian memorial of the battle at Kadesh (1274 BC).373
Furthermore, Dardanians is synonymous with Trojans in
Homeros’ Iliad,374 and more in specific used here for the
followers of Aeneas.375 The ultimate homeland of their
mythical ancestor Dardanos is reported by the literary
sources to be situated in Arkadia in the Greek Peloponne-
sos – which coincides with our assumption that the inhabi-
tants of the Troad were kinsmen of the Thraco-Phrygian or
Pelasgian population groups of Middle Helladic Greece.376
Whatever the extent of this latter deduction, there can be
little doubt that Vergilius’ location of Dardanos’ ultimate
homeland in Italy results from a secondary intervention to
stage Aeneas’ peregrination as a return to his ancestral
lands.377

370 Rix 1991: Africa 8.1-8.8.

371 Colonna 1980: 3; cf. Leuhmann 1977: 428; note also the ad
hoc device for the distinction of the un-Etruscan sound [d] from
regular [t]. For the identification of Tins as Dionysos, see Woud-
huizen 1998: 26, note 56, but note that a mixing-up between Tins
(= Dionysos) and Tinia (= Zeus) – the latter being the protector of
the territorium according to the corpus of gromatici veteres (see
Camporeale 2003: 203) – in this late period is altogether possible;
for the interpretation of the symbol F as 1000 passuum, see Heur-
gon 1969: 285 and cf. Bonfante & Bonfante 2002: 184-5.
372 Der Neue Pauly, s.v. Dardanidae.

373 See section 13 below.

374 Iliad III, 456; VII, 348.

375 Iliad II, 819 ff.

376 See section 13 below.

377 Aeneid III, 167-71; VII, 205-11.

94
 12. PHILISTINES AND PELASGIANS

One of the most significant groups among the Sea Peoples Egyptian influence which typifies the Canaanite material
who attacked Egypt in the fifth and eighth year of culture from before the break does not recur. As it appears,
Ramesses III (= 1179 and 1176 BC) is the Peleset. This then, conquerors from the Aegean region (including Cy-
ethnonym, which has no earlier occurrence in the Egyptian prus), where Mycenaean IIIC1b is “en vogue” at the time,
sources, has been identified with the Biblical Philistines by have wasted existing Canaanite sites, driven out most of
Jean-François Champollion soon after his decipherment of the original inhabitants and settled themselves instead.
Egyptian hieroglyphic – an identification which goes un- Considering this close correspondence between literary
challenged up to the present day.378 Now, the Philistines and archaeological data, the projection of the Philistines
are generally considered newcomers in the Levant, settling back in time to the period of the patriarchs probably con-
in their pentapolis consisting of the towns Asdod, Askelon, stitutes an anachronism.386
Gaza, Ekron, and Gath at the time of the upheavals of the In the Papyrus Harris, Ramesses III claims to have
Sea Peoples. Thus the Bible informs us that they originated settled the vanquished Sea Peoples, among which our Pe-
from Kaphtor,379 which on the basis of its correspondence leset or Philistines, in strongholds bound in his name. This
to Akkadian Kaptara and Egyptian Keftiu is plausibly has induced scholars like Albrecht Alt and William Fox-
identified as the island Crete; or they are even straightfor- well Albright to assume that the settlement of the Philis-
wardly addressed here as Cretans.380 Moreover, they are tines in Canaan took place under Egyptian supervision.387
considered an alien race for the fact that, in contrast to the Rightly, Manfred Bietak pointed out that the absence of
local Semites, they do not abide to the rite of circumci- Egyptian influence in the material culture after the break
sion.381 Finally, the Philistines are reported by the Bible to indicates otherwise. Nevertheless, the continuity of Egyp-
have replaced the ancient Canaanite population of the Av- tian influence in the hinterland of the Philistine pentapolis
vim in their original habitat.382 might suggest to us that the Egyptian pharaoh maintained a
This information from the literary sources can be nominal claim on the land conquered by the Philistines and
backed up by evidence from archaeology. It occurs, considered them as vassals guarding his frontiers in like
namely, that the archaeological culture of Philistia shows manner as the Frankish kings did with the Normans in the
signs of discontinuity in the transitional period from the European Middle Ages (see Fig. 17)!388
Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age. Asdod, its harbor As duly stressed by Ed Noort, the break between the
Tel Mor, and Askelon are characterized by destruction lay- Canaanite Late Bronze Age and Philistine Early Iron Age
ers,383 and Ekron by at least some local destruction at the in the region under discussion is not an absolute one: the
time.384 The level after the destruction at these sites (with continuity of Canaanite pottery in the Philistine sites indi-
the exception of Tel Mor) contains locally produced cates that to a certain extent the newcomers from the Ae-
Mycenaean IIIC1b pottery – the hallmark of the settlement gean mixed with the local Avvim population.389 To this
of Sea Peoples – , which subsequently develops without a comes that four of the five place names of the Philistine
break into the so-called Philistine ware.385 Moreover, the pentapolis, viz. Gaza, Askelon, Asdod, and Gath, are al-
ready recorded for Egyptian sources from the El-Amarna
period.390
378 Champollion 1836: 180; cf. Gardiner 1947: 201.

379 Amos 9, 7; Jeremiah 47, 4.

380 Ezekiel 25, 16; Zephaniah 2, 5.

386 Genesis 21, 22-34; cf. Machinist 2000: 54-5; contra Gordon
381 Gardiner 1947: 201; Machinist 2000: 63. 1956: 22 and others.
382 Deuteronomium 2, 23. 387 Alt 1944; Albright 1975: 509; cf. Singer 1985.

383 Dothan 1982: 36; 43; 35. 388 Bietak 1993; esp. 295, Fig. 4.

384 Bietak 1993: 300. 389 Noort 1994.

385 Bietak 1993: 297-8. 390 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister.

95
 headed by a local magistrate called seren and that kǀba‘
was their word for “helmet”, which is usually compared to
Hittite kupa® i- for the same meaning392 – , whereas the
deities they are reported to have worshipped, Dagon, As-
tarte, and Ba‘al Zebnjl, appear to be of a local Canaanite
nature.393 What remains, apart from their characteristic
pottery, are only small hints to their Aegean origin: figu-
rines for house-cults as discovered in Asdod, recalling
Mycenaean counterparts (Fig. 18);394 hearths as unearthed
in Ekron, reminiscent of Mycenaean and Cyprian exam-
ples;395 chamber tombs at Tell Fara modelled after
Mycenaean prototypes (Fig. 19);396 altars with horns of
consecration from Ekron, again, suggestive of the Minoan
type;397 the headdress with which the Peleset are depicted
in the Egyptian memorial at Medinet Habu, which bears a
striking resemblance to that of glyph D 02 of the discus of
Phaistos, Crete;398 royal names like Yamani “the Ionian”
for a king of Asdod399 and ’kyš, related to either Akhaios
or Ankhises, for a king of Ekron;400 and, finally, the identi-
fication of Gaza as Minoa, which is substantiated by evi-
dence from coins, and of its local god Marna (= Aramaic
“our Lord”) as Crete-born.401
The question remains: is the Cretan origin of the Phil-
istines as related by the Bible historically valid? In order

392 Bonfante 1946: 258; Machinist 2000: 63-4.

393 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister; Barnett 1969:

Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peoples in the Levant and the re-
17; Machinist 2000: 59-61; 64.
mains of the Egyptian sphere of influence (from Bietak 1993: 295,
394 Barnett 1969: 17; Sandars 1980: 165, fig. 116 (with intermedi-
Fig. 4).
ary form from Cyprus); cf. Noort 1994: 134-7.
395 Noort 1994: 146; for Cyprus, see Karageorghis 1992: 81 (new
After their settlement in Palestine, the Philistines rose
to a position of power in the region owing to their military element during Late Cypriote IIIC).
396 Waldbaum 1966.
superiority over the local population, as exemplified by the
famous engagement between David and Goliath – which 397 Gitin 1993: 249-50; for Cyprus see Loulloupis 1973 and Kara-

the first mentioned miraculously won against all odds. This georghis 1992: 81 (new element during Late Cypriote IIIC).
military superiority of the Philistines was based on their 398 Reinach 1910; Hall 1926: 278; Gardiner 1947: 202; Bérard

monopoly of iron production in the region as recorded by 1951: 138; Mertens 1960: 83; Redford 1992: 252. A representa-
the Bible.391 In the end, however, they were outmatched tion of the feathered headdress has recently been found on sherds
from Askelon, see Stager 1998: 164, ill. A, a reference I owe to
by a coalition between the Hebrews and the Phoenicians,
Romey 2003: 68.
and became subject to a rapid process of assimilation.
399 Gitin, Dothan & Naveh 1997: 11; note with Weidner 1939:
There is little information about the Philistine language –
932-3 that the ethnic Iaman “Ionian” on the basis of the onomastic
we only know that the cities of their pentapolis were evidence may include reference to Lycians.
400 Gitin, Dothan & Naveh 1997: 11; Byrne 2002: 11-2.

391 I Samuel 13, 19-23. For the distribution of iron objects in the 401 Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Gaza; cf. Macalister
eastern Mediterranean largely neglecting Anatolia, see Buchholz 1913: 15; Gardiner 1947: 202; Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie,
1999: 710-11, Abb. 109-10. s.v. Philister; Strobel 1976: 160.

96
t o answer this question it needs to b e determined
whether Philistines can be traced on Crete. The answer to
the latter question is no. The only way in which we can ac-
count for a migration of the Biblical Philistines from
Crete is when the latter are identical to the Pelasgians
from Greek literary sources – a view first ventilated by
Etienne Fourmont in 1747 and since then defended by a
substantial number of scholars.402 The Pelasgians, namely,
are recorded among the population groups on Crete since
the time of Homeros, who, as we have seen in section 2, in
many respects reflects Late Bronze Age history.403 Now,
a b c
the Pelasgians are a population group which inhabited
Fig. 18. Figurines from (a) Asdod, (b) Cyprus, and (c) Mycenae
mainland Greece prior to the first Greeks, and were driven
(from Sandars 1980: 165, afb. 116).
by them first to Thessaly and later to the Aegean islands
and the western coast of Asia Minor. As far as the evi-
dence goes, the Pelasgians came to Crete under the leader-
ship of Teutamos (corrupted into †Tektamos in most
manuscripts), who married the daughter of the Cretan king
Kretheus and with her begat Asterios, the father of the later
kings Minos, Rhadamanthys, and Sarpedon.404 As king
Minos epitomizes the period of the Cretan thalassocracy,
the Pelasgian colonization of Crete must hence have oc-
curred before c. 1600-1450 BC. This emigration from
Thessaly to Crete can be backed up by toponymic evi-
(a)
dence, since the region of Gortyn in the Mesara plain is
characterized by a number of place names, like Lethaios,
Boibe, Magnesia, Phalanna, and Phaistos, which are also
recorded for Thessaly, whereas an alternative name of
Gortyn is Larisa – a typical Pelasgian place name.405
Moreover, Gortyn itself is based on the same root as Thes-

402 Fourmont 1747: 254; Hitzig 1845; Chabas 1872: 296,

Lichtenberger 1911: 28; Macalister 1913: 2; Meyer 1928: 562;
Georgiev 1950-1: 137; Bérard 1951; Wainwright 1962: 151;
Kitchen 1973: 56; Albright 1975: 512; Strobel 1976: 159; Singer
1988: 241-2; for further literature, see Sakellariou 1977: 102, note
8.
403 Odyssey XIX, 177; note that, as argued in section 2, the men-
tion of the Dorians in this passage probably constitutes a later in-
terpolation.
404 Andron of Halikarnassos in Strabo, Geography X, 4, 6; Diodo-
ros of Sicily, The Library of History IV, 60, 2; cf. ibid. V, 80, 1.
(b) 405 Fick 1905: 13-15; cf. Sakellariou 1977: 212; 137 (addition of
Pylǀros and BƝnƝ); for other instances of the place name Larisa
Fig. 19. Comparison of (a) Philistine chamber tombs from Tell connected with Pelasgians – to which may be added Larision pe-
Fara with (b) Mycenaean prototypes (from Waldbaum 1966: 332, dion in the territory of Hierapytna on Crete (Fick 1905: 11) – , see
Strabo, Geography IX, 5, 6 and XIII, 3, 2 f.; cf. Sakellariou 1977:
Ill. 1; 336, Ills. 11-14).
133-4.

97
salian Gyrtone.406 On the basis of this evidence, the Pelas- enough from Troy to justify the use of the word tƝle “far
gians referred to by Homeros are likely to be considered as away (from his home town Larisa)” in connection with the
(a component of) the Late Bronze Age population of the death of the Pelasgian leader Hippothoos.411
Mesara plain – a region, by the way, which like the rest of
Crete is characterized by Mycenaean IIIC1b ware in the
period of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples (Fig. 20).407
Another advantage of the identification of the Biblical
Philistines with the Pelasgians from Greek literary sources
is that we can account for the alternative tradition as re-
corded for the Lydian historian Xanthos according to
which the Philistines originated from Lydia.408 This tradi-
tion has come down to us in two forms, both of which fo-
(a)
cus on the Philistine town Askelon. First, Athenaios
remarks that according to Xanthos the Lydian Mopsos cap-
tured Atargatis and sunk her with her son Ikhthys in the
lake of Askelon.409 Secondly, Stephanos of Byzantion
notes with respect to Askelon that according to Xanthos
this town was founded by Askelos, the son of Hymenaios
and brother of Tantalos, in the reign of the Lydian king
Akiamos.410
Now, these traditions only make sense if we realize
that the Pelasgians which in Homeros’ Iliad II, 840-3 sided
with the Trojans are plausibly situated by Strabo in the re-
gion of Larisa Phrikonis along the Hermos river – far
(b)

406 In casu Proto-Indo-European (= PIE) *ghordh- “town”, which

is also present in the Italian TN’s, reportedly diffused by the Pe-
lasgians, Croton and Cortona, Phrygian Gordion, Slavonic grad-,
etc., see Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 647; Phoenician qrt- as in
Carthago (< qrth̙dšt “New Town”), see Eisler 1939.
407 Schachermeyr 1979: 122-3 so-called “Nobelware” with “anti-
thetic horns” and “bird looking backwards” motifs attested for
Hagia Triada, Phaistos, and Gortyn; for Mycenaean IIIC1b exam-
ples of “antithetic horns” from Sinda, Cyprus, and Askelon, Philis-
tia, see Noort 1994: 122, Abb. 36 and 114, Abb. 37; of “bird
looking backwards” from Geser, Philistia, see Noort 1994: 115,
Abb. 38.
408 Albright 1975: 512.

409 Deipnosophistai VIII, 346e. Note that the personal name Mop- (c)

sos, which on the basis of the related geographical name Mopsopia Fig. 20. Late Helladic IIIC1b ware with “antithetic horns” and
originates from *Mopsops, belongs to the same type as Phrygian “bird looking backwards”: (a) Crete, (b) Cyprus, and (c) Philistia
Pelops, Phainops, and Merops, all showing as second element a (after Schachermeyr 1979: 160, Abb. 41a; Noort 1994: 122, Abb.
reflex of PIE *h3ekw- “to see”. Hence, the Phrygian place name
36; 115, Abb. 38).
Moxoupolis and the ethnonym Moxolanoi, with the breakdown of
the original labiovelar [kw] (cf. Linear B Moqoso) into velar [k]
like in Luwian hieroglyphic Muksas instead of into labial [p] like From an archaeological point of view, it is worth
in Greek Mopsos and Phoenician Mpš. For attestations of Mopsos
mentioning in this connection that the region of Larisa
in the intermediary regions of Pamphylia and Cilicia, see Van-
schoonwinkel 1991: 316-22.
410 Ethnica, s.v. Askelǀn. 411 Strabo, Geography XIII, 3, 2; Homeros, Iliad XVII, 301.

98
Phrikonis (in casu Pitane and Larisa itself) produced some The same root is also attested for the name of the leader of
Mycenaean IIIC1b ware (as we have noted above the the Thessalian Pelasgians in their journey to Crete, Teuta-
hallmark of the settlement of Sea Peoples in the Levant), mos, referred to above,419 and that of the grandfather of
reported to be connected with the foundation of Emborio the Pelasgian leaders in the Trojan war, TeutamidƝs,
on Chios412 – likewise inhabited by Pelasgians at the probably a patronymic.420 It is particularly relevant to our
time!413 As such, then, it is certainly possible that the Pe- purposes to note that this root occurs in the New Phrygian
lasgians, either from Crete and/or the west coast of Lydia form teutous and in the Thracian man’s name (= MN)
(especially for Askelon), are responsible for the introduc- Tautomedes, etc.421 Furthermore, Abas is the heros epo-
tion of Mycenaean IIIC1b ware in Philistia. nym of the Abantes, a Thracian tribe.422 Finally, Akrisios
If our identification of the Biblical Philistines with the and Proitos have closely related Phrygian counterparts in
Pelasgians from Greek literary sources applies, we enlarge the divine name Akrisias423 and the root of the magistracy
our basis for linguistic analysis considerably. According to proitavos,424 respectively. The impression we gain from
Herodotos, the Pelasgians of Kreston, who originated from these examples, is that Pelasgian, insofar as onomastics is
Thessaly, speak the same language as their tribesmen in significant in this respect, may well be an Indo-European
Plakia and Skylake on the Hellespont, who once lived with language of Thraco-Phrygian type. Further instances can
the Athenians.414 Thucydides adds to this information that be adduced to emphasize this point, like Adrastos,425 cor-
the Pelasgians of Akte, who are of origin Tyrrhenians once responding to the Phrygian MN Adrastos,426 and Arkas,427
living in Lemnos and Attica, are bilingual and speak Greek related to the root of the Phrygian patronymic Arkiae-
next to their own language.415 Now, as the Pelasgians in vas.428
mainland Greece appear to be ancestral to their kinsmen in The situation is different with the Pelasgians in west-
the north-Aegean region (and western Anatolia), it seems ern Anatolia. Thus, it is reported by Strabo that at the time
advisable to have a look at them first. An interesting tradi-
tion in this respect is formed by the story of the Pelasgian
Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 33; 652; 835; pace Beekes 1998.
king of Argos,416 Akrisios, son of Abas and brother of
419 See note 404 above.
Proitos, who in fear of his grandson Perseus flees from his
420 Homeros, Iliad II, 840-3. Note that the Late Bronze Age date
hometown to Larisa in Thessaly under the rule of the like-
wise Pelasgian king Teutamias.417 Here we encounter at of this onomastic element is emphasized by its presence in Linear
B te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro, see Chantraine 1958: 127.
least one clearly Indo-European name, Teutamias, which is
421 Haas 1966: 95; Detschew 1976, s.v.
based on the PIE stem *teutƗ- “society, folk, people”.418
422 Homeros, Iliad II, 536-45; Strabo, Geography X, 1, 3; cf.
Woudhuizen 1989: 196.
412 Mee 1978: 148; cf. Hope Simpson 1981: 206, who distin-
423 Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 91; based on the PIE root *akr-
guishes as many as three building phases in Mycenaean IIIC1b for
“high”, see Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 160-1 and cf. Sakellariou
Emborio.
1980: 207-10, or *ak̗er-, see Haas 1966: 145, 213 and cf. Gamkre-
413 Strabo, Geography XIII, 3, 3; Dionysios Pieregetes as presen- lidze & Ivanov 1995: 96.
ted by Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 59. 424 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: M-01b; Woudhuizen 1993b; based on
414 Histories I, 57. the PIE roots *pro “before” and *ei- “to go” (cf. Sakellariou 1980:
415 Peloponnesian War IV, 109. 207-10). For other instances of magistracies used as personal na-
mes, cf. Hittite Labarnas < labarna- “king”, Lydian Kandaules <
416 Since the expression Pelasgikon Argos is used both for the Luwian ® antawat- “king”, Etruscan Porsenna < pur-ne “pryta-
Thessalian (Homeros, Iliad II, 682) and Argive (Sakellariou 1977: nos”, Etruscan Camitlna < camthi (title), Etruscan Macstrna < La-
205, note 4) town of this name, Argos (< PIE *h2erg̗- “bright tin magister “magistrate”, Latin Lucius < Etruscan lucumo “king”,
white”) may well be considered a Pelasgian place name, which Phoenician Malchus < mlk- “king”, and, from Homeros, Palmus <
would add further substance to the Indo-European nature of this Lydian pal1ml1u- “kingship” and Prutanis < prutanos, again.
people. 425 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 13 (Euripides).
417 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 3 (Pherekydes of Athens, Frag-
426 Herodotos, Histories I, 34-5; Woudhuizen 1993b. Cf. Lydian
mente der griechischen Historiker 3 F 12); 4 (Hellanikos of Les-
AtraĞta-, see Gusmani 1964, s.v.
bos F 91); 29-30 (Apollodoros of Athens); cf. 23 (Kallimachos);
160 (general discussion). 427 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 68 (Hesychius Alexandrinus).

418 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 151-3; Sakellariou 1977: 132-3; 428 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: M-01a; Woudhuizen 1993b.

99
of their foundation of Kume, the Aiolian Greeks have to one finds evidence for Pelasgians as well.437 Apparently,
cope with the resistence of the local Pelasgians under the Thucydides is right in considering the Tyrrhenians a sub-
leadership of Piasos.429 The latter personal name is clearly group of the Pelasgians – who after all have a wider distri-
based on the root of Luwian piya- “to give” as present in bution over the Aegean. In line with this deduction, the
Luwian names of the type Piyamaradus and Natrbije1mi- Lemnos stele (c. 600 BC), which is generally agreed to be
(= the Lycian equivalent of Greek Apollodoros or Apollo- conducted in the Tyrrhenian language, may inform us
dotos).430 An Anatolian background seems also plausible about Pelasgian just as well. At any rate, the two versions
for the Pelasgians who according to Hellanikos of Lesbos of the dating formula inform us that the monument was
under the leadership of Nanas, son of Teutamides, are re- erected during the reign of the Phokaian Holaie (= Pelas-
ported to have colonized Cortona in Italy.431 At any rate, gian Holaias!),438 who is specified as king over the
the personal name Nanas, which is paralleled for Lydian, Myrinians and Seronians in the Aiolian coastal zone of
Lycian, and Cilician sources, ultimately originates from Mysia – i.e. precisely the region where we situate the Pe-
the Luwian kinship term nani- “brother” – a typical Lu- lasgian allies of the Trojans at the time of the Trojan war
wian reflex of PIE *n-g̗enh1-.432 Finally, it deserves atten- (see above).439 Now, the language of the Lemnos stele
tion in this connection that the king of the Pelasgians at shows some features, like the titular expression *vanaca-
Lemnos at the time of the invasion by the Athenian “king” and the 3rd person singular of the past tense in -ke,
Miltiades (c. 510 BC) is called Hermǀn433 – a name paral- which are unparalleled for Luwian and rather point to a re-
leled for a Lydian king434 and likely to be based upon the lationship with Phrygian (dating formula midai lavagtaei
Luwian onomastic element Arma-.435 If we confine our- vanaktei “during the military leadership and kingship of
selves to this latter class of evidence, the Pelasgian lan- Midas”)440 and/or Greek (Mycenaean wa-na-ka, Homeric
guage might well come into consideration as an Indo- anaks “king”; kappa-perfectum).441 This relation of the
European vernacular of Luwian type. Tyrrhenian or Pelasgian language with (pre-)Greek can be
Is it feasible to assume that the Pelasgians from further illustrated by pointing to the correspondence of
Greece, who at the outset spoke a Thraco-Phrygian lan- Etruscan hu- “4”, netĞvis or netsvis “haruspex”, puia
guage, with the change of their habitat to western Anatolia “wife”, pur-ne or purtsna “prytanis”, turan (form of ad-
also went over to speak a Luwian dialect? We can go into
this matter a little further if we realize that the distinction rodotos, Histories I, 94 (Lydia), and Konon, Fragmente der grie-
of the Pelasgians from the Tyrrhenians is a futile one: for chischen Historiker 26 F 1 (Kyzikos), cf. Schachermeyr 1929:
almost every location where Tyrrhenians are attested,436 262-76, Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Tyrrhener, and
Beekes 2002: 226-7.
437 Herodotos, Histories I, 137-40 (Attica, Lemnos), ibid. I, 57

429 Geography XIII, 3, 3. (Kreston in Akte), Diodoros of Sicily, The Library of History 5, 2,
4 (Lesbos), Herodotos, Histories V, 26, Antikleides of Athens in
430 Laroche 1966, s.v. Piyamaradu-; Carruba 2002: 76-7; 81-2.
Strabo, Geography V, 2, 4 (Imbros), Dionysios Periegetes (Sa-
431 As preserved by Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiqui- mos), Menekrates of Elaia (Mykale in Caria), Strabo, Geography
XIII, 3, 2-3 (Larisa Phrikonis), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem
ties I, 28, 3.
(Adramyttion), Konon, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 26
432 Neumann 1991: 65; Woudhuizen 1998-9; contra Beekes 2002: F 1 (Antandros, Kyzikos), cf. Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960, passim.
222 (“Lallname”). 438 Fick 1905: 104.
433 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 61 (Zenobius Paroemiographus 3,
439 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 139-53; Woudhuizen 1998: 109-
85).
11. For the settlement of Lemnos by Pelasgians from the east, in
434 Strabo, Geography XIII, 1, 65; Beekes 2002: 214. casu Tenedos, see Hellanikos of Lesbos Fragmente der griechis-
435 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 131-4. chen Historiker 4, 71 (not in Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960). Proba-
bly, this took place in the late 8th or early 7th century BC – the
436 Thucydides, Peloponnesian War IV, 109 (Attica, Lemnos, foundation date of Hephaistia, see Beschi 1994; cf. Beekes 2001:
Akte), Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Metaon = town na- 362.
med after the Tyrrhenian Metas (Lesbos), Philogoros, frg. 5 (Im- 440 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: M-01; Woudhuizen 1993a: 2.
bros), Neanthes, frg. 30: the brother of Pythagoras is called
TurrƝnos (Samos), Suidas, s.v. Termeria kaka (Termerion on the 441 Charsekin 1963: 28; 48; 65 compares Etruscan turuce to Greek
coast of Caria), Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Elymia dedǀrƝke (< dǀrein “to give”); for code-mixing in a bilingual envi-
(coast of Macedonia), Lycophron, Alexandra 1245-9 (Mysia), He- ronment, see Adams, Janse & Swain 2002.

100
dress of Aphrodite), to (pre-)Greek HuttƝnia “Tetrapolis”, wards,448 but in the course of time spread all over the is-
nƝdus “entrails”, opuiǀ “to take as wife”, prutanis “ruler”, land and, in the time of the Minoan thalassocracy, even
and turannos “tyrant”, respectively.442 On the basis of this beyond to the islands in the Aegean, Ayios Stephanos in
evidence, then, it may safely be concluded that the Tyrrhe- mainland Greece, and Miletos and Troy in western Asia
nian or Pelasgian ancestors of the later Etruscans, although Minor.449 As first suggested by Cyrus Gordon, Linear A is
basically speaking a Luwian vernacular at least since the used to write a Semitic language. Thus, Gordon pointed
time of their move to western Anatolia,443 had a long his- out that the Linear A equivalent in the Hagia Triada (=
tory of contact with (pre-)Greek, which can only be ac- HT) corpus of Linear B to-so “total”, in his reading with
counted for if the literary tradition about the original Linear B values ku-ro, corresponds to Hebrew kull “all”.
habitat of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Attica is historically Furthermore, he convincingly identified pot names, which
valid.444 appear in direct association with their image on tablet HT
What remains to be discussed is the language of the 31, with Semitic counterparts.450 This work was supple-
Pelasgians whom we have seen reason to identify as (a mented by Jan Best, who, amongst others, showed that the
component of) the Late Bronze Age population of the Me- Linear A equivalents in the HT corpus of Linear B a-pu-
sara plain in Crete. Now, there are three types of script re- do-si “delivery” and o-pe-ro “deficit” read, with their
corded for Crete: hieroglyphic, Linear A, and Linear B. Of original Linear A values, te-lnj and ki-lnj, which forms re-
these, Linear B is either introduced from the Greek call Akkadian tƝlû “Einkünfte, Ertrag” and kalû(m) as in
mainland or developed at Knossos after the period of the eqla kalû(m) “Pachtabgabe schuldig bleiben”, respec-
desastrous Santorini-eruption at the end of Late Minoan IB tively.451 In addition to this, he compared the transaction
(c. 1450 BC), which marks the end of the Minoan thalas- term pu-knj in HT 31 to Akkadian pnj® u “exchange” and
socracy and presents the Mycenaean Greeks the opportu- the element pnj-tnj, which is used in association with ku-lnj
nity to take over control of the weakened island. It is found on the back side of tablet HT 122 in a similar way as Lin-
mainly in the palace of Knossos, but also at Khania.445 ear B pa with to-so for to-so-pa “grand total”, to Akkadian
Since its decipherment by the British architect Michael pnjtu “front side”, leading to the interpretation of pnj-tu-ku-
Ventris in 1952, we know that it is used to write an early lnj as “total with the front side included”.452 Definite proof,
form of the Greek language, the so-called Mycenaean however, of the west-Semitic nature of the language of
Greek.446 Simultaneously with the Linear B archives at Linear A came with Best’s unravelling of the libation for-
Knossos, which date to the period of Late Minoan II to mula frequently attested for wash-hand stone-basins from
Late Minoan IIIA1/2 ( c. 1450-1350 BC), modest Linear A peak-sanctuaries destroyed at the end of Middle Minoan III
archives of about 150 tablets in sum are found in Hagia (c. 1600 BC), which presents a full phrase and reads
Triada – the harbor town of the palace of Phaistos in the
(y)a-ta-nnj-tƯ wa/u-ya (y)a-dƯ ® i-t e-te (y)a-sa-sa-ra-
Mesara.447 This latter script is recorded for Phaistos from
the Middle Minoan II period (c. 1800-1700 BC) on- ma/e

“I have given (Ugaritic ytn/’tn, -t) and (Ugaritic w/u, -

442 Schachermeyr 1929: 248; van der Meer 1992: 68; see further y) my hand (Ugaritic yd/d, -Ư) has made an expiatory
appendix II. offering (Ugaritic ® t , -t), Oh Assara (Hebrew GN
443 See section 10 on Etruscan origins above.

444 Note that if the story of the building of the wall on the Athe-
448 Vandenabeele 1985: 18.
nian acropolis by the Pelasgians (Herodotos, Histories VI, 137-40)
is correct, their presence in Attica can even be dated archaeologi- 449 Vandenabeele 1985: 18 (Kea, Melos, Thera, Kythera); Nie-
cally to the period of the 15th to 13th century BC, see Broneer meier 1996 (Miletos); Godart 1994 and Faure 1996 (Troy).
1956: 12-3. 450 Gordon 1957; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 1-7.
445 Hallager 1992.
451 Best 1973: 54-5.
446 Ventris & Chadwick 1973.
452 Best 2000: 29, note 8. For the identification of the transaction
447 Best 1981b: 37-45; Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & on HT 31 as an exchange of tens of vessels for silver and hundreds
Woudhuizen 2004, section 3. For the Hagia Triada tablets, see and thousands of vessels for gold, respectively, see Best & Woud-
Meijer 1982. huizen 1989: 1-7.

101
 Asherah, Ugaritic y-, -m)!”.453 ing in hieroglyphs, like that of Linear A, is discontinued –
having succumbed to the Mycenaean koinƝ.
As a final eample, it deserves our attention that even Among the earliest hieroglyphic seals, there is a small
the typical Semitic dative by the prefix l is attested for group with the so-called libation formula – one example
Linear A in form of a-re as occurring in the phrase stemming from the Mesara plain – , which is connected
with the later Linear A formula discussed above and con-
a-ta-nu-tƯ de-ka a-re ma-re-na ti-ti-ku
sists of hieroglyphic forerunners of Linear A signs from its

“I, Titikos, have given this to our guild-master” final section, reading with the Linear A values a-sa-sa-ra-
me “Oh Assara!”. On the basis of the presence of a corre-
on a pithos from Epano Zakro, usually assigned to the the sponding form of the Ugaritic emphatic particle -m, the
end of Late Minoan IB (c. 1450 BC).454 language of this text may be identified as Semitic.459 For
However, the fact that Linear A records a west- our understanding of the hieroglyphic inscriptions more in
Semitic language is not the end of our inquiry into the lan- general, however, it is important to realize that the signary
guages of Crete. We still need to discuss the hieroglyphic is basically related to that of Luwian hieroglyphic from
script. This is found from the beginning of the Old Palace primarily southern Asia Minor and North Syria, which is
phase in the Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA transi- already attested from the beginning of the Middle Bronze
tional period (c. 2000 BC) onwards both in the regions of Age (c. 2000 BC) onwards.460 On Crete, the signs of Lu-
Knossos and Malia in the north and the Mesara plain in the wian hieroglyphic origin were supplemented by loans from
south.455 Hieroglyphic archives are attested for the palaces Egyptian hieroglyphic, like the bee- and “trowel”-signs,461
of Knossos and Malia in the Middle Minoan II (c. 1800- and, from Middle Minoan II (c. 1800-1700) onwards, by
1700 BC) period, when the script is even exported to hieroglyphically drawn signs from Linear A.462 This being
Samothrace in the north-Aegean.456 Most of the seals with the case, we should rather apply the term “Luwianizing”
an hieroglyphic legend consist of chance finds, and are for this class of Cretan documents. At any rate, if we fill in
therefore not archaeologically datable. But from the fact the Luwian values for their Cretan counterparts, we are
that some of the hieroglyphic signs are taken over by the confronted with three categories of evidence on the seals
Cyprians at the time they devised the Cypro-Minoan script with what I have called profane formulas: (1) titles, (2)
(= c. 1525-1425 BC), it can be deduced that the use of the names of places and countries, and (3) personal names.
script continued into the Late Minoan I period (c. 1550- Confining ourselves to the evidence with a bearing on the
1450 BC).457 Finally, the double-axe of Arkalokhori and Mesara, two seals are of importance to our purposes. In the
the famous discus of Phaistos, which bear hieroglyphic in- first place # 271 from Malia, which dates to the earliest
scriptions of unusual length, can positively be assigned to phase of the script (no signs from Linear A!) and reads:
the period of Late Minoan II to Late Minoan IIIA1/2 (c.
1. SASA UTNA/, 2. /sà-® ur-wa/ 3. la+PÁRANA TARKU-
1450-1350 BC).458 After this period, the tradition of writ-
MUWA

“seal (with respect to) the land (of) Skheria, king

453 Best 1981a; Best 1981b: 17-20; Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 26;
Tarkumuwas”.
Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 25; cf. Hiller 1985: 125-7.
454 Best 1982-3a; for yet another Linear A inscription with a-re, As Skheria can be identified as the ancient name of
see the gold ring from Mavro Spelio (= Best 1982-3b: 22-5). Hagia Triada, the seal, although found in Malia, nonethe-
455 Grumach 1968: 9; cf. Poursat in Olivier & Godart 1996: 31
who dates from Middle Minoan IA onwards.
tion.
456 Poursat in Olivier & Godart 1996: 29-30.
459 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 25-6; Woudhuizen 2001b: 608-9.
457 Woudhuizen 2001b: 610.
460 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 30-89; Best & Woudhuizen 1989:
458 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 137-8; Woudhuizen 1992c: 201; 65-137; Woudhuizen 1990-1; Woudhuizen 1992c: pl. 26; Woud-
Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004, section 3. huizen 2004a : 112-20; 129-43; Woudhuizen forthc. 1.
As the double-axe from Arkalokhori is dedicated by a ruler of the 461 Woudhuizen 1997; Woudhuizen 2002b.
hinterland of Phaistos from the time of the father of the sender of
the letter on the Phaistos disc, it antedates the latter by one genera- 462 Woudhuizen 1992c: pl. 24; Woudhuizen forthc. 1.

102
less informs us about the situation in the Mesara.463 The singular – used in the realm of the noun as well in the re-
second seal is # 296 of undetermined findspot, which for lated Cyprian dialect (te-lu sa-ne-me-ti “delivery to Sane-
the use of three Linear A signs may be assigned to the pe- mas”).469 Furthermore, in HT 28 and 117 mention is made
riod after c. 1800 BC and reads: of u-mi-na-si, which appears to be an adjectival derivative
of the Luwian hieroglyphic root umina- “town”.470 Finally,
1. SASA UTNA SARU, 2. PÁRA-tá-rú, 3. pi-ni, 4. pa3-ya-ki the functionary in the heading of HT 31 is designated as
“seal (with respect to) the land (and) official(s) (of) mi-ti-sa – an honorific title paralleled for Luwian hiero-
the Phaiakians, representative Bartaras”. glyphic texts.471 The Luwian nature of the primary lan-
guage of the inhabitants of the Mesara plain is further
Here Hagia Triada is referred to by the ethnonym examplified by the hieroglyphic inscriptions of the double-
Phaiakians (= Homeric Phaiakes), the root of which is also axe from Arkalokhori and the Phaistos disc, especially the
present in the name of nearby Phaistos.464 From a linguis- latter of which bears testimony of a local Luwian dialect
tic point of view, it is interesting to note that the personal (a-tu instead of à-tá “in”, u-pa instead of APA-à “after, be-
names are Luwian, the first corresponding to Luwian hind”).472 Now the Phaistos disc, which, as we have seen
Tarkimǀs or Tarkomǀs,465 and the second to Lydian Barta- in section 8, according to the reading and interpretation re-
raĞ.466 Furthermore, the title in the first instance is like- cently put forward by a Dutch group of scholars (cf. note
wise Anatolian, being identical to Hittite labarna-,467 472) consists of a letter to the Akhaian king Nestor by an
whereas the second seal is characterized by a Semitic title, Anatolian great king likely to be identified as
recalling Ugaritic bn in expressions like bn lky “representa- Tar®undaradus of Arzawa, is particularly of interest to our
tive of the Lycians”, etc.468 The impression we gain from purposes as it informs us that the king of Phaistos is called
this evidence is that the region of Hagia Triada and Phais- Kunawa. This name, which in the form ku-ne-u is also at-
tos in the Old Palace phase is inhabited by Luwians, who tested for the Linear B tablets from Knossos,473 bears a
adopted the Semitic language in religious and official mat- close resemblance to Gouneus, the leader of the Peraibians
ters in order to adapt to the international standards of the and the people from Dodona and the Peneios region in
time. Thessaly at the time of the Trojan war.474 To all probabil-
The foregoing conclusion can be further underlined if ity, then, we are dealing here with a Pelasgian personal
we take a look at the evidence from the Late Minoan IIIA1 name, thus confirming that there are Pelasgians among the
period. As noted above, the corpus of Hagia Triada texts is
conducted in the Semitic language. From slips of the pen,
469 Meijer 1982: 60; Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 123; Woudhuizen
however, it is deducible that the primary language of the
1992a: 96. See also section 5, note 90, above.
scribes happens to be Luwian. Thus, in the sequence te-lnj
470 Cf. Laroche 1960a: *228; Woudhuizen 1994-5: 183; Woud-
da-ku-se-ne-ti “delivery to Taku-šenni” from HT 104 the
huizen 2004a: 41.
dative singular is expressed by the ending -ti, which recalls
471 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 4. For Luwian hieroglyphic, see
the Luwian hieroglyphic pronominal ending of the dative
Karkamis A6, phrase 7; Kululu I, phrase 1; Sultanhan, phrases 1
and 13; Karatepe, phrase 1; Bulgarmaden, phrase 1, as presented
in Hawkins 2000; in the light of the Luwian hieroglyphic evi-
463 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 115-8; Woudhuizen 2004a: 139-
dence, the final syllable -sa is the communal nominative singular
43; Woudhuizen forthc. 1. ending. On the topic of code-switching in a bilingual environment,
464 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126; Best 2000: 29; Woudhuizen see Adams, Janse & Swain 2002.
forthc. 2; see further appendix I. 472 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 97-104; Woudhuizen 1992a: 11-41.

465 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 127. For an extensive treatment of the Phaistos disc, see Achterberg,
Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004.
466 Gusmani 1964, s.v. Bartara- (Lyd. no. 40).
473 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.
467 Laroche 1960a: *277; as a personal name, this title is used for
474 Homeros, Iliad II, 748-55; Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 76; 83.
the first king of the Hittites, Labarnas (1680-1650 BC); in variant
According to Simonides (= Strabo, Geography IX, 5, 20) the Per-
form of labarsa- it is already attested for the Kültepe-Kanesh
rhaibians (= Homeric Peraibians) are Pelasgiotes. Note that the
phase (c. 1910-1780 BC), see Woudhuizen 1990-1: 146.
Dodona in question must be the one near Skotussa in Pelasgiotis,
468 Gordon 1955: glossary, s.v. bn; Astour 1964: 194. On Cretan see Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 42. For further evidence on Pelas-
hieroglyphic, see further appendix I. gian presence in Crete, see appendix IV.

103
inhabitants of the Mesara plain at the time! question it is relevant to note that Pelasgians colonizing the
To recapitulate our evidence on the language of the north of Italy were confronted with Umbrians,478 whereas
Pelasgians, we have experienced the following. First, at the their colleagues preferring the south had to drive out
time that the Pelagians formed part of the earliest recorded Auronissi (= variant form of Aurunci, a Latin indication of
inhabitants of Greece, they probably spoke a Thraco- Oscans).479 Accordingly, the migration in question can
Phrygian language. Second, when – driven out by the only be situated after the arrival of the Urnfield ancestors
Greeks – they migrated to western Anatolia, the Pelasgians of the Oscans and Umbrians in Italy at the end of the
adapted to the local language and went over to speak a Bronze Age (see section 10), which means in the course of
Luwian vernacular, which, however, still bore testimony of the Early Iron Age. In southern Etruria and Latium, the Pe-
a long history with (pre-)Greek. Third, those Pelasgians lasgians are reported to have stumbled upon Sicels,480
which went to the Mesara plain in Crete likewise adapted which is more problematic to situate in the Early Iron Age,
to the local linguistic situation, using Luwian as their pri- because the latter were already kicked out of this environ-
mary language and Semitic in religious and official matters ment by the Umbrians and the Opicans (= Greek indication
in order to keep up with the international standards at the of the Oscans) apparently at the turn of the Bronze Age to
time. Evidently, the migrations of the Pelasgians were not the Early Iron Age.481 Their presence in central Italy at the
massive enough to alter the existing linguistic situation in arrival of the Pelasgians may therefore well be due to an
the new homeland. The latter conclusion ties in with the anachronism of our source, Dionysios of Halikarnassos,
fact that the Pelasgians in western Anatolia were not so basing himself on antiquarian relics.482
important as to enter into the Hittite records as a distinct As we have seen in the above, there is reason to be-
population group. As a closing remark to this section, it lieve that the Pelasgians in the Aegean region are actually
may be of interest to note that all three linguistic layers identical with the Tyrrhenians recorded for the same area.
discussed are demonstrable for the Philistines in their new This identification by and large holds good for their kins-
home in the Levant: Thraco-Phrygian in the place name men in Italy as well, but not in every case. Thus, the Pe-
Ekron, which bears witness of the PIE root *akr- or *ak̗er- lasgian presence at Caere is clearly distinct from the
“high”, Luwian in the personal name Goliath, which re- subsequent one of the Tyrrhenians, identified as Lydians.
calls Lydian names of the type Alyattes, Sadyattes, etc.,475 At the time of the Pelasgians, the site is called Agylla.
and Semitic in the divine name ’šrt “Asherah (with Phoe- When the Lydians attacked the site, so the story goes, one
nician feminine ending -t)” as recorded for Ekron.476 As it of them asked how it is called. A Pelasgian, not under-
seems, then, the Pelasgian ancestors of the Philistines pre- standing the question, saluted him in Greek: khaire. As a
served their ethnic identity during the period of the consequence, the Lydians believed the site to be called like
Mycenaean koinƝ (c. 1350-1200 BC)!
478 Justinus, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi
Additional note 1: Pelasgians in It- XX, 1, 11 (Spina); Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities
aly I, 20, 4 (Cortona); II, 49, 1 (ager Reatinus).
479 Dionysios of Halikarnasso, Roman Antiquities I, 21, 3.
Pelasgian population groups are not only recorded for the
480 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 20, 4-5; cf.
Aegean, but also for Italy.477 Of the latter, it is absolutely
Briquel 1984: 175, note 31 (Caere); 298-9 (Pisa, Saturnia, Al-
clear that they ultimately originated from the Aegean, and
sium); Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 21; cf.
hence bear testimony of migration from east to west. When Briquel 1984: 351-2 (ager Faliscus); Briquel 1984: 361, note 14
did such a migration take place? In order to answer this (various locations in Latium).
481 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 22, 4-5.

475 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister; Dothan 1982: 482 Cf. Briquel 1984: 300-1. Note in this connection the Sicel na-
22; Machinist 2000: 63-4; Indo-European more in general is the ture ascribed to Saturnus at Cutiliae in the text of an oracle once
genitive in -š as recorded for the patronyms in a Philistine inscrip- given to the Pelasgians about their future homeland and recorded
tion from Tell Gemme, dated to the 7th century BC, see Garbini on a tripod from their sanctuary at Dodona (Dionysios of Halikar-
1997: 244. nassos, Roman Antiquities I, 19), whereas, as we have seen in note
476 Gitin 1993: 250-2, with note 37; cf. Merlo 1998. 478 above, the population of the ager Reatinus, to which Cutiliae
belongs, in effect consisted of Umbrians at the time of its actual
477 For an overview, see Briquel 1984. colonization by Pelasgians.

104
this and rebaptized it Caere.483 Similarly, the Arkadians at Additional note 2: The inventor of
Rome headed by Evander, who are likely to be identified the trumpet: Tyrrhenian, Pelas-
with the Pelasgians reported for the same site,484 are
gian, or Lydian?
clearly distinct from the Tyrrhenians to the north at the
time of the arrival of Aeneas and his Trojan companions In his Geography, Strabo informs us about Regisvilla – the
(see section 11). As a final example of relevance here, it harbor of Vulci – that it once used to be the seat of the pal-
may be put forward that the Pelasgians at Pisa, called Teu- ace of Maleos, a Pelasgian king. After having reigned here,
tones, Teutoni or Teutae, are considered to be Greek this king is said to have moved with his Pelasgian follow-
speaking, whereas at a later time the dominant language ing to Athens.486 In line with the latter reference, it is in-
here became Lydian.485 teresting to note that a Tyrrhenian Maleos or MaleotƝs is
If we realize that the name of the leader of the Pelas- actually recorded for Attica in connection with the feast of
gians at Rome, Evander, constitutes a Greek formation, be- Aiora.487 Now, the Tyrrhenians who once lived with the
ing a compound of eu “good” with anƝr (G andros) “man”, Athenians were notorious for their piracy,488 and it hence
the distinctive feature of these Pelasgian groups as opposed comes as no surprise that an excellent site for piratical
to the Tyrrhenians appears to be their Greek or Greek-like raids like cape Malea is reported to have been named after
language. In the present section, however, we have experi- their leader Maleos. This very same Maleos, then, is also
enced that language is not a defining “criterium” for Pelas- credited with the invention of the trumpet – a handy in-
gians in the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age, as they strument for the coordination of military and/or piratical
may speak either Greek-like Thraco-Phrygian when in an action.489 (The dedication of a stone in the harbor of Phais-
European environment or Luwian when in an Anatolian tos to Poseidon is also ascribed to a certain Maleos, but we
environment, or even Semitic as a secondary language do not know whether this refers to one and the same per-
when in a Cretan environment to keep up with the interna- son.490 Note in this connection that in form of Marewa or
tional standards of the time. As such, the distinction be- Marewo (genitive) or Mareu the name in question is al-
tween Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians in the given Italian ready attested for Linear B inscriptions from Malia and Py-
situations results from secondary interference by later his- los, respectively.491)
torians. Nevertheless, it allows us to assume that the home- The invention of the trumpet, however, is not only as-
land of some Pelasgians must be sought in those sections cribed to the Pelasgian or Tyrrhenian Maleos, but also to
of the Aegean where Greek or Greek-like Thraco-Phrygian the Tyrrhenian Pisaios492 or Tyrrhenos or his son – which
was spoken at the time of departure, whereas that of others evidently keeps us in the sphere of influence of the Tyr-
in sections of the Aegean where Luwian or Luwian-like rheno-Pelasgians493 – or the Lydian MƝlas, a son of
then predominated. Finally, it deserves our attention that Herakles and Omphale.494 The latter name cannot be dis-
the Greek-like language of some of the Pelasgians in Italy
for the presence of the roots *h2nƝr- “man, strength”, *sal-
486 Strabo, Geography V, 2, 8.
or *seh2l- “salt” (as in the TN Alsium), and *teutƗ- “soci-
ety, folk, people” may further underline its overall Indo- 487 Hesykhios, s.v. Aiǀra; Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. AlƝtis; cf.

European nature. Briquel 1984: 264-5.

488 Hesykhios, s.v. TyrrhƝnoi desmoi and desmoi TyrrhƝnikoi; cf.
Müller & Deecke 1877, I: 79, note 31.
489 Scholiast ad Statius, Thebaid IV, 224; VII, 16; VI, 382; cf.
Briquel 1984: 266.
490 Soudas, s.v. Maleos; cf. Briquel 1984: 266.

491 Best 1996-7: 123 (who less likely connects Mareus, etc.).
483 Strabo, Geography V, 2, 3.
492 Photios, s.v. lƝistosalpigktas; cf. Briquel 1991: 365, note 92.
484 Eustathius in his commentary on Dionysios Periegetes 347; cf.
Briquel 1984: 456, esp. note 83. Note that according to Strabo, 493 Hyginus, Fabulae 274; Pausanias, Guide to Greece II, 21, 3;
Geography V, 2, 4 an Arkadian origin is already attributed to the cf. Briquel 1991: 322.
Pelasgians by Hesiodos. 494 Scholiast ad Homeros, Iliad XVIII, 219; cf. Briquel 1991: 332,
485 Briquel 1984: 304-5. note 53.

105
sociated from that of MƝlƝs, a predecessor of the Lydian
king Kandaules (= the one murdered by the first ruler of
the Mermnads, Gyges) who ruled in the second half of the
8th century BC.495 The Lydian nature of this name is fur-
ther emphasized by the attestation in an epichoric Lydian
inscription of Me1llali-, an adjectival derivative in -li- of
Me1l1aĞ.496
Given the relationship of the name Maleos to Lydian
Melas or Meles, the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian and Lydian tradi-
tions about the inventor of the trumpet appear to be not
competitive in nature, but mere variants of one and the
same story. Evidently, this story must be assigned to the
period in which Lydia was not yet a landlocked power, as
in the time of the reign of king Kroisos (559-547 BC),497
but still actively involved in maritime trade – with the Pon-
tic region as indicated by the Lydian supremacy over Aby-
dos and Daskyleion in the northern Troad recorded for the
reign of Gyges (687-649 BC),498 and with on the one hand
Al Mina in North Syria in the southeast (via Smyrna) and
on the other hand the island of Pithecussae in the south-
west as indicated by archaeological and epigraphical evi-
dence from the late 8th century BC. 499
Anyhow, whatever the merits of the Tyrrheno-
Pelasgian or Lydian claims, one thing seems clear, namely
that the priority of the use of the trompet lies with the
Egyptians, as in the reliefs of Medinet Habu we see an
Egyptian trompeteer coordinating the movements of a con-
tingent of foreign (in casu Sherden and other Sea Peoples’)
mercenaries (see Fig. 22b)!

495 Radet 1892: 76-9; Pedley 1972: 14; cf. Briquel 1984: 267;
Briquel 1991: 332-3.
496 Gusmani 1964, s.v.; cf. Briquel 1991: 333, note 58. According
to Gusmani, loc. cit., Lydian Me1l1aĞ (and hence the related Tyrr-
heno-Pelasgian Maleos or Meleos [Briquel 1984: 268]) derives
from Luwian Mala- as in Malazitis, see Laroche 1966, s.v.
497 Herodotos, Histories I, 27; cf. Briquel 1991: 85.

498 Strabo, Geography 22, 1; Pedley 1972: 19; Briquel 1991: 82-3
and note 285.
499 Woudhuizen 1982-3: 99-100, Fig. 7a-c (distinct type of mean-
der); Woudhuizen 1992a: 155-7, Fig. 2 (inscription mi Maion).

106
 13. TEUKROI, AKAMAS, AND TROJAN GREY WARE

The Tjeker of the Egyptian sources, who are mentioned course, possible that, like in the case of the Mycenaean
among the Sea Peoples attacking Egypt in the fifth and Greeks being called Tanayu “Danaoi” by the Egyptians but
eighth year of Ramesses III (= 1179 and 1176 BC), and are A® ® iyawa “Akhaians” by the Hittites, the Egyptians pre-
later recorded in the Wen Amon story (1076-1074 BC) as ferred a different ethnonym from the Hittites, but because
inhabitants of the region of Dor in the Levant, have been of the silence in the Hittite sources on this point we do not
identified with the Teukroi of Greek literary tradition by know for sure. What the Hittite sources do tell us is that in
Lauth in 1867.500 This identification was subsequently the reign of the Hittite great king Muwatallis II (1295-1271
taken over by François Chabas,501 and after him, the ma- BC) the region of Wilusa (= Greek Ilion) is reigned by a
jority of the authors on the topic.502 As a minority view, certain Alaksandus, whose name recalls the Homeric Alex-
however, it has been proposed by H.R. Hall to identify the andros alias Paris.507 Now, in Herodotos’ version of the
Tjeker rather with the Sikeloi of Greek literary tradition.503 story of the abduction of Helena, according to which an
The latter view received new impetus by Elmar Edel’s ar- unfavorable wind brings Paris and his company to Egypt,
gument that Egyptian [t] as a rule corresponds with the Paris is called of Teukrian birth.508 In this manner, then, a
Hebrew samekh.504 However, a serious disadvantage of direct link between Alaksandus of Wilusa from the Hittite
the latter line of approach is that the Shekelesh would re- sources and the Teukroi from the Greek ones can be estab-
main without proper identification. Moreover, the equation lished.
of Tjeker with the Teukroi receives further emphasis from As far as the ultimate origins of the Teukroi are con-
archaeological as well as historical evidence (see below), cerned, there are three different versions of myth. In the
whereas the one with the Sikeloi does not, for which rea- first place, we have the autochthonous version according to
son in the following we will stick to the majority view. which the heros eponym Teukros is the son of the river-
The Teukroi and their heros eponym Teukros are god Skamandros and a nymph of mount Ida; in this version
definitely at home in the Troad. According to Herodotos, his daughter Bateia married with Dardanos, the heros epo-
remnants of the ancient Teukroi are, under the name of nym of the Dardanians – as we have seen the Egyptian de-
Gergithai, still traceable for the Troad at the beginning of nomination of the inhabitants of the Troad.509 Secondly,
the 5th century BC.505 A problem is posed, however, by we have the Cretan version which holds that the Teukroi
the fact that the Teukroi are not straightforwardly associ- were colonists from Crete who settled in Hamaxitos510 and
ated with the Troad in our Late Bronze Age sources. introduced the cult of the goddess Kybele.511 In archaeo-
Thus,506 in the Egyptian list of the Hittite allies at the bat- logical terms, this version of the myth might be linked up
tle of Kadesh (1274 BC) troops from the region of the with the radiation of Minoan influence to nearby
Troad are referred to as Drdny “Dardanians”. It is, of Samothrace as deducible from the discovery of Cretan hi-
eroglyphic sealings of the “libation formula”-type, dated to
the end of Middle Minoan II or to Middle Minoan III,512
500 Wainwright 1961: 75. and even to Troy itself in form of Linear A inscriptions
501 Chabas 1872: 296.

502 Hall 1901-2: 184; von Lichtenberg 1911: 18; Wainwright

1961: 75; Barnett 1969: 19; Albright 1975: 508; Strobel 1976: 54; 507 Gurney 1990: 46.
Mégalomitis 1991: 811; Redford 1992: 252; cf. Gardiner 1947:
199-200 (undecided). 508 Herodotos, Histories II, 114.

503 Hall 1922: 301; cf. Gardiner 1947: 199-200 (undecided). 509 Apollodoros, Library III, 12, 1; Diodoros of Sicily, Library of

504 Edel 1984; cf. Lehmann 1985: 34-5 (critical, but undecided). History IV, 75, 1; cf. Strobel 1976: 50.

Edel’s view is now backed up by Drews 2000: 178-80, who here- 510 Strabo, Geography XIII, 1, 48; Strobel 1976: 50-1.
with withdraws his earlier (1993: 52, note 13) objection. 511 Vergilius, Aeneid III, 104 ff.; Vürtheim 1913: 4-8; Strobel
505 Herodotos, Histories V, 122; VII, 43. 1976: 50.
506 Barnett 1969: 4. 512 Olivier & Godart 1996: 30 (# 135-7); cf. Matsas 1991: 168.

107
found here.513 It is interesting to note in this connection section 7 above on the ethnogenesis of the Greeks we have
that Phrygian Kybele is attested in Luwian form Kupapa seen reason for Thraco-Phrygian population groups of
for a magic spell to conjure the Asiatic pox in the language Middle Helladic Greece who wanted to stay free to seek
of the Keftiu (= Cretans) as preserved in an Egyptian new homes among their kinsmen to the north and northeast
medical papyrus presumably from the reign of Amenhotep as a result of the arrival of foreign conquerors from the be-
III (1390-1352 BC) or one of his forerunners.514 Thirdly, ginning of Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC) onwards.521
there is the Athenian version according to which Teukros Which of these three scenarios applies, cannot be deter-
ultimately originates from the Attic deme Xytepê515 or is mined in the present state of the evidence. Therefore, it
staged as the son of Telamon, king of Salamis in may suffice for our present purposes to observe that ac-
Greece.516 As duly noted by Einar Gjerstad, this last men- cording to Greek literary sources “Teukroi” is the oldest
tioned form of the myth may have received emphasis from designation of the population of the Troad, followed by
the Athenian policy vis-à-vis Cyprus in the 5th century “Dardanians” (after Dardanos) and “Trojans” (after
BC.517 At any rate, from an archaeological point of view Tros).522
the mythical relation between the Troad and southern The literary tradition on Teukros also contains a num-
Greece might be reflected in the formal resemblance of the ber of what appear to be dim reflections of the Tjeker’s
so-called Minyan ware, characteristic of mainland Greece partaking in the upheavals of the Sea Peoples. Thus, it is
for the Early Helladic III and Middle Helladic periods, related that Teukros, after the sack of Troy and the ban-
with Trojan grey ware (from the beginning of Troy VI on- ishment from Salamis in Greece by his father Telamon,
wards)518 – a relation which in fact is so close that numer- visited Egypt where he received an oracle about his ulti-
ous archaeologists used the term Minyan ware for the latter mate destination, Salamis in Cyprus.523 Next, the story
as well.519 This would lead us to the assumption that the goes that Teukros visited Sidon on his way to Cyprus and
inhabitants of the Troad from c. 1800 BC onwards are received help from its king Belos (< Semitic Ba‘al “lord”)
kinsmen of the Thraco-Phrygian population groups of in the colonization of Salamis.524 Finally, tradition has it
Middle Helladic Greece – a thesis materialized to some ex- that Teukros takes Gergines from the Troad and Mysia
tent by Leonid Gindin.520 Note in this connection that in with him as prisoners of war during the colonization of Sa-
lamis in Cyprus.525 Considering the fact that Gergines is
an ancient form of Gergithae,526 under which name, as we
513 Godart 1994; Faure 1996.

514 Woudhuizen 1992a: 1-10; see also appendix III below.

521 The expansion of the Mycenaean civilization to the north and
515 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 61; Strabo, northeast coincides with population pressure in the direction of
Geography XIII, 1, 48; Vürtheim 1913: 8-11; Strobel 1976: 50. northwest Anatolia. Thus, according to Homeros, Iliad III, 184-7,
516 Euripides, Helen 87-8. Phrygian forces originating from the European continent had
already mustered along the banks of the Sangarios about a genera-
517 Gjerstad 1944: 119; cf. Strobel 1976: 52. tion before the Trojan war (c. 1280 BC). Furthermore, the Kas-
kans, who are characterized by a Thracian type of onomastics (see
518 Blegen 1963: 111 who attributes the introduction of grey Mi-
Woudhuizen 1993b: passim), became a growing threat to the Hitti-
nyan to the arrival of a new population. tes from the beginning of the Middle Kingdom period (= early in
519 Heuck Allen 1994: 39 with reference, amongst others, to the 15th century BC), onwards, see von Schuler 1965: 27. Finally,
Schliemann, Blegen, Caskey. Phrygian penetration into the province of Azzi-Hayasa to the
northeast of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa in the times of
520 Gindin 1999: 57-8 (Skaiai gates); 62-4 (KebrionƝs); 263
Tud®alias II (1390-1370 BC) and Arnuwandas I (1370-1355 BC)
(Laomedǀn ho Phrux, and his wife Strumǀ), to which may be ad- is personified by Mita of Pa®®uwa, see section 7, esp. note 146,
ded the Thracian nature of the personal name Paris, cf. Detschew above.
1976, s.v., and the Phrygian descent of Priamos’ wife HekabƝ
522 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History IV, 75, 1; cf. Apollodo-
(Iliad XVI, 718). Note that the analysis of Priamos < Luwian Pa-
riya-muwas by Watkins 1986: 54 is dubious and that the first ele- ros, Library III, 12, 1.
ment of this personal name is rather linked up with that of local 523 Euripides, Helen 87 ff.
place names like Priapos, PriƝnƝ and Phrygian Prietas as stipula-
524 Vergilius, Aeneid I, 619 ff.
ted by Kullmann 1999: 197 and Neumann 1999: 16, note 3, and/or
the root of the New Phrygian vocabulary word prieis “carae” as 525 Athenaios, Deipnosophistai VI, 68, 256b.
per Haas 1966: 225, the latter from the PIE root *priyá-
“(be)love(d)”, cf. Mayrhofer 1974: 18-9. 526 Athenaios, Deipnosophistai VI, 68, 256c.

108
have seen, the Teukroi were living in the Troad at the be- of the text (-mu “me”) in what from the context appears to
ginning of the 5th century BC, their being taken as prison- be a naval battle.532 This last mentioned passage strikingly
ers of war probably results from a rationalization which correlates to the information from the correspondence be-
tries to cope with the situation that Teukros, although be- tween the king of Ugarit and his superior, the king of Cy-
prus-Alasiya, as unearthed in Ras Shamra/Ugarit,
ing at home in the Troad, fights on the Greek side in the Il-
according to which the Ugaritic fleet is stationed in the
iad.
coastal region of Lycia, but enemy ships nonetheless have
Like the Philistines and Danaoi, a part of the Teukroi
broken through the defense line and are now threatening
evidently founded themselves new homes in the coastal
the coasts of the eastern Mediterranean.533 Anyhow, it is
zone of the Levant. At least, in the Wen Amon story from
clear that Akamas from Ilion in the course of events had
the first half of the 11th century BC, we are confronted
grasped the opportunity and turned his maritime profession
with Tjeker settled at Dor. According to Wen Amon’s
from trader into raider – a common change in the history
vivid testimony, they still were a maritime force to reckon
of Mediterranean shipping.534
with at that time, since eleven Tjeker ships were blocking
The expansion of the Trojans, first by means of trade
his way from the harbor of Byblos when, having accom-
to Cyprus and Ras Shamra/Ugarit, and subsequently by ac-
plished his mission, he wanted to return to Egypt.527
tual colonization to Cyprus, again, and the Levant, is
The maritime adventures of the Teukroi presumably
archaeologically traceable in the distribution of Trojan
dating to the period of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples
grey ware – not a widely desired export product, but evi-
call to mind the career of the Trojan hero Akamas as re-
dence of real presence of Trojan traders and/or settlers.
corded in Cypro-Minoan texts from Enkomi and Ras
This ware is found in concentrations on Cyprus, especially
Shamra/Ugarit dated to the final phase of the Late Bronze
at Kition and Hala Sultan Tekke, in Ras Shamra/Ugarit,
Age.528 Here we encounter Akamas at first in Linear C
and Tell Abu Hawam (= Haifa) in the neighborhood of the
texts as a representative of what appears to be the Trojan
Tjeker town Dor, in a variety dated to the late 13th or early
town Malos (between Palaescepsis and Achaeium, oppo-
12th century BC (see Fig. 21).535 The impetus for the Tro-
site the island of Tenedos) and of Ephesos engaged in
jans to find new homes abroad is formed by the invasion of
maritime trade, receiving goods at Enkomi529 and deliver-
their territory by new settlers from the European continent,
ing goods at Ras Shamra/Ugarit.530 Next, he turns up in
causing the destruction of Troy VIIa (c. 1180 BC)536 and
the more evolved Linear D texts as Akamu Ilu “the Ilian
the subsequent (in Troy VIIb1-2) introduction of buckle
Akamas”531 and Akamu Eleki nukar -ura “Akamas of
ceramic.537 Unfortunately, the Tjeker town Dor is not well
Ilion, the great enemy”, who in the latter instance is re-
excavated: at least it seems clear that the site was de-
corded to have defeated (tupata “he smote”) the principal
stroyed in the Late Bronze Age and subsequently charac-
terized by Philistine ware.538 As opposed to this, the
527 Pritchard 1969: 25-9; see section 5 above. nearby Tell Abu Hawam has been better explored and
528 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 108; 116-7; Best & Woudhuizen shows, next to a destruction layer at
1989: 53-4; 59; 62; 64.
529 Cylinder seal Inv no. 19.10, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 110 ff.;
532 Best & woudhuizen 1988: 105 (Tablet Inv. no. 1687, line 15);
115, lines 15-7; cf. section 5 above. Like that of Alexandros (<
Greek alexǀ “to ward off, protect” and anƝr “man”), the name of cf. section 5 above.
Akamas is of Greek type, being derived from Greek akamas “unti- 533 Hoftijzer & van Soldt 1998: 343-4, RS L 1, RS 20.238, and
ring”, see LSJ, s.v. This cannot be attributed to poetic license of RS 20.18; cf. section 5 above.
Homeros, as these names, next to in the Homeric epics, appear in
534 Ormerod 1924; cf. Woudhuizen 1992a: 117-8.
contemporary texts. Apparently, therefore, representatives of the
Trojan nobility had intermarried with Greek colleagues as early as 535 Buchholz 1973: 179-84; Heuck Allen 1994: 42.
the Late Bronze Age – be it on a voluntary basis or involuntarily
as examplified by Alexandros/Paris’ rape of Helena. 536 For the twofold destruction of Troy, first at the end of VIh (c.

530 Tablet RS 20.25, see Woudhuizen 1994: 519; 530, lines 1-2; 1280 BC) by the Mycenaean Greeks and then in the time of the
upheavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of VIIa (c. 1180 BC), see
15; cf. section 5 above. For Malos in the Troad, see Cramer 1971:
Schachermeyr 1980: 460 ; Schachermeyr 1982 : 106.
88. In line with a suggestion by Jan Best, the element ati in atipini
is interpreted as a reflex of PIE *éti “and” as represented in Greek 537 Rutter 1975, who likewise attributes the presence of this ware
eti, Phrygian eti- and Latin et, see Frisk 1973, s.v., as well as Cel- in southern Greece at the beginning of Late Helladic IIIC to Bal-
tic eti, see Delamarre 2003, s.v. kan invaders.
531 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 104 (Tablet Inv. no. 1193, line 3). 538 Dothan 1982: 69.

109
 Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan grey ware (from Heuck Allen 1994).

the end of the Late Bronze Age, some, no doubt sub- evidently prospected the site in the period of their
sequent, Late Helladic IIIC1b ware – the hallmark of the trade connections with the Levant and hence very well
settlement of Sea Peoples.539 If I understand Susan Heuck knew where to go to find themselves a better place to stay!
Allen correctly in that the Trojan grey ware arrived in Tell
Abu Hawam already before the aforesaid destruction
layer,540 the Trojans

539 Sandars 1980: 161; 165.

540 Heuck Allen 1994: 40; and note 8: Trojan grey ware is not
found in association with Late Helladic IIIC1b.

110
 14. THE CENTRAL MEDITERRANEAN CONTRIBUTION

Sherden as mercenaries in his army, for in the memorial of the bat-

tle of Kadesh, which took place in the fifth year of his
The Sherden541 are first mentioned in the correspondence reign (= 1274 BC), Ramesses II reports that a contingent of
of the king of Byblos, Rib-addi, with the Egyptian phar- Sherden fought on his side (“His Majesty had made ready
aoh, presumably Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC), as preserved his infantry and his chariotry, and the Sherden of His Maj-
for the El-Amarna archive. Thus a Shirdan-man is staged esty’s capturing whom he had brought back by victory of
in the context of a futile assault on Rib-addi, possibly as his strong arm”).548 On the basis of close scrutiny of the
the latter’s body-guard.542 Furthermore, Rib-addi com- Egyptian reliefs from the reigns of Ramesses II to
plains that people of Sutu – a contigent of mercenaries of Ramesses III, Robert Drews attributed the introduction in
the Egyptian pharaoh – have killed men of Sherdan.543 the orient of innovations in infantry warfare, like the round
The use of Sherden for their fighting skill in the Levant shield, the javelins, and the long slashing sword, which,
can be further illustrated by texts from Ras Shamra/Ugarit, when deployed in sufficient numbers, could outmatch the
roughly dated to the 14th or 13th century BC, where in al- up to that moment unchallenged chariotry, to the Sherden,
phabetic form t rtnm they occur in the context of t nnm identifiable as such by their characteristic horned helmet
“hand-to-hand fighters or skirmishers”, mrjnm “chariot (see Fig. 22).549
fighters” and mdrg̗lm “guardians”.544 Interesting detail is
that when specified by name, as in case of Amar-Addu, son
of Mutba‘al, the Sherden can be shown to be fully accul-
turated to their new Semitic milieu.545
After the El-Amarna interlude, the Sherden appear as
seaborne raiders of Egyptian territory in the reign of
Ramesses II (1279-1213 BC), who in the Tanis stele (a)
speaks of “the rebellious-hearted Sherden” “in their war-
ships from the midst of the sea”, “none [being] able to
stand before them”.546 This information coincides with the
text of a stele from Assuwan, dated to the second year of
Ramesses II (= 1277 BC), in which the pharaoh claims to
have “destroyed warriors of the Great Green (= the Medi-
terranean sea)” so that “Lower Egypt spends the night
sleeping (peacefully)”.547 As it seems, then, Ramesses II
had to deal with piratical raids by the Sherden early in his
reign. Having defeated them, he next enlisted the survivors (b)

541 Gardiner 1947: 194-7; Strobel 1976: 190-4; Lehmann 1979:

485; 488; 493-4, note 49; Lehmann 1983: 80-5; Drews 1993a:
152-5. Fig. 22. Sherden in the Egyptian reliefs from the reigns of
542 Moran 1992: 150 (EA 81: 16); Mercer 1939: EA no. 81. Ramesses II and Ramesses III with (a) long slashing swords and
543 Moran 1992: 201-2 (EA 122: 35; 123: 15); Mercer 1939: EA round shields, and (b) javelins (from Sandars 1980: 29, afb. 12 and
nos. 122-3. 32, afb. 14).
544 Loretz 1995: 128-32; cf. Drews 1993a: 155 (RS 15.103).

545 Drews 1993a: 155.

548 Gardiner 1960: P25-30; Drews 1993a: 131; cf. Breasted 1927:
546 Gardiner 1961: 259; Drews 1993a: 153; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. III, no. 307.
Vol. IV, no. 491. 549 Drews 1993: 178-9; 184 (with reference to Sandars 1980: 32,
547 Gardiner 1947: 195. afb. 14); 199 (with reference to Sandars 1980: 29, afb. 12).

111
 The story continues with the Sherden fighting, like pero. The latter argued that, on the analogy of the fact that
the Shekelesh, Ekwesh, Lukka, and Teresh, as allies or the original homeland of the Tyrsenians is traced back to
mercenaries on the side of the Libyans, who, under the Lydia by ancient authors, the Sherden are more likely to
leadership of their king Meryey, made an attempt to invade originate from western Anatolia as well, where the name of
the Egyptian delta in order to settle there in the fifth year the capital of the Lydians, Sardis, and related toponyms
of the reign of Merneptah (= 1208 BC).550 Subsequently, like mount Sardena and the Sardanion plain and an eth-
in the memorial of the invasion of the Sea Peoples in year nonym like Sardonians would be reminiscent of their pres-
eight of Ramesses III (= 1176 BC) at Medinet Habu, we ence.556 Accordingly, the Sherden were considered to be
encounter the Sherden both as attackers and as mercenaries on their way from their original home in Lydia to their
on the Egyptian side.551 The service of Sherden in the later home in Sardinia at the time of the upheavals of the
Egyptian army can be shown to continue into the reign of Sea Peoples.557 The revised view of Maspero has been par-
Ramesses V (1147-1143 BC), when members of this ethnic ticularly influential. Thus a cautious scholar like the Egyp-
group are staged as proprietors of land granted to them by tologist Alan Gardiner concluded: “Provisionally it seems
the pharaoh. As in the case of their kinsmen in the Levant, plausible to accept the identification of the name Sherden
the Sherden in Egypt by then had acculturated to the extent with that of Sardinia, and the identification of the name
that they all bore Egyptian names.552 Tursha with that of the TyrsƝnoi, but to regard Sardinia
The final mention of Sherden in the Near East is pro- and Etruria as much later homes of the peoples in ques-
vided by the Onomasticon of Amenope, which reflects the tion.”558 Similarly, Margaret Guido in her book on Sar-
political situation in the 11th century BC. Here the Sher- dinia, after weighing the pro’s and con’s, is inclined to an
den occur in an enumeration followed by the Tjeker and eastern origin of the Sherden.559 As we have seen in sec-
Peleset. From this enumeration one has deduced that there tion 10 above, there is considerable evidence that Mas-
were Sherden living to the north of the Tjeker at Dor and pero’s eastern origin of the Tyrsenians is correct. In the
the Peleset in their Philistine pentapolis at the time, in a lo- case of the Sherden, however, the literary evidence from
cation plausibly identified with Akko.553 In archaeological ancient authors to back up their eastern origin is absent:
terms, their settlement here may well be reflected in Late here Maspero’s thesis rests upon nothing more than a like-
Helladic IIIC1b pottery554 – as we have noted before, the ness in names, which might be spurious. It comes as no
hallmark of settlement of Sea Peoples in the Levant. surprise, therefore, that de Rougé’s identification of the
Having reviewed the history of Sherden in the Near Sherden as Sardinians can still count on some supporters
East, the question remains to be answered: where did they up to the present day, like Richard D. Barnett in his contri-
come from? As we have seen, the Egyptian sources inform bution to the third edition of the Cambridge Ancient His-
us that they came overseas. Now, two propositions have tory560 and Drews in his book on the end of the Bronze
been put forward as to the origin of the Sherden: the island Age.561
of Sardinia in the central Mediterranean and the region of As it comes to the actual facts, it must be admitted
Sardis in western Anatolia. The first option was proposed that these are meagre, indeed. The often referred to men-
by Emmanuel de Rougé already in 1867.555 Some years tion of Šrdn “Sardinia” in a Phoenician inscription on a
later, in 1873, his view was challenged by Gaston Mas- stele from Nora, dated to the 9th century BC, can only
provide us with a terminus a quo for the name of the is-

550 Breasted 1927: Vol. III, no. 574; Drews 1993a: 49.
556 Maspero 1873: 84-6; Maspero 1875: 195; Maspero 1910: 360,
551 Strobel 1976: 18; Sandars 1980: 106-7, afb. 68. For their pre-
note 2; cf. Burn 1930: 12-3; Gardiner 1947: 197-8; Redford 1992:
sence on the Egyptian side, see Helck 1971: 226, note 10, and
243, note 13; 246.
Drews 1993a: 153 citing from Edgerton & Wilson 1936: plate 29.
557 Hall 1926: 282.
552 Gardiner 1947: 195; for a full survey of the references to
Sherden in Egyptian texts, see Kahl 1995. 558 Gardiner 1947: 198.

553 Moshe Dothan 1986; Bikai 1992: 133. 559 Guido 1963: 187-91.

554 Bietak 1993: 297-8. 560 Barnett 1969: 12.

555 De Rougé 1867: 39. 561 Drews 1993a: 53-61; 70-2.

112
land.562 More revealing is the archaeological evidence pre- basis of C14 datings to the period between 1400 and 1000
sented by Roger Grosjean. He drew our attention to simi- BC, with a margin of error of 200 years.568 They give the
larities of the depictions of Sherden at Medinet with statue- impression of a society of which the members are proud of
menhirs from southern Corsica,563 depicting so-called their martial qualities and hence excellently fit for service
Torre-builders, who are identical with the Nuraghe- as mercenaries, in which capacity we encountered the
builders from Sardinia.564 These entail: (1) the helmet with Sherden in the Egyptian and Levantine sources.
horns, the latter element of which can be reconstructed for Remaining archaeological evidence is of a circum-
some statue-menhirs on the basis of shallow holes once stantial nature. As shown by Birgitta Pålsson Hallager,
holding another material;565 (2) the corselet with five rib- contacts between Sardinia and the eastern Mediterranean,
bons;566 and (3) the long sword (see Fig. 23).567 especially Crete, can be detected for the later Bronze Age
in the form of Mycenaean IIIB and C (including Late Hel-
ladic IIIC1b) material discovered foremostly in the nur-
aghe Antigori in the south of Sardinia,569 and, as later
distinguished by Joseph Shaw, Italian or Sardinian pottery
from Late Minoan IIIA2-B contexts unearthed in Kommos,
a harbor town in southern Crete.570 Particularly tantalizing
are the oxhide ingots with Cypro-Minoan signs from the
(a) nuraghi Serra Ilixi and Sant’Antioco in Sardinia, which are
variously dated between the 15th and 11th century BC.571
According to Guido, one of such Sardinian type of oxhide
ingot was found in Crete, where, in her words, it may be-
long to the thirteenth-twelfth centuries BC.572 As it seems,
then, Sardinia was a source of raw materials (copper) for
the international market (the Cypro-Minoan signs have
only meaningful use as markers for the handling of the ox-
hide ingots in the eastern Mediterranean!).573 Finally, it
deserves our attention that Sardinia constitutes a backward
area – note in this connection that a Bronze Age culture
(b) lingered into the Roman period – ,574 comparable to a third
world country in our present era, which is likely to provide
the more developed eastern Mediterranean with mercenar-
ies and raw materials.

Fig. 23. Statue-menhirs from Corsica: (a) Cauria (with horns re- 568 Grosjean 1966a: 90; cf. Grosjean 1966b: 190 (from c. 1500

constructed on the helmets), (b) Scalsa Murta (from Grosjean BC onwards).

1966b, Fig. 5; Sandars 1980: 99, afb. 60). 569 Pålsson Hallager 1985; Dothan & Dothan 1992: 214.

The statue-menhirs in question are assigned on the 570 Shaw 1998: 15; cf. Vagnetti 2000: 317; 2001: 88 who is more
outspoken about the Sardinian nature of the dark burnished ware at
Kommos.
562 Donner & Röllig 1964: 63, nr. 46; cf. Dupont Sommer 1948 & 571 Guido 1963: 110; cf. Muhly, Maddin & Stech 1988: 283, who
1974. consider the association of oxhide ingots with Mycenaean pottery
563 Grosjean 1966a: 70-1. likely, even though it is not straightforwardly attested. Note, ho-
wever, that Buchholz 1999 : 222 variously dates the oxhide ingots
564 Grosjean 1966b: 194. to the period of 1200 to 700 BC.
565 Grosjean 1966a: pls. 44-6. 572 Guido 1963: 110-1; cf. Pålsson Hallager 1985: 304.

566 Grosjean 1966a: pl. 46. 573 So also Buchholz 1999 : 229.

567 Grosjean 1966a: pls. 35-6; 40-1. 574 Guido 1963: 156.

113
 On the basis of the combined evidence from Corsica Tjeker.)581 Little later, we encounter the Shekelesh among
and Sardinia, the one presenting the closest parallels for the Sea Peoples who invaded Egypt in the eighth year of
Sherden as depicted in the Egyptian memorial at Medinet Ramesses III (= 1176 BC).582 In the memorial for
Habu and the other furnishing evidence for contacts with Ramesses III’s victory at Medinet Habu, the Shekelesh are
the eastern Mediterranean during the later Bronze Age, it distinguished by a special headdress, the “nach hinten ge-
seems viable to conclude that the Sherden originated from bogene Mutze”.583
this part of the Central Mediterranean. As to the origin of the Shekelesh, two suggestions
have been put forward. In the first place, de Rougé pro-
posed to identify them as inhabitants of the island of Sic-
Shekelesh575
ily.584 As opposed to this, Maspero rather connected the
The earliest attestation of the Shekelesh concerns their par- name of the Shekelesh with the place name Sagalassos in
taking as allies or mercenaries in the Lybian campaign Pisidia – a region in between the Hittite province
Tar®untassa and the Lukka lands in southern Anatolia.585
against Egypt as recorded for the fifth year of Merneptah
(= 1208 BC).576 In the count of the dead bodies after the Like in the case of the Sherden, the Shekelesh were as-
battle, the Shekelesh – together with the Ekwesh, Teresh, sumed according to this view to be on their way from their
and Sherden, and in contrast to the Peleset from the time of original home to their later home Sicily at the time of the
Ramesses III – , are specified as being circumcised.577 Sea Peoples. Maspero’s Anatolian thesis was enthousiasti-
Next, a representative of the Shekelesh turns up in cally received by H.R. Hall, who wrote: “The next tribe,
maritime trade as recorded by Cypro-Minoan cylinder the Shekelesha, are undoubtedly, as Maspero concluded
seals from Kalavassos (K-AD 389) and Enkomi (Inv. no. twenty years ago, the Sagalassians of Pisidia. (…) The
19.10), which we have seen reason in section 8 above to identification absolutely hits the nail on the head. (…) And
assign to the period of the Hittite domination of Cy- the Sagalassians are not too far off, as de Rougé’s Sicels
prus/Alasiya during the reign of Suppiluliumas II (1205- were.”586 It echoes on into recent literature, as in, for ex-
1180? BC).578 The man in question, Sanemas, singles him- ample, Ronald Redford’s monograph on Egypt’s relations
self out as the author of the Kalavassos seal, and hence can with the Levant.587 The problem with Maspero’s Anatolian
be shown to master the Luwian language. thesis, however, is that, as we have seen above, the Hittite
This peaceful episode is followed by one of maritime great king Suppiluliumas II happens to be unacquainted
agression. A first indication of this is formed by a letter with the Sikalayu or Shekelesh, whereas, as we have seen
from the destruction layer of Ras Shamra/Ugarit (RS earlier (see section 8), he is in full control of western Asia
34.129), in which the Hittite great king, who must be iden- Minor. In other words: if the Shekelesh were Sagalassians,
tified as Suppiluliumas II, urgently requests information the Hittite great king would have known them. Conse-
about the ŠikalƗynj “who live in boats” and about their quently, it seems preferable to opt for de Rougé’s solution
homeland Šikila from a certain Lunadusu or Ibnadusu who and identify the Shekelesh with the inhabitants of Sicily in
had been taken prisoner by them.579 (Note in this connec- the central Mediterranean.
tion that Sikalayu and Sikela are variant forms of Sheke- Now, Sicily was in contact with the Mycenaean world
lesh without the additional suffix -sh also attested for during the Late Bronze Age, as Mycenaean pottery has
Ekwesh and Weshesh,580 and that we have seen reason not been found in Sicilian sites. As argued by Pålsson Hal-
to follow Elmar Edel in his proposal to identify Sikela with
581 Edel 1984; see section 13 above.

582 Pritchard 1969: 262-3; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. IV, no. 64; Ed-
575 Lehmann 1979: 492-4. gerton & Wilson 1936: 53; Strobel 19 76: 14; Drews 1993: 51.
576 See note 551 above. 583 Widmer 1973: 73-4.

577 Widmer 1975: 71, note 23. 584 See note 555 above.

578 Woudhuizen 1992a: 94-145; Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6. 585 Maspero 1873: 84-6; Maspero 1910: 432, note 2.

579 Dietrich & Loretz 1978; Hoftijzer & van Soldt 1998: 343. 586 Hall 1901-2: 181.

580 Wainwright 1961: 72; see section 8, note 212 above. 587 Redford 1992: 246.

114
lager, these contacts may have been especially close with Peoples in the eighth year of Ramesses III (= 1176 BC).594
Crete in view of the amount of Minoan pottery discovered According to a proposition by François Chabas, they have
in Thapsos. Vice versa, Khania, Knossos, and Kommos in been identified as Oscans.595 In order to fully grasp the va-
Crete have produced Italian (no distinction is made for Sic- lidity of this suggestion, it is important to note that the fi-
ily) ware during the later phase of the Late Bronze Age nal -sh of Weshesh constitutes a suffix, also present, as we
(Late Minoan IIIA2-B for Kommos and Late Minoan IIIB- have seen, in Ekwesh (< Akhaia) and Shekelesh (< Sikela),
C for Khania).588 To this comes that the Sicilians are and that the root hence consists of Wesh-.596 Furthermore,
known to the Homeric world (which, as we have seen in in spite of its general derivation from earlier *Opsci,597 the
section 2 above, mainly reflects Late Bronze Age politico- root of the Italic ethnonym Oscans consists of Os- as ex-
historical conditions) as sturdy traders, specialized in the amplified by its variant form Aus- or rhotacized Aur- in
slave trade.589 Ausones or Aurunci, respectively. This root, then, is used
In our literary sources, the Sicilians or Sicels are as- in combination with the typically Italic suffix for the for-
sumed to have once inhabited the mainland of Italy, up to mation of ethnics, -ci (cf. Aurunci, Etrusci, Falisci, Graeci,
Latium and southern Etruria, and to have crossed over to Umbrici, Volsci, etc.). Alternatively, inspired by Mas-
Sicily either some time before the Trojan war590 or 300 pero’s pan-Anatolianism with respect to the homeland of
years before the arrival of the first Greeks, which means in the Sea Peoples, which led him to associate the ethnonym
the 11th century BC.591 They are specified to have been Weshesh with the place name Wassos in Caria, it has been
driven out of their original habitat by either Umbrians (to- suggested by Hall to compare the root of this same eth-
gether with Pelasgians) or Opicans (= Greek indication of nonym to that of the place name Waksos in Crete.598
the Oscans), who, as we have seen in section 10 and will The identification of the Weshesh with the Italic
further elaborate below, both make their entrance in the Oscans can be bolstered by archaelogical evidence. As we
Italian peninsula from Urnfield Europe at the end of the have seen in section 10 above, the Italic peninsula is char-
Bronze Age. Therefore, Minoan and Mycenaean ware acterized at the end of the Late Bronze Age by a new ma-
found in the Italian mainland may also be indicative of terial culture called proto-Villanovan, which, as convinc-
contacts of the Aegean region with the Sicels, or vice ingly demonstrated by Hugh Hencken, shows close
versa.592 According to inscriptions from the Archaic pe- affinities with Urnfield Europe and, as we have argued, is
riod, the language of the Sicels was closely related to likely to be introduced by the ancestors of the historical
Oscan at the time.593 Umbrians, Oscan, Latins, and Faliscans, whose languages
are most intimately related to Celtic and Germanic. Now,
as pointed out most recently by Shelley Wachsmann, the
Weshesh
fact that the boat(s) of the Sea Peoples as depicted in
The Weshesh figure only in the attack launched by the Sea Ramesses III’s memorial at Medinet Habu is(/are) charac-
terized by bird-head devices at both the bow and the stern
constitutes a typical Urnfield feature.599 As it seems, then,
588 Pålsson Hallager 1985; Shaw 1998: 15. For Cyprian material there were bearers of the Urnfield culture among the Sea
at Thapsos, see van Wijngaarden 1999: 362, note 48; note that Peoples, which conclusion only applies if we are right in
Drews 1993a: 218, basing himself upon Ross Holloway 1981: 87,
identifies Thapsos during the 13th century BC as a Cyprian trading
post.
594 See note 582 above.
589 Homeros, Odyssey XX, 382-3.
595 Chabas 1872: 299; cf. Reinach 1910: 36, note 3; Macalister
590 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 9; 16; 20 ff.
1913: 25.
591 Thucydides, Peloponnesian War VI, 2, 5; cf. Dionysios of Ha-
596 See note 580 above.
likarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 22, 5.
597 As based on Greek Opikoi and Ennius’ Opscus.
592 For the distribution of Mycenaean ware in Italy, see Buchholz
1999 : 83, Abb. 23. 598 Hall 1901-2: 184; cf. Reinach 1910: 36; Albright 1975: 508;

593 Vetter 1953: 359-60, no. 514 (Centuripa vase, 5th century Redford 1992: 246.

BC): bratome; cf. Oscan brat or bratom (= Latin gratum “pleasant, 599 Wachsmann 1998: 178; Wachsmann 2000: 122; cf. Kimmig
grateful”), see Pulgram 1978: 72-3; 151. 1964: 223-4, Abb. 1; de Boer 1991.

115
our identification of the Weshesh with the Italic Oscans. opments. Thus the devastations in Thessaly are likely to be
The connection thus achieved with the developments ascribed to warlike Balkan tribes bordering to the north of
in Urnfield Europe at the time, also go a long way in pro- the Mycenaean realm, always looking for an opportunity to
viding us with a model to explain the resurrections of the plunder their much richer neighbor. Furthermore, the sack-
Sea Peoples. The invasion of Italy by bearers of the Urn- ers of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa are likely to be
field culture – a true mass migration – caused great disrup- identified as Kaskans and Phrygians, who, when the
tion of peoples living in the area, as the displacement of smoke-screen had disappeared, turned up in great numbers
the Sicels living in Latium and southern Etruria mentioned along the Assyrian border at the time of Tiglathpileser I
in the above, who in turn were forced to displace other (1115-1070 BC).602 As an historical parallel for these de-
population groups in their search for new homes. More- velopments one could point to the fact that when Diony-
over, the finds of handmade barbarian ware either linked sios I of Syracuse wanted to attack the Etruscans of Caere,
up with Italy or Urnfield Europe in various locations of the he made a common cause with the Celts in their hinterland,
Aegean at the end of the Late Bronze Age600 and the who, just like the northern neigbors of the Greeks and the
growing popularity of the rite of cremation from that time Kaskans and Phrygians in Anatolia, were only waiting for
onwards,601 suggest that some of the invaders, like we pos- the opportunity to plunder the lands of their hated oppres-
ited for the Oscans, made common cause with population sor.
groups they displaced and went with them straight on to
the eastern Mediterranean, with which the original popula-
tion of Italy and the central Mediterranean islands, as we
have seen, had been in contact. This resulted in a domino-
effect. First, the region of Pylos in Greece was attacked
with devastating results, ultimately causing Akhaians to
join the eastern move and look for new homes in Cyprus
(a)
and the Cilician plain. Next, the Hittite fleet stationed
along the coast of Lycia to ward off the entrance of the Sea
Peoples from the Aegean into the eastern Mediterranean
waters was utterly defeated and the island of Cy-
prus/Alasiya, the southern Anatolian coast, and that of the
Levant lay undefended as an easy prey for looting and
plunder, and eventually settlement. Finally, as we know by
now, an attempt was made to invade the richest country in
the Near East, Egypt, with appetizing prospects for plunder
and settlement (see Fig. 24). Only this last stage in the up-
heavals of the Sea Peoples failed….
I am not suggesting that the foregoing model explains (b)
everything. It is highly unlikely that the Sea Peoples are
responsible for, to name but two examples, the devasta-
tions in Thessaly and the fall of the Hittite capital Bo÷az-
köy/Hattusa. The upheavals of the Sea Peoples ultimately
caused by the movement of bearers of the Urnfield culture
into Italy works as a catalyst to set in motion other devel- Fig. 24. Distribution of Urnfield culture and the route of the Sea
Peoples; (a) c. 1180 BC; (b) 12th-10th century BC (after Kimmig
1964: 269-70, Abb. 17-8).
600 Rutter 1975; Deger-Jalkotzy 1983; Vanschoonwinkel 1991:
233-42, carte 8; Popham 2001; for barbarian ware in Cyprus, see
Karageorghis 1986 and Pilides 1994; for further literature on the
topic, see Eder 1998, 20, esp. note 25. 602 Lehmann 1970: 34; Diakonoff 1984: 123; see also section 7,
601 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 191-6, carte 7. esp. note 147.

116
 15. CONCLUDING REMARKS

Having reached the end of our quest into the vicissitudes of induce us, however, to exclude a certain amount of ethnic
the Sea Peoples, it seems worthwhile to summarize the re- diversity, as Linear B texts, next to the geographic name
sults with respect to their ethnicity. Akawija (KN) “Akhaia”, already bear testimony of the
As far as the Lukka are concerned, there can be little ethnonyms Rakedamonijo (TH) “Lacedaimonian”, Ijawone
doubt that they originate from the lower Xanthos valley in (KN) “Ionians”, and the personal name related to an eth-
later Lycia. This area looks out onto the Mediterranean sea nonym Dorijewe (PY) “Dorieus (dative)”.603 After the fall
in the south, but is otherwise separated from the surround- of their palatial civilization, some of the Mycenaean
ing regions by a spur of the formidable Taurus mountains. Greeks took the boat and looked for new homes in the
From this geographical situation alone it seems permissible eastern Mediterranean, one group under the name of
to assume that the Lukka formed a close knit ethnic com- H iƗwa “Akhaians” colonizing the Cilician plain in Anato-
munity. At any rate, this is the case with their Early Iron lia, and an other group under the name of Dan “Danaoi”
Age descendants, who call themselves Termilai and write colonizing various locations in the Levant. These migra-
in a distinct dialect of Luwian, the so-called Lycian A. tions were not numerous enough, however, to plant the
From an archaeological point of view, however, our infer- Greek language in the given regions, the Akhaians in the
ence about the ethnic coherence of the Lukka cannot be Cilician plain going over to Luwian and the Danaoi in the
backed up by a distinct material culture because archaeo- Levant resorting to Semitic. This being the case, the
logical data from the lower Xanthos valley are thus far Greeks in question may safely be assumed to have mixed
lacking for the Late Bronze Age period. to a significant extent with the indigenous population.
The Ekwesh and Denye(n) are alternative indications If the literary traditions about the Philistines originat-
for the Late Bronze Age Greeks, corresponding to Ho- ing from Crete and/or Lydia in western Asia Minor are
meric Akhaians and Danaoi. Of these indications, the one, correct, this particular people is likely to be identified with
in form of A®®iyawa, is preferred by the Hittites, while the the Pelasgians of Greek sources. The latter were one of the
other, in form of Tanayu, is most of the time preferred by various population groups living in mainland Greece be-
the Egyptians. In archaeological terms, the ethnic coher- fore the Greek ethnos came into being, and hence at least
ence of the Late Bronze Age Greeks is strongly indicated partly responsible for the Middle Helladic culture with its
by the so-called Mycenaean koinƝ of Late Helladic IIIB – a characteristic Minyan ware. As far as can be determined
cultural unity unparalleled for Greece until the Hellenistic from the evidence of place and personal names, the Pelas-
period. The latter archaeological culture cannot be dissoci- gians were of Indo-European tongue, to be more specific
ated from the records in Linear B, which are conducted in of a Thraco-Phrygian type. When southern and central
a distinct Greek dialect most closely related to Arcado- Greece were conquered by foreign invaders from Egypt
Cyprian of later date. That the Late Bronze Age Greeks in- and the Levant, Pelasgian population groups who wanted
deed considered themselves as Akhaians may be further il- to preserve their independence fled to the north into Thes-
lustrated by an episode in Herodotos’ Histories (V, 72), saly, which remained predominantly Minyan up till Late
according to which the Spartan king Kleomenes, being re- Helladic IIIA, and to the region of Larisa Phrikonis in the
fused entrance into the temple on the acropolis of Athens Mysian-Lydian borderland of western Asia Minor. On the
by the priestess on the ground that he was considered a basis of the evidence from personal names, again, the latter
Dorian, replied that he was not a Dorian, but an Akhaian – group was not numerous enough to cause a language shift,
a point of view which tallies with the fact that the Dorians but went over to the local Luwian dialect. As opposed to
from central Greece, when taking possession of the Pelo- their kinsmen who had fled, Pelasgian population groups
ponnesos at the end of the Submycenaean and beginning of which stayed in southern and central Greece became thor-
the Protogeometric periods, are led by Heraklid kings with oughly Mycenaeanized and in this process, as Herodotos
a legitimate claim on the Mycenaean throne as descendants
of Perseus, who return to their ancestral lands. The cultural
603 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.; Shelmerdine 1997:
and linguistic unity of Late Bronze Age Greece should not
564; cf. Driessen 1998-9 and Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 361.

117
(Histories I, 57) reports, adopted the Greek language – long way in backing up our reconstruction of Pelasgians
which, considering our view that Greek is a split from originally speaking a Thraco-Phrygian vernacular, but go-
Thraco-Phrygian under foreign influences, is only a small ing over to Luwian with their migration from mainland
step. The exact date of the migration of Pelasgians to Crete Greece to western Anatolia. A distinct branch of migrants
as recorded in the literary sources and backed up by place, from western Anatolia to Italy is formed by the Trojan fol-
divine, and personal names eludes us, but, at any rate it is lowers of Aeneas. As these are likely originating from the
clear that these latter became fully Minoanized and, like region south of mount Ida, where to all probability a Lu-
their fellow Cretans, used a Luwian dialect as their first wian dialect was spoken, we are seemingly dealing here
language and a Semitic one for religious and administra- with kinsmen of the Tyrrhenians. However, contrary to the
tive purposes in order to keep up with the current interna- situation in Etruria, the Trojan followers of Aeneas, for
tional standards. At the time of their migration to the mere lack of numbers, did not plant their name, language,
Levant and settling down in the Philistine pentapolis, the culture, and customs in Latium, but were only held respon-
Pelasgians of Crete were in close contact with their kins- sible for the introduction of the cult of the Penates here.
men of western Anatolia, both producing Late Helladic Tjeker or Teukroi is an indication of the population of
IIIC1b pottery – as we have seen, the hallmark of the set- the Troad, which alternatively can be addressed as Drdny
tlement of Sea Peoples in the Levant. This may be a sign or Dardanians. To all probability this people spoke a
of their ethnic coherence, though it must be admitted that Thraco-Phrygian language, and hence they likely were
the same material culture is shared with the Mycenaean kinsmen of the pre-Greek population groups of Greece like
Greeks. It goes without saying that the Pelasgians during the Phrygians, Thracians, and Pelasgians. The latter infer-
their colonization of the Philistine pentapolis mixed with ence gains weight from the fact that the characteristic Tro-
the local population and went over to the local Semitic dia- jan grey ware is closely related to the so-called Minyan
lect – with which the Cretan branch was already familiar ware of Middle Helladic Greece. At the end of the Late
anyway. Bronze Age, this grey ware, attested from the beginning of
Notwithstanding the fact that the Teresh and Peleset Troy VI onwards, is distributed to Cyprus and the Levant,
are explicitly distinguished in one Egyptian text, it seems thus enabling us to trace the epigraphically and historically
highly attractive to consider the related ethnonyms of the recorded trade contacts and migrations of the Teukroi
Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians from Greek literary sources, on archaeologically. All in all, the Teukroi form a clear case
the analogy of Akhaians and Danaoi being alternative of a coherent ethnic entity according to our protohistoric
means to refer to the Mycenaean Greeks, as competing criteria.
forms of address of one and the same population group.604 The homeland of the Sherden is likely to be located in
Under the related name of Etruscans, the Tyrrhenians are Sardinia in the central Mediterranean, as we find statue-
especially known to us as an archaeologically, epigraphi- menhirs in this region (in casu nearby Corsica) depicting
cally, and linguistically traceable entity from c. 700 BC in the same type of warriors as the Egyptian reliefs associated
Italy. In all these aspects, however, their homeland can be with this ethnonym. The specificity of the outfit of the
traced back to the Aegean region and western Anatolia. A Sardinian warriors seems to indicate a strong ethnic bond.
crown witness of their early history is formed by their lan- On the analogy of the fact that an Hittite princess betrothed
guage, which, although basically of Luwian nature, shows to Ramesses II is rebaptized with an Egyptian name on the
clear signs of a long early history with Greek – a linguistic event of her marriage,605 the Semitic and Egyptian names
deep layer explicable only if the literary traditions of the for individual Sherden mentioned in the Akkadian cunei-
Tyrrhenians once living in Attica are correct. Mutatis mu- form and Egyptian texts bear testimony only of their accul-
tandis, the evidence of the Etruscan language also goes a turation in their new homelands, and tell us nothing of the
Sardinian language, about which, for the lack of epichoric
texts or even glosses in Greek or Latin, we are totally igno-
604 As we have stipulated in section 10 above, Herodotos, Histo-
rant.
ries I, 57, distinguishes the language of the Pelasgians from that of
the Tyrrhenians, but, as we have seen in section 12, language is
not a defining “criterium” for Pelasgians, so that Greek-like and
Luwian-like speaking representatives may all belong to one and 605 Bryce 1998: 312; compare Greeks in Hellenistic Egypt taking
the same ethnic entity. Egyptian names, on which see Goudriaan 1988.

118
 About the origin of the Shekelesh we have only cir- and Larisa Phrikonis) in the east to Sardinia (nuraghe An-
cumstantial evidence that their homeland is unlikely to be tigori) in the west – and language. That these ethnic groups
situated in Anatolia, as the last of the Hittite great kings, were indeed cohesive entities appears from the fact that,
Suppiluliumas II, is unfamiliar with them. As opposed to after their abortive attempt to conquer Egypt, they settled
this negative evidence, an association with Sicily in the separately in various locations in the Levant: the Peleset or
central Mediterranean can be underlined by the fact that Philistines in their pentapolis, the Tjeker or Teukroi in
the latter island was in contact with Greece, Crete, and Dor, the Sherden or Sardinians in Akko, Denye(n) or Dan
Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age. A representative of in Joppa and later in Laish, European Urnfielders likely to
the Shekelesh involved in trade with Cyprus and the east- be identified with the Weshesh or Oscans in Hamath, and
ern Mediterranean singles himself out as mastering the Ekwesh or Akhaians in the Cilician plain. Nevertheless,
Cypro-Minoan script and the Luwian language, but this this conglomerate of cultures and languages was able to
does not help us very much in determining his native Sicil- work together very effectively for some time, as the down-
ian language about which we only know that in the archaic fall of palatial empires caused by them may illustrate. In
period it was closely related to Oscan. For the question order to demonstrate that a multi-lingual coalition is a pri-
whether the Sicilians had a pronounced idea about their ori possible, one may point to the fact that the Trojan side
ethnicity we can only draw back to the fact that the Egyp- in Homeros’ Iliad consisted of a multi-lingual coalition as
tians depicted them with a special type of headdress, the well.606
“nach hinten gebogene Mutze”, which, to say the least, is
meagre evidence. In his Ethnicity in eastern Mediterranean proto-
The identification of the Weshesh with the Oscans is history: Reflections on theory and method (forthc.), chap-
crucial for our understanding of the catastrophic events at ter 6, Wim van Binsbergen formulates three hypotheses
the end of the Bronze Age. The invasion of Italy by bear- which are of relevance to our subject.
ers of the European Urnfield culture, which we have seen HYPOTHESIS 1. In the Late Bronze Age, by the time of
reason to identify with the speakers of the Italic dialects or the appearance of the Sea Peoples, the geographical
languages Osco-Umbrian and Latin-Faliscan, entails a true space of the eastern Mediterranean was ethnically
structured in this sense, that an overall system of eth-
mass migration which caused serious disruption of peoples
nic classification was generally known and generally
living in the region, whose displacement in turn formed the subscribed to.
“prime mover” for what we call the upheavals of the Sea
The validity of this hypothesis can be underlined by
Peoples. Even though the Oscans may have been numeri-
the fact that some of the groups of the Sea Peoples are re-
cally a relatively small party among the coalition of the
ferred to by the same ethnonym in various sources, like the
Sea Peoples, they nonetheless may be considered like the
Ekwesh as A® ® iyawa in Hittite and Shekelesh as ŠikalƗynj
leaven in the Biblical bread. Thus the ships of the Sea
in Ugaritic and as Sikeri- in Cypro-Minoan: this proves
Peoples with bird-head devices at both the bow and the
that we are not dealing with the whim of an individual
stern of a typically Urnfield type, the spread of handmade
Egyptian scribe, but a classificatory system with a wider
barbarian ware of proto-Villanovan Italian or European
geographical range shared by the Egyptians with the Hit-
Urnfield backgrounds, and the growing popularity of the
tites, Ugaritians, and Cyprians. Even the fact that there are
rite of cremation during and after the catastrophic events
competing indications for the same ethnic group, like in
may be attributed to the influence of our Oscan partici-
case of the Egyptian preference of Tanayu or Denye(n)
pants. Considering their highly specific cultural and lin-
“Danaoi” over Ekwesh “Akhaians”, or their indication of
guistic traits, the Oscans are likely to be considered a
the Trojans as Drdny alongside Tjeker does not undermine
coherent ethnic entity according to our protohistoric crite-
such a conclusion, as it rather signals the sophistication of
ria.
this classificatory system. As to the origin of the different
By means of conclusion, we seem to be confronted
ethnonyms, it is interesting to note that Sherden and Sheke-
with various ethnic groups, each having their own specific
material culture – though Late Helladic IIIC1b appears to
be a combining factor, being attested for the homeland of 606 Iliad II, 804; IV, 437-8. Note that in this respect the title of my

almost every Sea People, from western Anatolia (Pitane book The Language of the Sea Peoples is oversimplifying the rea-
lity.

119
lesh are geographically based, being derived from the Sea Peoples with the exception of the Weshesh if our iden-
names of the islands Sardinia and Sicily, respectively, tification of the latter with the Ausones or Oscans applies.
whereas for example Weshesh “Ausones” or “Osci” and Another unifying element may have been formed by the
Tanayu or Denye(n) are ultimately rooted in the hydro- fact that all members of the Sea Peoples might ultimately
nymy of Europe and the North Pontic steppe (PIE *av- or be of Indo-European stock. But this is by no means sure
*au- “source, stream” and *dƗnu- “river”) and hence may for the Sherden and the Shekelesh, and, if these might turn
safely be assumed to have been introduced by the people out to be Indo-Europeans after all, the differences between
in question themselves from that region into their new the various groups are already too pronounced to allow for
homeland.607 the perception of a common heritage as a binding factor.
HYPOTHESIS 2A. The mobilization process that led to Finally, there is the question of how to classify the
the emergence and exploits of the Sea Peoples was a post-conflict ethnic situation of the various constituent Sea
process of only partial ethnogenesis; it was not in Peoples in the various regions of the Levant where they
origin an ethnically-driven process, in the sense that
ended up after their unsuccessful sea- and land battles
no role was played, in this mobilization process, by
any prior ethnic identification between the various against Ramesses III. When we scan the range of possible
constituent peripheral groups that ultimately coa- models which van Binsbergen derived from general ethnic
lesced, albeit never completely, into the Sea Peoples. theory for specific application to the Sea Peoples case, it is
Given the fact that, as we have noted above, various striking that no one specific model seems to fit the bill
groups of the Sea Peoples settled separately in various lo- once and for all.
cations of the Levant, and that they have distinct names One might be tempted to classify the post-conflict lo-
and features in the Egyptian sources, this negative hy- cal accommodation between Sea People settlers and their
pothesis appears to come nearer to the truth than the posi- host groups with the melting pot model (no. 6 in our sec-
tive hypothesis 2B below. As a consequence, we may tion 1), with this proviso that the colonists, contrary to the
conclude that to a certain extent a process of ethnogenesis situation in the modern Americas, merge with the indige-
took place (= the emergence of the Sea Peoples as a dis- nous population to the extent that they ultimately become
tinct phenomenon), but was not followed by ethnicization extinct as a separate ethnic group (= ethnothanasia).608
(i.e. that prospective Sea Peoples, each in their own corner However, even if locally, in the Levant, all sense of a dis-
of the Mediterranean, took ideological consciousness of tinct Sea Peoples identity was ultimately lost, there are in-
the fact that they had so much in common with the other dications that yet some knowledge of distant Central
eight groups that they could adopt a common destiny). Mediterranean origins lingered on, laying the foundations
for the subsequent Phoenician exploration and colonization
HYPOTHESIS 2B. The mobilization process bringing
the nine groups to ultimately constitute the Sea Peo- of the Central Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age. Per-
ples, was in part based on some pre-existing basis for haps their knowledge of the central Mediterranean waters
mutual ethnic identification between these nine stimulated the Phoenicians to explore these regions and
groups already prior to the beginning of the Sea Peo-
ples’ mobilization and exploits. beyond in the course of the Early Iron Age.
In the Levant itself, however, total local accommoda-
An argument in favor of hypothesis 2B, which we
consider less likely than hypothesis 2A, might be provided
by the fact that the boats of the Sea Peoples are of a com- 608 Of the remaining cases of colonization assumed in the preced-
mon type with a bird head at bow and stern, which, as we ing sections, the Pelasgian ones from presumably c. 1600 BC on-
have noted, is a typical Urnfield feature. It should be noted wards to western Asia Minor and Crete and the one by the Trojan
in this context, however, that Shelley Wachsmann sug- followers of Aeneas to Italy in the Early Iron Age seem closest to
the immigrant model (no. 2 in our section 1), with the noted ad-
gested that the Egyptian artist who drew the boats of the
justment that the former emigrate to higher developed societies,
Sea Peoples took one example as the norm, so that the ap- whereas the latter arrive in a lower developed one. As opposed to
parent unity in type of ship may be illusory. At any rate, an this, the coming of charioteering Hyksos elements to Greece c.
1600 BC and that of the Tyrsenians to Tuscany from c. 700 BC
Urnfield ideology would be secondary to all groups of the
onwards rather adhere to the conquest model (no. 3 in our section
1), with the noted adjustment that the Hyksos elements, in contrast
to the Tyrsenians, do not plant their own language(s), but adapt to
607 Cf. Rosenkranz 1966: 136; Brown 1985: 131-2. that of the indigenous Thraco-Phrygian population groups.

120
tion of the immigrant Sea Peoples groups could only have
been the ultimate outcome of a prolonged process that,
typically, would traverse some of the other types in our
range of models:

a. immediately after local settlement, the most

likely model would be that of conquest
(model 3), which, as a result of progressive
subsequent political and social accommoda-
tion, would soon give way to
b. the immigrant model (model 2) – to end, in
most cases, with
c. a quasi-melting pot situation (model 6)
where most specific Sea People cultural and
nomenclatural traits would have been shed,
in preparation of the total eclipse of any
reminiscence of a Sea Peoples past, among
the incorporated vestiges of a formerly Sea
People population in the Levant.

121
 APPENDIX I: ON THE DECIPHERMENT OF CRETAN
HIEROGLYPHIC

As there are only two other hieroglyphic writing systems linked up with a Luwian hieroglyphic counterpart.617
current in the region, from a comparative point of view the However, as soon realized, the script of the discus is not an
Cretan hieroglyphic (= CH) script may be assumed to be isolated phenomenon on Crete, but further attested for a
related to either Egyptian hieroglyphic (= Eg.) to the double-axe from Arkalokhori and an altar-stone from Ma-
southeast of Crete or Luwian hieroglyphic (= LH) from lia.618 As a matter of fact, as indicated by the 14 corre-
Anatolia to the northeast of Crete. Both these two possible spondences in sum listed in table 4 below, it is nothing but
lines of approach have been put into practice in the past. a manifestation – be it on the largest extant scale – of Cre-
Thus Arthur Evans, the discoverer of the script, started to tan hieroglyphic itself.619 Mutatis mutandis, the possible
compare Cretan hieroglyphic signs to Luwian counter- relationship of the latter script with Luwian hieroglyphic
parts,609 whereas at a later stage he rather preferred to look comes to the fore again.
for correspondences with Egyptian.610 Next, three of the This relationship is a viable one, as I hope to show in
pioneers in the deciphering process of Luwian hiero- my table 4 below. In this table I present a list of corre-
glyphic, Ignace Gelb,611 Helmuth Bossert,612 and Piero spondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Luwian hi-
Meriggi,613 pointed out numerous relationships of Cretan eroglyphic for signs which occur in a reasonably clear
hieroglyphic with the script they were engaged with. Since context. This list, which is an elaboration of earlier ef-
then, Turkish scholars like Sedat Alp614 and Nimet Özgüç, forts,620 includes signs from the discus of Phaistos and the
who were involved in the earliest manifestations of the aforesaid double-axe from Arkalokhori, which texts, for
Luwian hieroglyphic script during the Middle Bronze Age, reasons beyond my comprehension, are omitted from the
showed an awareness of Cretan connections. recent corpus of Cretan hieroglyphic inscriptions (=
The whole matter received renewed attention at the CHIC).621 In order to overcome this omission, I have as-
time that Jan Best definitely succeeded to place the famous signed to these two texts a number adding up to the last
discus of Phaistos in an Anatolian context, first by demon- one recorded for CHIC, thus the double-axe of Arkalo-
strating the relationship of signs D 11 and D 39 to the Lu- khori becomes # 332 and the discus of Phaistos # 333. I
wian symbols of royalty, winged sun-disc (LH *190), and further present the numbering of the signs according to
of lightning (LH *199),615 and later by embedding the Evans’ original publication (1909) next to that of CHIC,
Luwian connection in a network of internal evidence in the because in a number of instances he distinguishes a sign
form of a doublet and triplets and a vowel analysis.616 which is not recognized as such by CHIC. Finally, for
Working out this relationship, it turned out that of the total brevity’s sake I refer to standard formulas by an abbrevia-
amount of 47 signs on the discus, 29 can convincingly be tion, thus the libation formula is referred to as LF and the
profane formulas as PF 1-7.622

609 Evans 1895: 33 ff.

617 Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004, sec-
610 Evans 1909.
tion 4.
611 Gelb 1931: 79 ff.
618 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 87, fig. 1b; Best & Woudhuizen
612 Bossert 1932: 5 ff. 1989: 74, fig. 1b; 77, fig. 2c.
613 Vergessene Städte am Indus, Frühe Kulturen in Pakistan vom 619 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 86-9; Best & Woudhuizen 1989:
8. bis 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Mainz am Rhein, Verlag Philipp von 73-7; 97-128.
Zabern, 1987, p. 204, Abb. 177. 620 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 87, fig. 3; Woudhuizen 1992c: Pl.
614 Alp 1968: 276. XXVI.
615 Best 1981b: 49-56; numbering of the Luwian hieroglyphic 621 Olivier & Godart 1996.
signs according to Laroche 1960a. 622 Woudhuizen 2001b: 608-12 (= LF & PF 1-6); Woudhuizen
616 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 30-53. 2002a: 124 (= PF 7).

123
 Evans CHIC LH value attestation
1. 2 001 1 AMU # 310
2. – – 10 H ARMAH I, [® ar] # 332,623 # 333
3a. 73 018 13 PÁRA # 255, # 296, # 314, #332
3b. 14 PÁRANA # 271
4. – – 15 mi4 # 333
5. 3 002624 19 á # 332, # 333
6. 16 007625 29 tá # 296, # 314
7. 7 006 31 H ISH IA, [® i] # 246, # 333
8. 58 040 35 na # 309, # 333626
9. 10 095 41 tà # 332
10. – – 56-7 KATA, kà # 333
11. 9 009 66 PIA, pi # 003J, # 139
12. 27 057 80-1 SARU PF 7 (8x), # 333
13. 11 010 82 ta6 PF 5 (41x), # 258
14. – – 85 l(a) # 332
15. – – 90 TIWA, ti # 333
16. – – 97 WALWA, ú # 333
17. 65 016 101 TARKU # 193, # 271, # 310
18. 99 028 102-3 KURUNT, rú627 # 255, # 296
19. 63 011 104 sà # 271
20. 62 012 107 MUWA, mu # 253, # 271
21. – – 108 SURNA, sú # 333
22. 64 013 109 MALIA, ma6 # 139, # 312
23. 67 – 110 ma # 333
24. – – 111 H AWA, ® a4 # 328
25. 77 – 125 lí # 333
26. 82 – 128 TINTAPU, ti5 # 314, # 333
27. 80 – 130-3 ARA, ra LF (7x), # 333
28. 59 – 138 [wa] # 333
29. 92 031 153 nú PF 5 (25x), PF 6 (11x)
30. – – 160 WIANA, wi # 333
31. – – 167 [PARNA, pa] # 333
32. 96 – 175 LALA, la # 271628
33. – – 181 TURPI, [tu] # 333
34. – – 189 WASU, [wa1] # 333
35. – – 190 sol suus # 333

623 Note that the sign is rendered in this text “en face” instead of “en profile” as is usually the case.

624 Note that both Evans and CHIC present only the xoanon sign, not the man’s head itself.

625 Note that this particular form of the arm sign is represented without the dagger, as it occurs in # 314.

626 Note that the ship sign appears both with and without a mast as well as in form of an hippocamp.

627 Value attested already for seals or sealings from the Late Bronze Age period, see Herbordt 1998: 313; 317, fig. 4, 3-4.

628 Note that the sign is rendered here in a lengthened and extremely slim way so that it is almost not recognizable anymore as a tongue, but
the three knobs on the top side are decisive for its identification.

124
36. 5 005 191 TIWATA, [ti] PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x)
37. – – 199 TARH UNT, ®à # 333
38. 115 061/069 212 H APA, ná # 196, # 333
39. – – 223 s6 # 333
40. 114 034 228 UTNA, tu5 PF 7 (10x), # 333
41. 41 041 267 WANA, [wa6] # 246, # 271, # 309
42. – 032 268 scalprum # 328
43. 17 – 278 li # 333
44. 12 043 283-4 custos # 314, # 333
Evans CHIC LH value attestation
45. 300 gens # 277
46. 15 051 312-3 ZITI, zi # 328
47. 24 056 327 SASA, sa5 PF 7 (10x), # 193, # 255, # 328
48. – – 369 vita (= Cretan knot), cf. Bossert 1932: 12-3
49. – – 370 ASU, as, su # 333
50. 14 050 383, 1 (determ. of PN) # 310, # 314, # 333
51. – – 383, 2 [+ta/i], +ra/i # 332, # 333
52. 122 077 415 sa # 003J, # 139
53. – – 419 mà, mì LF (1x)
54. 138 – 438 magistratus # 193
55. – – 451 ® ur # 271
56. 19 036 488 ta5 PF 6 (17x), # 255

Table 4. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Luwian hieroglyphic (values in square brackets attested for Cretan hieroglyphic
only).

Evans CHIC Eg. value attestation

1. 2 001 A1 AMU # 310
12. 27 057 A 21 SARU PF 7 (8x)
13. 11 010 D 56 ta6 PF 5 (41x)
57. 85-6 020-1 L2 bi’ty # 003J, # 018, # 039, # 139, # 310
58. – – M 23 nswt # 018, # 039
59. 116 *156 M 43 WAINU, wa # 274, # 314
60. 109 – N5 sol # 310
40. 114 034 N 26 UTNA, tu5 PF 7 (10x), # 333
41. 41 041 O 11 WANA, wa6 # 246, # 271, # 309
48. – – S 34 vita (= Cretan knot)
61. 21 046 U 21 tƯ PF 4 (7x)
62. 18 044 X8 pi (< PIA) PF 1 (72x), PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x), PF 4 (7x), # 255
63. 31 076 Y3 TUPA<LA>, du # 312
35. – – – sol suus # 333

Table 5. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Egyptian hieroglyphic (values as attested for Cretan hieroglyphic).

125
Notwithstanding the fact that Cretan hieroglyphic is basi- mitic tuppu “tablet”,634 and the palace-sign (CHIC no. 41),
cally related to Luwian hieroglyphic, there are a number of of which the acrophonic value wa6 can only be explained
cases in which Egyptian hieroglyphic provides the closest in terms of a mixing-up with its Luwian hieroglyphic look-
comparative evidence. This concerns first of all the bee- alike wana “stele, altar” (LH *267). Although direct con-
sign, which – apart from a singular occurrence – goes un- tact between Egypt and Crete cannot be excluded, the
represented among the Luwian hieroglyphic repertoire. given evidence is conducive to the conclusion that Egyp-
Like in Egyptian, the latter sign turns up in combination tian signs reached Crete through the intermediary of the
with a floral motif, to indicate the king of Lower and Up- Levant and/or Anatolia. Or, at the very least, the handling
per Egypt. This royal title is also attested for Middle of this category of signs in Crete is “more loose” than the
Bronze Age inscriptions from Byblos, which was subject one received by the category of signs originating from
to strong Egyptian influences at the time.629 In Crete, the Luwian hieroglyphic.
bee-sign undergoes a typical local treatment in the sense In table 5 I present a list of correspondences between
that, apart from its regular depiction from the side (CHIC Cretan hieroglyphic and Egyptian hieroglyphic for signs
no. 20), it also tends to be represented from the top (CHIC which occur in a reasonably clear context.635
no. 21). 630 Besides the bee-sign, the symbol of royalty in A third source for signs from Cretan hieroglyphic is
form of a winged sun-disc, mentioned among the Luwian formed by Cretan Linear A (= CL). It is a general miscon-
correspondences, ultimately originates from Egyptian hi- ception that Cretan hieroglyphic constitutes a forerunner of
eroglyphic as well, but its ductus in Crete betrays Anato- Linear A: this is particularly true in case of the libation
lian influences in the fact that the sun-disc is represented formula, which develops in the course of time into its Lin-
as a rosette. The same holds good for the ankh-sign, which, ear A descendant as attested for wash-hand stone-basins
like it is the case in Anatolia, in Crete is characterized by from peak-sanctuaries the destruction of which is usually
two side stems (note, however, that in Anatolia the central assigned to the Middle Minoan III/Late Minoan I transi-
stem is lost, whereas in Crete this is preserved). Appar- tional period (c. 1600 BC).636 In most other instances,
ently, these two signs, belonging to the oldest layer of Lu- however, the representation of Linear A signs among Cre-
wian hieroglyphic during the Middle Bronze Age,631 tan hieroglyphic results from a merger between the two
reached Crete via an Anatolian intermediary. scripts, which started from the time of the earliest attesta-
The indirect route for signs originating from Egyptian tion of Linear A in Middle Minoan II (c. 1800-1700 BC)
hieroglyphic may further be illustrated by the trowel-sign onwards, thus providing us with a terminus post quem for
(CHIC no. 040). In ductus this is closest to a Byblian par- seals showing Linear A influences other than the libation
allel; it also receives a value based on the translation of its formula.637
Egyptian meaning, d͑ “to give”, into Luwian, hence pi as Table 6 below presents correspondences between Cre-
acrophonically derived from piya- “to give”.632 A similar tan hieroglyphic and Cretan Linear (A) for signs which oc-
adaptation of the value can be observed for the wine ideo- cur in a reasonably clear context.638
gram (CHIC *156), representing Semitic wainu instead of
Egyptian ͑rp, the tablet-sign (Evans no. 31),633 rendering
the syllabic value du as acrophonically derived from Se-

634 Friedrich 1946: Wörterverzeichnisse III, s.v.

635 Numbering of the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs according to

629 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 8, fig. 7.
Gardiner 1994.
630 Woudhuizen 1997.
636 Woudhuizen 2001b: 608.
631 Woudhuizen, forthc. 2.
637 Vandenabeele 1985: 18.
632 Woudhuizen 2002b.
638 Cf. Woudhuizen 1992c: Pl. XXIV; numbering of the Linear A
633 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 8, fig. 8; 13, fig. 17; 15-6. signs according to Meijer 1982: 38-47.

126
 Evans CHIC CL value attestation
64. 46 039 L1 pa3 # 296
65. 112 070 L 22 lnj # 310 (note that this seal presents a variant of the sign in ques-
tion catalogued separately by Evans as his no. 91), # 328
20. 62 012 L 27 mu # 253, # 271
66. 101 029 L 30 da # 328
67. 60 019 L 31 sa LF (14x), # 193, # 196, # 277
68. 44 038 L 32 ya PF 5 (41 x), # 258, # 296, # 310, # 328
69. 36 042 L 52 a LF (14x), # 255, # 309, # 310
27. 80 – L 53 ra LF (7x), # 333
70. 30 092 L 55 ru PF 6 (17x)
57. 85 021 L 56 pi (< bi’ty) # 310
71. 103 024 L 60 NIKULEON , ni # 122
72. 40 052 [L 61] me LF (6x)
73. – – L 78 ti # 328
59. 116 *156 L 82 WAINU, wa # 274, # 314 (note that this seal presents a variant of the sign
in question catalogued separately by Evans as his no. 4)
61. 21 046 L 88 tƯ PF 4 (7x)
74. 97 025 L 92 te # 328
63. 31 076 L 93 du # 312
75. 74 – L 95 ma # 196, # 257, # 309
76. 47 053 L 103 ki # 296, # 309

Table 6. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Cretan Linear.

The relationship of Cretan hieroglyphic with Cypro- century BC (Woudhuizen 1992a: 87-90; Woudhuizen
Minoan (= CM) has no bearing on the origins of Cretan hi- 2001b: 610).
eroglyphic, but only on the date of its continuation, prov- The Cretan hieroglyphic contribution to Cypro-
ing that it still florished at the time of the earliest Minoan entails the following signs:
attestations of Cypro-Minoan in the late 16th or early 15th

Evans CHIC CM value attestation

77. 13 049 28 ni PF 1 (72x), PF 3 (4x), # 255, # 312
62. 18 044 51 pi PF 1 (72x), PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x), PF 4 (7x)
78. 54 047 76 le # 258, # 310, # 312
36. 5 005 116 ti PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x)

Table 7. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic with Cypro-Minoan.

In his attempt639 to present a model for the origins of ther Luwian hieroglyphic or Egyptian hieroglyphic) ren-
the Cretan hieroglyphic script, Wim van Binsbergen took dering supplementary services only. This does not dimin-
the analysis of Jan Best as his starting point. Best main- ish the usability of van Binsbergen’s models as an aid to
tains that Egyptian hieroglyphic contributed as many as 35 develop our own – slightly adapted – version, according to
signs to Cretan hieroglyphic, Luwian hieroglyphic only 30 which a large arrow from Cappadocia and/or North Syria
signs, and the Byblos script 10 signs. He did not back up represents the Luwian hieroglyphic contribution, and small
this analysis, however, by a further specification. As arrows from Egypt directly to Crete and from Egypt via
shown above, our analysis of the situation is different, with Byblos to Crete represent the subsidiary Egyptian contri-
Luwian hieroglyphic providing the bulk of the material (56 bution (see Fig. 25).640
signs), and Egyptian hieroglyphic (14 signs, of which 7 go
without attestation in Luwian hieroglyphic) and Cretan
Linear A (19 signs, of which 13 do not originate from ei-
640 I am not going into the problem of the origins of Cretan Linear
A, but, as we have seen, this certainly contains signs originating
639 Van Binsbergen 1996-7: 134-42. from Luwian hieroglyphic and from Egyptian hieroglyphic.

127
 son of Talmitesup, king of Karkamis, (…)”.646
Most of the MNs are of Luwian type: Muwas (cf. Hit-
tite Muwatallis),647 Partarus (= Lydian BartaraĞ),648 Nu-
was (cf. Cappadocian reduplicated Nuwanuwas),649
Taparas (= Lycian Daparas),650 Tarkus, Tarkumuwas (=
Cilician Tarkomǀs),651 and possibly Manas (= Lydian
Manes).652 Next, one is of Kaskan type: Pitaparas (= Kas-
kan Pittaparas),653 whereas the first element of Ankiwas
seems to recall that of Trojan Ankhises.654 Furthermore,
under consideration of the fact that Cretan hieroglyphic [l]
may also express [r], Yatale corresponds to Ugaritic Ytr as
in Bnytr (Bin-ia-ta-ri), Ytrhd (Yatar-addu), Ytršp (Ia-tar-
rašap), etc.655 Finally, under consideration of the aforesaid
interchangeability of [l] with [r] and on the analogy of
Fig. 25. Origins of the Cretan hieroglyphic script. (a) Luwian hiero- Luwian hieroglyphic Mur<si>lis and H a<ttusi>lis,656
glyphic (56 signs); (b) Egyptian hieroglyphic (14 signs).641 Manile may657 be analyzed as an abridged form of Egyp-
1 Egypt; 2 Byblos; 3 Cyprus; 4 Asia Minor; 5 Crete; 6 mainland tian Men<-kheper>-r‘.
Greece Of the titles, laparnas (= Hittite labarnas)658, PÁRA-
custos “viceroy” (cf. titles like Latin pro-consul), and
As to the linguistic context of the signs discussed tupa<la>- “scribe”659 are of Anatolian type. Next, pini
above, this has been dealt with elsewhere as far as the dis- corresponds to Semitic bn as in Ugaritic bn Lky “represen-
cus of Phaistos (# 333),642 the double-axe from Arkalok- tative of the Lycians”.660 Finally, bi’ty or pitƯ or piti is
hori (# 332), the altar-stone from Malia (# 328), the seals
from Zyro (# 193, # 277), Malia (# 271), Neapolis (#
646 Hawkins 2000: 574-5; cf. Hawkins 2003, 144, Fig. 1c.
314),643 and Sitia (# 310),644 and the recurrent formulas
are concerned. It therefore may suffice here, as an example 647 Hawkins 2003: 144, Fig. 1b.

of what the analysis of the signs may lead up to in the field 648 Gusmani, 1964: 264, no. 40, 2; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989:
of linguistics, to present an overview of seals recording the 126; Woudhuizen forthc. 2.
categories (1) “man’s name” (= MN) and (2) “title” or (1) 649 Laroche 1966, s.v.; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126.
“MN”, (2) “title”, and (3) “place or country name” (see ta-
650 Friedrich 1932: 55, TL 6, 1; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989:
ble 8 and Fig. 26) – categories to be expected on seals in
126.
the light of the parallels: compare, for example, the Lu-
651 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 127.
wian hieroglyphic part of the Tarkondemos seal, bearing
652 Gusmani 1964: 250, no. 1, 3; 252, no. 4a, 1 and no. 4b, 1; cf.
the legend TARKU-tí+mi H ANTAWAT mi+r(a)-àUTNA “Tar-
Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126. I cannot resist the temptation to
kondemos, king (of) the land Mira”,645 or that of the seal
suggest that we may actually be dealing here with the Cretan royal
of Kuzitesup from Lidarhöyük, reading ku-zi!-TESUP-pa name Minos; note in this connection that # 257 is the most beauti-
H ANTAWAT ká+r-ka-mi-sà TAL-mi-TESUP-pa H ANTAWAT ful seal, used by Evans for the cover of his book on the topic!
ká+r-ka-mi-sà (…) infans “Kuzitesup, king of Karkamis, 653 Von Schuler 1965: Indices, 2. Personennamen, s.v.

654 Homeros, Iliad II, 820, etc.

641 Diagram drawn by Wim van Binsbergen.
655 Gröndahl 1967, s.v. ytr.
642 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 30-84; Best & Woudhuizen 1989:
656 Beran 1967: nos. 180 (um+r<-si>-li) and 186 (® á<-tu-
65-97; Woudhuizen 1992a: 11-41; Achterberg, Best, Enzler,
si>+li).
Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004.
657 Ranke 1935, s.v. mn-® pr-r‘.
643 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 97-128.
658 Friedrich 1991, s.v.; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 117-8.
644 Woudhuizen 2002a.
659 Laroche 1960a: *326.
645 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 108-11; cf. Hawkins 2003: 144,
Fig. 1a and Woudhuizen 2005 : appendix I. 660 Gordon 1955: glossary, s.v.; Astour 1964: 194; Woudhuizen

128
identical to Egyptian bi’ty “king of Lower Egypt”,661 so shift,667 that Taruni in the same legend bears testimony of
that pinipiti actually constitutes a Semito-Egyptian calque the dative singular in -i of Tarunu “Atlunu” as paralleled
of Luwian hieroglyphic infans +H ANTAWAT- “prince”.662 for Luwian hieroglyphic,668 that yatanu in the legend of
The geographic name Sa® urwa is attested in writing seals # 257, # 312, and # 314 corresponds to Ugaritic ytn
variant Sa® arwa for other Cretan hieroglyphic inscrip- “he as given”,669 and that pititi in the legend of seal # 314
tions, and occurs, in adjectival derivative, in Linear B as shows the dative singular in -ti as attested for Linear A
Sakarijo or Saqarejo. It has been plausibly identified with (telnj Dakuseneti “delivery to Taku-šenni”) and Cypro-
Homeric Skheria, which in turn appears to be the ancient Minoan (telu Sanemeti “delivery to Sanemas”),670 we ar-
name of Hagia Triada in the western part of the Mesara.663 rive in sum at the following transliteration and interpreta-
Next, the frequent Tarunu is, considering the fact that Cre- tion of the legends of our 10 Minoan seals (cf. Fig. 26).
tan hieroglyphic [r] may also express [l] and, as we have Remaining seals or sealings used in our discussion of
just seen, vice versa, and on the analogy of Tìtarma being the signs are # 003J and # 139 from Knossos, which read
the Luwian hieroglyphic form of Hittite Attarima, likely to bi’ty ma6-sa PIA “the king has given to the god(s)”, with
be read Atlunu – which resembles Plato’s mythical Atlantis masa representing either D sg. in -a or D pl. in -ai of Lu-
too much to be dismissed as accidental. On the basis of the wian hieroglyphic masa(na)- “god”, # 196, presenting the
distribution of the seals with this geographic name, it personal name sa-ná-ma, and # 246 from Kritsa, which
probably refers to the northern zone of Crete from Knossos reads pi-ti ® i-a-wa6 “king (of) Akhaia”, thus presenting671
to Kato Zakro.664 Furthermore, Ayalnj, which turns up in the earliest recorded reference to the Greek mainland.
variant form Ayalu in Linear A, is for its association with
Semitic ajalu “stag”, ingeniously explained by Best as the
Semitic designation of modern Malia, otherwise indicated
in Cretan hieroglyphic by a deer with prominent antlers or,
as a pars pro toto, by the antlers themselves (028). As the
deer or antlers render the value rú, an abbreviation of Lin-
ear B Rukito “Lyktos” lies at hand, which name is men-
tioned in the itinerary of Aegean place names from
667 Laroche 1960a: *57, 2; cf. atu “in”, corresponding to Luwian
Amenhotep III’s (1390-1352 BC) temple tomb at Kom el-
Hetan (Thebes) in between Amnisos and Sitia – i.e. exactly hieroglyphic ata, and upa “behind”, corresponding to Luwian hi-
eroglyphic apa, from the text of the Phaistos disc, see Best &
where we would expect665 the mention of the ancient name Woudhuizen 1989: 79-82.
of Malia. Finally, for its striking resemblance to Homeric 668 See section 5, note 88 above.
Phaiakes, the form Payaki is likely to be considered an
669 Gordon 1955: 70; Segert 1984: 44; 74; cf. Best & Woudhuizen
ethnonym referring to the inhabitants of Skheria – the an-
1989: 127; Woudhuizen 2001b: 612. Note that this element is par-
cient name, as we have just suggested, of Hagia Triada.666 alleled by the presence of “the hand that gives” pia (Laroche
If for the sake of completeness we add that anu in the 1960a: *66) in the legends of Middle Bronze Age Luwian hiero-
legend of seal # 255 is a Cretan dialectal variant of Luwian glyphic seals, see Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 135-6; Woudhuizen
2001b: 612; Woudhuizen 2004a: 119-20.
hieroglyphic anan “under”, characterized by a/u-vowel
670 Woudhuizen 1992a: 96. The ending in -ti originates from the

1994: 512. Luwian hieroglyphic dative singular of the pronoun, see Meriggi
1980: 322-3. For another instance of a Luwian hieroglyphic case
661 Gardiner 1957: L 2; cf. Best 1996-7: 118-9; Woudhuizen
ending in the legend of a Minoan seal, cf. the dative singular in -i
1997: 107. mentioned above and the genitive singular in -sa as attested for #
662 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 123-4; Woudhuizen 1992b: 197-8; 193 from Zyro, reading SASA magistratus TARKU-sa “seal of the
Woudhuizen 1997: 107; Woudhuizen 2001b: 611; cf. Laroche magistrate Tarkus” (Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 113-5, esp. note
1960a: *46. 88). These endings indicate that the legend of the seal in question,
notwithstanding the use of Egyptianisms and Semitisms, is
663 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 118; Woudhuizen 1992a: 32-3.
conducted in the Luwian language.
664 Woudhuizen 1992a: 78-9; Woudhuizen 2001b: 612-3. 671 Note that this legend strikingly recalls “to the gods of the

665 Best 1996-7: 116; Woudhuizen 2002a: 126-7. Greeks” in inscriptions on pottery from the Hellenion at Naukratis
dating from the Archaic period, see Boardman 1994: 142; cf. sec-
666 Best 2000: 29; see section 12 above. tion 2 above.

129
 CHIC MN title place/country
1. # 253 muwa pi-ni-pi-ti
2. # 255 pi-ta5-PÁRA pi-tƯ ta5-rú-ni
3. # 257 ma-ná? (if the “snake” (Evans no. pi-tƯ ta5-ru-nú
84) may be identified with “coiling
water” (Evans no. 115, CHIC
069))
4. # 258 'ya-ta6-le pi-ni ta5-ru-nú
5. # 271 TARKU-MUWA la+PÁRANA sà-® ur-wa6
6. # 296 PÁRA-tá-rú pi-ni pa3-ya-ki
7. # 309 a-na-ki-wa6 pi-ti ta5-ru-nú
8. # 310 'TARKU bi’ty/pi-tƯ a-ya-lnj
9. # 312 ma6-ni-le TUPA<LA> ta5-ru-nú
10. # 314 'tá-PÁRA pi-ni 'nú-wa PÁRA-custos pi-ni<-pi>-ti ta5-ru-nú

Table 8. Seals with the categories “man’s name”, “title”, and “place or country name”.

Seal no. Text (the numbers indicate the various sides of the seal)

# 253

1 2 3
1. MUWA ya-ta6<-nú> 2. pi-ni- 3. pi-ti “prince Muwas has granted”

# 255

1 2 3
1. a-nú SASA ta5-rú-ni 2. pi-ta5-PÁRA 3. pi-tƯ “under the seal with respect to Atlunu, king Pittaparas”

# 257

1 2 3
1. ma-ná ya-ta6-nú 2. pi-tƯ 3. ta5-ru-nú “Manes has granted, king (of) Atlunu”

130
# 258

1 2 3
1. 'ya-ta6-le 2. pi-ni 3. ta5-ru-nú “Yatar, representative (of) Atlunu”

# 271

1 2 3
1. SASA UTNA 2. sà-® ur-wa6 3. la+PÁRANA TARKU-MUWA “seal (with respect to) the land (of) Skheria (= Hagia
Triada), king Tarkumuwas”

# 296

1 2 3 4
1. SASA UTNA SARU 2. PÁRA-tá-rú 3. pi-ni 4. pa3-ya-ki “seal (with respect to) the land (and) official(s) (of) the
Phaiakians, representative Bartaras”

1 2

# 309

3 4
1. a-na-ki-wa6 2. pi-ti ma 3. ta5-ru-nú 4. ya-ta6-nú “Ankiwas, king (of) Atlunu, has granted”

131
 1 2

# 310

3 4
1. SASA UTNA le SARU 2. a-ya-lnj 3. AMU 'TARKU sol (3X) 4. bi’ty/pi-tƯ “seal (with respect to) the sun-blessed land
(and) official(s) (of) Ayalu (= Malia), I (am) king Tarkus, (person) blessed by the sun-god”

1 2

# 312

3 4
1. ma6-ni-le 2. ma6 TUPA<LA> 3. ta5-ru-nú 4. ya-ta6-nú “Men<-kheper>-r‘, scribe (of) Atlunu, has granted”

132
 1

4
# 314
5

8
1. 'tá-PÁRA 2. pi-ni 3. 'nú-wa 4. PÁRA-custos <pi>-ti- 5. pi-ni PÁRA-custos 6. ta5-ru-nú 7. ya-ta6-nú 8. pi-ti5-tƯ
“Daparas, son of Nuwas, viceroy, prince, viceroy (of) Atlunu, has granted on behalf of the king”

Fig. 26. Cretan hieroglyphic seals with the categories “man’s name”, “title”, and “place or country name” (drawings from original publica-
tions, except in the case of # 309).

133
 APPENDIX II: ON THE POSITION OF THE ETRUSCAN
LANGUAGE

The following list of comparanda for the Etruscan lan-

guage is based on Woudhuizen 1992b and Woudhuizen CUNEIFORM LUWIAN ETRUSCAN
1998 (with references to earlier literature), and supple- vocabulary
mented by Steinbauer 1999 as discussed in Woudhuizen 18. Ɨnnan “under” ana, en-
2001a. For the comparisons with Greek and Latin I have 19. Ɨnta “in” inte-
made use of Charsekin 1963, especially 24-8, amplified, as 20. Ɨppan “behind; re-” apa, epn
far as Greek is concerned, by Schachermeyr 1929: 248, Fi- 21. Aššiya- “Assiya [GN]” Asi-
esel 1931: 43; 51-2, and van der Meer 1992: 68. The 22. awƯ- “to come” av-, ev-, hev-
meaning of the Etruscan words, elements and endings is in 23. -® a “and; also” -c, -Ȥ
most instances secured by a comprehensive interpretation 24. ® andawat(i)- “king” cam-i-, can--
of the texts in which these appear. ® nj® ® a- “grandfather”
25. ceȤa-, ceȤi-
26. ® ui(ya)- “to run, march” cu(vu)-
HITTITE ETRUSCAN
27. kattawatnalli- “vindictive, qutef-
vocabulary672
revengeful”
1. aku-, eku- “to drink” acun-, ecun-
28. kui- “who, what” -Ȥva-
2. ® aštƗi- “bones” cas-ia-
29. maššani- “god(dess)” masan-
3. ® ila- “enclosure” cleva-
30. mawa- “4” muva-
4. Gulšeš (divinities of fate) Culsans-
31. nani- “brother” Nana-
5. gurta- “citadel” Curtun-
32. niš “not” nes, neĞ, nis
6. iya- “to make” ia-
33. -pa “but, and” -pa
7. -ma “but, and” -m
34. parran, parƯ “before, pre-” per-
8. man (optative particle) man
35. pƯ(ya)- “to give” p-
9. maniya® ® - “to handle, mena-, meni-
36. sarlƗtta- “libation-offering” sela- (< *serla-)
administer”
37. samnai-, samniya- “to hamai-, amei-
10. neku- “to diminish, be- nace-, neȤ-
found”
come twilight”
38. Tar® unt- “Tar®unt [GN]” TarȤna-
11. newa® ® - “to renew” nuca-673
39. Tiwat- “sun-god [GN]” tiur-
12. nu- (introductory particle) nu-
40. dnjp(a)i- “to strike, hit” tupi
13. parku- “high” parȤi-
41. tnjwa- “to place, put” tva-
14. purullia- “new year’s ril
42. wa- (introductory particle) va-, fa-
feast”
43. walli(ya)- “to elevate” fal(a)-
15. sannapi “sporadic” snuiaij
44. walwa- “lion” VelaveĞna-
16. wal® - “to strike, hit, Velc-, VelȤ-
45. wanatt(i)- “woman, Uni-
smite”
mother”
17. weda-, wete- “to build” vatie-
46. wini(ya)- “vine, wine” vina-
word formation
47. adjectival -ašši- -s-, -Ğ-
672 This category also includes onomastic material relevant to the
48. adjectival -alli- -l-
subject, except for the subsections on the comparisons with Greek
and Latin/Italic. 49. ethnic -wanni- -ni-
673 Note that the treatment of Hittite -® ® - is not consistent in 50. factitive -nu(wa)- -nv-, -nu-
Etruscan, being omitted in mena-, meni- < Hittite maniya® ® -, but 51. iterative -š(š)- -s-, -Ğ-, -z-
represented by -c- in nuca- < Hittite newa® ® -.

135
52. “-ship” -® i- -c-, -Ȥ- 73. sa5r- “smoke offering” seril (adjective)674
(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation 36. SARLAsa5rlata4- “libation sela- (< *serla-)
53. N(m/f) sg. -š – , -s (gentilicium) offering”
54. A(m/f) sg. -n – , -n (pronoun) 74. SURA(R)sura/i- “abundance” Ğuri-
55. D sg. -i, -iya -a, -i 75. tàma- “precinct” tmia-
56. Abl. sg. -ti -ș, -r(i) 76. ta4ma- “to build” -amu-
57. N-A(n) pl. -a -a 38. TARH UNT- “Tar®unt [GN]” TarȤna-
58. 3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -ti --(i) 77. TARH UNT+UMINA- TarȤumenaia-
59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nti -nt “Tar®untassa [TN]”
78. tàĞa- “stele; grave” tesi-
LUWIAN HIEROGLYPHIC ETRUSCAN 39. TIWATA- “sun-god” tiur-
vocabulary 79. tiwat/ra- (onomastic ele- Ĭefarie-
18. ANANnana “under” ana, en- ment)
20. APAna “behind; re-” apa, epn 40. tupi- “to strike, hit” tupi
60. àrma- “altar” heram(v)- 41. TUWA- “to place, put” tva-
61. ARAnu(wa)ta- “Arnuwandas Arn-- 80. tuwa- “2” -u-, tu-
[MN]” 42. wa- (introductory particle) va-, fa-
62. ASA(NU)- “to settle” heĞn- 43. wáliƗ- “to elevate” fal(a)-
21. ás(i)Ư- “to love” Asi- 44. WALWA “lion” VelaveĞna-
19. àntá “in” inte- 45. WANATInati4- “mother; Uni-
22. áawa- “to come” av-, ev-, hev- woman”
24. H ANTAWAT- “king” cam-i-, can-- 81. warƗ- “to help” vƝr-675
23. -® a(wa) “and; also” -c, -Ȥ 82. wasa5r(i)ti “by the grace user
25. H UH A® a- “grandfather” ceȤa- of”
63. H WA “when; because” -cve 83. WATA- “water” utu-
28. H WA- “who, what” -Ȥva- 46. WIANAwaƗna- “vine” vina-
26. H WÁ- “to run, march” cu(vu)- word formation
64. H WAr “when; because” cver 47. adjectival -sa- -s-, -Ğ-
65. Ưla- “to (be) favor(ed)” ila- 48. adjectival -ali- -l-
66. KATANA- “bowl” qutum-, qutun- 49. ethnic -wana- -ni-
67. kutúpili- “fire offering” Caușa- 50. factitive -nu(wa)- -nv-, -nu-
7. -ma “but, and” -m 51. iterative -s- -s-, -Ğ-, -z-
68. maluwa- “thank-offering” muluva- 52. “-ship” -® i- -c-, -Ȥ-
8. man (optative particle) man (pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation
29. MASANA- “god(dess)” masan- 53. N(m/f) sg. -sa – , -s (gentilicium)
30. MAUWA- “4” muva- 54. A(m/f) sg. -na – , -n (pronoun)
69. *mek- “5” maȤ- 55. D sg. -Ɨ, -i -a, -i
70. *mek- “numerous” meȤ- 84. G sg. -sa -s (D-G)
71. mi- “my” mi- 56. Abl. sg. -ti, -ri --, -r(i)
72. mukasa- “Muksas [MN]” MuȤsie- 85. N(m/f) pl. -i -i
31. nana- “brother” Nana- 57. N-A(n) pl. -a -a
32. na4sa “not” nes, neĞ, nis
34. PÁRA “before, pre-” per-
33. -pa(wa) “but, and; or” -pa 674 Not yet in Woudhuizen 1998.

35. PIA- “to give” p- 675 Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000: 54 (= Tabula Cortonensis, sec-
tion II) .

136
86. D pl. -aƯ -e (< *-ai [D-G]) 59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -ñti -nt
58. 3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -ti -ș(i)
59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nti -nt LYDIAN ETRUSCAN
LYCIAN/SIDETIC ETRUSCAN vocabulary
Vocabulary 21. Asi1i- “Asia [GN] Asi-
20. epñ “behind; re-” apa, epn 96. Baki- “Bakkhos [GN]” PaȤie-
18. e1ne1 “under” ana, en- 14. borl-, forl- “year” ril
87. ese “with” s- 35. bi- “to give” p-
88. e1tri- “lower, inferior” etera- 71. emi1 “me” mi
37. hm1me-, m1mai-, hamai-, amei- 42. fa- (introductory particle) va-, fa-
m1mei(ye)- “to found” 97. isl- “first” esl-, sal, zal
60. hrm1ma- “altar” heram(v)- 23. -k “and; also” -c, -Ȥ
6. iye- “to make” ia- 24. Kandaules “Kandaules camși-, canș-
23. -ke “and; also” -c, -Ȥ [MN]”
68. malvam1a- “thank- muluva- 7. -m “but, and” -m
offering” 68. ml1ve1nd- “thank- muluva-
89. me- (introductory particle) me- offering”
71. m1i “me” mi- 98. nak (introductory particle) nac
31. neni- “brother” Nana- 31. Nanna- “Nanas [MN]” Nana-
32. ni “not” nes, neĞ, nis 32. ni “not” nes, neĞ, nis
19. ñte “in” inte- 99. palmu- “king” (toga) palmata
35. piye- “to give” p- (Lat.)
3. qla- “precinct” cleva- 28. pe-, pi- “who, what” -Ȥva-
28. ti- “who, what” -Ȥva- 100. silu- (magistracy) zila-
90. tibe(i) “or” tev<i> 75. tam- “precinct” tmia-
91. tlli- “to pay” tle- 78. taĞe- “stele; grave” tesi-
40. tub(e)i- “to strike, hit” tupi 79. Tivadali- “Tivdalis [MN]” 4efarie-
word formation 41. t1uv(e)- “to place, put” tva-
47. adjectival -hi- -s-, -Ğ- 40. ut1ba- “to strike, hit” tupi
48. adjectival -li- -l- 17. vit1i1- “to build” vatie-
49. ethnic -(v)ñni- -ni- word formation
92. ethnic -zi- -Ğ-, -z- 47. adjectival -si- -s-, -Ğ-
93. ethnic -de- --e-, -te- 48. adjectival -li- -l-
(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation 101. ethnic -k -F
53. N(m/f) sg. – , -s – , -s (gentilicium) 52. “-ship” -k- -c-, -F-
54. A(m/f) sg. – , -ñ – , -n (pronoun) (pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation
55. D sg. -a, -i -a, -i 53. N(m/f) sg. -s – , -s (gentilicium)
84. G sg. -h -s (D-G) 54. A(m/f) sg. -n – , -n (pronoun)
56. Abl. sg. -di, -de -- -r(i) 102. D sg. -l1 -l (D-G)
85. N(m/f) pl. -i -i 103. G sg. -l -l (D-G)
94. A(m/f) pl. -as, -is -es, -is 56. Abl. sg. -di1, -d, -l1 --, -r(i)
57. N-A(n) -ã, -e1 -a 85. N(m/f) pl. -i1 -i
86. D pl. -a, -e (< *-ai) -e (< *-ai [D-G]) 57. N-A(n) pl. -a -a
95. G pl. -ãi, -e1 -ai 86. D pl. -ai1 -e (< *-ai [D-G])
58. 3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -ti, --(i) 95. G pl. -ai1 -ai
-di 58. 3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -d --(i)

137
 59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nt -nt 120. emmenai “to be” (Aiolic) am-
121. epiouros“guardian, epiur-, epru-678
LEMNIAN ETRUSCAN watcher, ward”
vocabulary 108. (v)anaks “king” vanec-
104. avi- “year” avil- 122. themeros “holy” tameresc- “holy gift”
23. -c “and” -c, -Ȥ 123. themis “law, custom, right” șemi-
41. -o- “to place, put” tva- 124. klǀn “twig, spray, slip” clan “son”
7. -m “but, and” -m 125. kulikhnƝ “small cup” culiȤna, ȤuliȤna
69. mara- “5” maȤ- (vase name)
105. naijo-- “grandson” neft- 66. kǀthǀn “drinking vessel” qutum (vase name)
106. sia- “6” Ğa-, Ğe- 126. la(v)os “host, people” lavt- “freedman”
107. tavarĞio, toveronarom tevera- 127. le(v)ǀn “lion” lev
(magistracy) 128. lƝkuthos “oil-flask” leȤtumuza (vase
108. vanaca- “king” vanec- name)
word formation 129. brotos (< *mrtos) “mortal” mur- “to die”
47. adjectival -si-, -Ği- -s-, -Ğ- 10. nekus “corps” nace-, neȤ- “dimin-
109. -lȤvei- (multiples of ten) -lȤl- ishing”
(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation 105. nepous, pl. nepodes “chil- neft- “grandson”
55. D sg. -i -a, -i dren”
84. (D-)G sg. -Ğ -s 130. nƝdus “stomach, belly, ne--, net-, ni-u-
102- D-G sg. -l -l womb” “entrails”
103. 131. opuiǀ “to marry, take to puia- “wife”
110. Loc. sg. -- --(i) wife”
85. N(m/f) pl. -i -i 132. polos “pole-(star)” pulum- “star(s)”
86. D pl. -ai -e (< *-ai [D-G]) 133. prokhous “vessel for pour- pruȤum (vase name)
111. 3rd pers. sg. past tense -ke -ce, -Ȥe ing out”
134. prutanis “ruler, lord” pru--, pur--
GREEK ETRUSCAN 135. spondeion “cup for pouring spanti “libation
vocabulary a drink- offering” bowl, plate”
104. a(v)elios “sun” avil- “year”676 136. tauros “bull” șevru
112. hals, (G halos) “salt, sea” als- 137. tris “thrice” trais-
113. askos “wineskin” aska (vase name) 138. turannos “tyrant” turan (divine form of
114. Aphrios (month name) apiras- address) 679

96. Bakkhos “Bakkhos” PaȤie- 139. hupnos “sleep, slumber” hupnina “tomb”

115. brontƝ “roar, thunder” fronta-677 140. HuttƝnia (= Tetrapolis) huș, hut “4”

116 deinos “round vessel” -ina (vase name) 141. kharistƝrion “thank- Ȥarste[r]iun

76. demǀ “to built” -am (u)- offering”

117. dǀreǀ “to give” tur(u)- 142. khoros “dance” Ȥurvar “month of the
dances”
118. hekatombƝ “sacrifice of Ȥim-m-
hundred oxen” 143. pharthenos “girl, virgin” far-na-
(Aiolic)
119. elai(v)Ɨ “olive” eleiva-

678 Correspondence used by Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000: 105

676 Maresch 1957, who further points out that related words for without due reference to the original source Charsekin 1963.
“sun”, like Latin sol, are also used for “year”. 679 Possibly related with Luwian hieroglyphic tarwana- “law-
677 Note the preservation of the Greek [o] in the Etruscan form. giver”.

138
 verbal conjugation verbal conjugation
111. 3rd pers. sg. perfect (or ao- -ce, -Ȥe 160. 3rd pers. pl. passive pres. -n(a)-ur (now also
rist) -ke -ntur Agostiniani & Nico-
sia 2000: 54 (=
LATIN/ITALIC ETRUSCAN Tabula Cortonensis,
vocabulary section III)
144. capio “to take (away)” capi- 161. infinitive passive -ri -ri
145. esuna- “offering” aisna-
146. idus (middle of the month) etul- PHOENICIAN/HEBREW ETRUSCAN
147. kletram “bier” cletram vocabulary
127. leo “lion” lev 162. Asherah Aisera (note that this
148. lustrum “lustrum” lurs-- of old inherited form
149. magister (magistracy) macstrev- of the Phoenician di-
150. maro- (magistracy) maru- vine name Astarte
151. mundus “bothros” mun-- needs to be distin-
129. morior “to die” mur- guished from Astre-

152. munus “offering, tribute, munist- in the inscriptions on

duty” the Pyrgi gold tab-

lets, which is an ad
105. nepos “grandson” neft-
hoc attempt to render
153. patina “plate” pa-na-
‘štrt in the Phoeni-
154. pro-nepos “great-grandson” prumt-
cian version of the
155. ritus “rite” rita-, ri-(a)-
text)
135. spondeum “cup for pouring spanti “libation
142. krr “month of the dances” Ȥurvar, Ȥurve, Ȥuru
a drink- offering” bowl, plate”
163. mlh̙̙ “beautiful” mlaȤ (G mlakas)
156. subulu “fluteplayer” suplu
164. slt- “power” seleita- “sultanate”
157. suus (reflexive pronoun, sva-
3rd pers.)
158. teneo “to hold (a magis- -en(u)-, ten(u)-
tracy)”
159. touto-, tuta- “people” -uta-, tu--
46. vinum “wine” vina-

The salient points from this list are the following: Etruscan with Luwian hieroglyphic is the phe-
(1) Correspondences of Etruscan with Hittite have a nomenon of rhotacism of the dental, as attested
bearing on vocabulary alone: hence Etruscan is for the onomastic element tiwat/ra- and the end-
not to be identified with Hittite, as Vladimir ing of the Abl. sg. -t/ri.
Georgiev wants to have it. (3) Nevertheless, Etruscan is not to be identified as a
(2) Considering the fact that the correspondences of dialect of Luwian hieroglyphic, as it shares the
Etruscan with Luwian hieroglyphic outmatch all loss of the N(m/f) sg. -s and A(m/f) sg. -n in the
other categories, Etruscan shows the closest affin- realm of the noun with Lycian, which also pro-
ity with Luwian hieroglyphic. Note especially that vides comparative evidence for the A(m/f) pl. in
the shared use of the endings of the N(m/f) pl. in -es or -is. To this comes that Etruscan shows some
-i and D pl. in -ai exclude a particularly close re- evidence of the typical Lycian phonetic develop-
lationship with cuneiform Luwian, which is ment [s] > [h] in the case of the verb hamai-
characterized by N(m/f) pl. -nzi and D pl. -nza. /amei- “to found” < cuneiform Luwian samnai-.
Yet another feature which stresses the relationship Another deviation from the Luwian hieroglyphic
of Etruscan with Luwian hieroglyphic is the phe-

139
 pattern is formed by the G pl. in -ai, which Etrus-
can shares with Lycian and Lydian. Finally,
Etruscan has in common with Lydian the use of
the D-G sg. in -l and the dropping of the final
vowel with respect to the endings of the Abl. sg.
and the 3rd person sg. and pl. of the present/future
tense. Obviously, this leads us to the conclusion
that Etruscan is a Luwian dialect sui generis.
(4) About the time that Etruscan separated from the
related Luwian dialects it is relevant to note that,
considering the form of the relative being -Fva-, it
has not participated in the labiovelar development
which characterizes Lycian ti- and Lydian pe- or
pi-. On the other hand, we have seen that Etruscan
shows some evidence of the typical Lycian pho-
netic development [s] > [h]. Hence, the separation
likely dates to after the 8th century BC, when
Luwian hieroglyphic dies out, and before the first
evidence of Lycian and Lydian in the late 7th cen-
tury BC.
(5) The large amount of correspondences with Greek,
which cannot be explained in an Italian context,
indicate an Aegean location of Etruscan when still
in the Anatolian motherland. On the basis of the
Aiolisms, this location may perhaps even be fine-
tuned as in the neighborhood of Aiolia. Note that
the influence of Greek on Etruscan, in view of the
origin of the ending of the 3rd person sg. of the
past tense in -ce or -Fe from the Greek kappa-
perfect (or -aorist), amounted to the level of code-
mixing.680
(6) The correspondences with Italic and Latin are eas-
ily explained by the Italian context of Etruscan
from the 7th century BC onwards. Note that, in
view of the 3rd person pl. of the passive of the
present tense in -n(a)-ur and the passive infini-
tive -ri, the interaction with the Italici also
amounted to the level of code-mixing.
(7) The correspondences with Phoenician indicate a
direct contact of Etruscans with Phoenicians.

680 Adams, Janse & Swain 2002.

140
APPENDIX III: A LUWIAN TRIFUNCTIONAL DIVINE TRIAD
RECORDED FOR CRETE

The Egyptian hieroglyphic text of a medical papyrus, whereas the vocabulary words, in conformity with the
probably stemming from to the reign of Amenhotep III situation in Cretan Linear A, are Semitic, waya corre-
(1390-1352 BC), preserves a magical spell against the Asi- sponding to wy “and” as recorded for a Phoenician inscrip-
atic pox in the language of the Keftiu. In transliteration, tion from Cyprus and ’ayaman to ‘immanu “with us” as in
this text reads: Biblical ‘immanu’el “with us god”, so that in its entirety
the translation of the formula runs as follows: “Santas, Ku-
snt͑k3pwpyw3y͑ym‘nt͑rk3k3r,
papa, and with us Carian Tar®u(nt)”.
or, in the vocalized transliteration as adopted by Of the three gods in question, Tar®u(nt) is the storm-
Wolfgang Helck: or weather-god, often depicted with the symbol of light-
sa-n-ta-ka-pu-pi-wa-ya-’a-ya-ma-n-ta-ra-kú-ka-ra. ning in his hand. Next, Kupapa, who is likely to be identi-
fied with the Phrygian Magna Mater, Kybele, no doubt
As argued at length in my contribution on the topic
likewise represents agricultural richness and procreation.
from 1992 (with references), the formula can be subdi-
Finally, there is some evidence to consider Santas as a
vided into six individual entities, four of which render
war-god, because (1) he is depicted armed with a bow, (2)
three divine names in sum, viz. Santas, Kupapa, and Tarku
in his capacity as chief god of Tarsus during the Classical
Kara, and the remaining two of which consist of vocabu-
period he is identified with the Greek war-hero par excel-
lary words, viz. waya (w3y) and ’ayaman (͑ym‘n).681 The
lence, Herakles, and (3) in a Hittite text he is staged as
three divine names are all of Luwian background,682
dressed in bloodred cloths – red being the color of the war-
rior class.683 At this point, one cannot help to be reminded

681 Woudhuizen 1992a: 1-10; according to the expert Egyptologist

of Georges Dumézil’s epoch-making thesis of a trifunc-
tional ideology of the Indo-Europeans, Tar®u(nt) repre-
J.F. Borghouts, the sign Gardiner 1994: N 31 “road” does not ren-
der a phonetic value in the present context. senting royal sovereignty (= F1), Santas standing as a
682 For Luwian hieroglyphic, see Savaú 1998: 41-2 (Santas); 17- protagonist for the class of warriors (= F2), and Kupapa
29 (Kupapa); 47-63 (Tar® unt); note that Tar® u(nt) is represented acting as protectress of the class of agricultural producers
as Trqqñt- or Trqqas in Lycian inscriptions, see Melchert 1993, (= F3). At any rate, the parallels from the pantheon of
s.v., and as Zeus TarguƝnos in Lydia, see Woudhuizen 1990: 101;
other Indo-European peoples like the Romans, the Indians,
Santas and Kupapa are recorded in form of ĝãnt2aĞ and Kufad in
and the Germans for trifunctional divine triads are conspi-
Lydian no. 4, see Gusmani 1964. Related onomastic elements of
these three divine names together are attested for the archives of cious:684
Tell Atchana/Alalakh (Goetze 1954: 74, 78; Laroche 1960b: 116)
and Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Gordon 1965: glossary nos. 1186, 1777,
2607 and 2609) in North Syria (cf. Strange 1980: 132), i.e. preci-
sely the region from where Luwian hieroglyphic disseminates in
the beginning of the second millennium BC (Best & Woudhuizen
1989: 108-20; 128-37). At Karkamis in this very same region also
a divine triad is venerated, this time consisting of Tar®u(nt) (or its
Hurritic equivalent Tešup or its Semitic counterpart Adad), Ku-
papa and the stag-god Kar®u®as, see Laroche 1960b: 120; this lat- 683 Melchert 2002: 241-2; Kammenhuber 1940: 193; cf. Dumézil
ter divine triad is mentioned together in, amongst others, a Luwian
1958: 26.
hieroglyphic inscription on a stone bowl dedicated by the Phrygian
king Midas and hence dating to the late 8th century BC, which was 684 Dumézil 1958: 48 f. (Roman); 34 (Indic); 58 (Germanic); ac-

transported as a spolia from Karkamis to Babylon, see Hawkins cording to Littleton 1973: 12 the Germanic evidence should rather
2000: 394-6 and Woudhuizen 2004b: 105-6 (= Babylon 2). be analysed as follows: F1 Othinn, F2 Thǀrr, and F 3 Freyr.

141
 LUWIAN ROMAN INDIC GERMANIC
F1 Tarku Kara Jupiter Mitra-Varuna Thor
F2 Santas Mars Indra Wodan
F3 Kupapa Quirinus Nasatya-AĞvin Freyr

Table 9. Trifunctional divine triads among various Indo-European speaking groups.

Now, the present Luwian divine triad is not the only evi- lian languages Hittite and Palaic, of Celtic, Italic, and
dence for trifunctionalism in Crete. Recently, Chris Lynn Tocharian.688 Hence, the preservation of a reflex of laryn-
and Dean Miller argued that the cup with a man with a geal [h2] in IE Anatolian may safely be ascribed to the in-
staff (= F1), the rhyton with a depiction of boxers and fluence of the indigenous Anatolian languages like Hattic
other sports (= F2), and the vase with a procession of and Hurritic on that of the Indo-European intruders. No
farmers (= F3) from one and the same Late Minoan IB need, therefore, to saddle the Indo-Europeans of Anatolia
context at Hagia Triada present yet another instance of this up with 1700 years of fictitious history, as Robert Drews,
typical Indo-European ideology.685 Contrary to the opin- in the wake of the linguists Thomas Gamkrelidze & Va-
ion of the latter authors, however, I would not attribute this þeslav Ivanov, does in his Greater Anatolia!689
example of trifunctionalism to the Mycenaean Greeks, who
only gained possession of the island of Crete after the dis-
astrous Santorini eruption at the end of Late Minoan IB (c.
1450 BC), but to the Luwian population groups which pre-
sumably arrived with the Indo-European incursions in the
east-Mediterranean region at the end of the Early Bronze
Age II, c. 2300 BC.686
According to the late Edgar Polomé, there is no evi-
dence of trifunctionalism among the Indo-European popu-
lation groups of Anatolia, which would underline their
aberrant position in the field of linguistics as exemplified
by the unique preservation of a reflex of laryngeal [h2].687
As shown in the above, however, this evidence is blatantly
provided by the most southernly fringe of the Luwians, i.e.
those inhabiting the island of Crete. Such a conclusion co-
incides markedly with the straightforwardly Indo-
European nature of the Luwian language as attested for the
hieroglyphic monuments, which, apart from some individ-
ual developments like the loss of the voiced velars, is par-
ticularly related to the conservative group among the Indo-
European languages consisting, next to the other IE Anato-

685 Lynn & Miller 1999.

686 Mellaart 1971; Gimbutas 1973; Best 1981: 8-9; see section 3
above.
687 Polomé 1982b: 169 “(…) nothing reminds us of the trifunctio-
nal pattern in the traditions of the Luwians, Hittites, and other In-
do-Europeans of the Old Kingdom, (…)”. An exception to this
statement is be formed by the trifunctional colors (F1 white, F2 688 Woudhuizen 2004a: section 9.
red, and F3 blue) enumerated in a Hittite ritual, see Littleton 1973:
95 and cf. note 683 above. 689 Drews 2001.

142
 APPENDIX IV: PELASGIAN DEMETER AND ZEUS

The earliest attestation of the divine name Demeter is on a Another deity attributed with a Pelasgian origin is
stone laddle inscribed with the Linear A legend da-ma-te Zeus. Thus already in Homeros’ Iliad, which, as we have
from a peak-sanctuary at Kythera, dated to the transition seen in section 2 above, basically reflects Late Bronze Age
from Middle Minoan III to Late Minoan I, c. 1600 BC.690 history, Zeus of Dodona – at that time still the one near
According to Herodotos, the cult of Demeter originated Skotussa in Thessaly – is referred to by Akhilleus in a
from Egypt, and the rites were taught by the daughters of prayer as “Pelasgian” (Zeu Dǀdǀnaie Pelasgike).697 Now,
Danaos to Pelasgian women.691 As the arrival in Greece of the linguistic analysis of the divine name Zeus is undis-
Danaos with his daughters from Egypt can be situated in puted, all specialists tracing it back to the PIE root *DyƝws
the period of the shaft-graves at Mycenae c. 1600 BC, this for the sky-god.698 If, then, Zeus’ mythical Pelasgian ori-
tallies well with the afore-mentioned date of the earliest gin applies, we are confronted with a second pre-Greek di-
epigraphical evidence for the divine name Demeter. In the vine name based on a PIE root.
variant of the myth by Pausanias, however, Demeter is The Pelasgian nature of Demeter and Zeus may well
welcomed in his home by Pelasgos, the mythical ancestor account for their incorporation in the Lydian pantheon as
of the Pelasgians who ruled the Argolid before the arrival Lametru- and LevĞ or LefĞ, respectively.699 As we have
of Danaos and his daughters and thus brings us back to seen in section 12 above, namely, Pelasgians were living in
sometime in the Middle Bronze Age.692 the region of Larisa Phrikonis at the time of the Trojan war
The name Demeter or Damater is variously analyzed and for this reason may be assumed to have been in close
by linguists, but all agree that the second element consists contact with the ancestors of the historical Lydians, in
of a reflex of PIE *méh2tƝr “mother”.693 Generally, this is which process they evidently radiated their cult of Demeter
taken for evidence of the Greek language, but the interpre- and Zeus.
tation of Linear B ma-ka as Ma Ga “Mother Earth” mili- The identification of Demeter and Zeus as Pelasgian
tates against a Greek solution along the line of da- in gods does not exclude their ultimate Cretan origin as sug-
Damater being a reflex of Greek ga or gƝ “earth”.694 To gested by the Homeric hymn to Demeter700 and Hesiodos’
this comes that the Phrygian language, which, as we have Theogony,701 which squares with the earliest attestation of
seen in section 7 above, was presumably spoken by pre- Demeter in a Linear A inscription from a Minoan peak-
Greek population groups of mainland Greece, is likewise sanctuary at Kythera, and the myth of Zeus being born in
characterized by a reflex of PIE *méh2tƝr as exemplified the cave of Dikte:702 as we have already noted with respect
by the Old Phrygian expression matar Kubileya or matar to Demeter, the cult of these gods may have radiated to the
Kubeleya “mother Kybele”.695 Hence, the divine name Greek mainland already in Middle Helladic times! From a
Demeter may well date back to the time before the Greek
language came into being and be of Pelasgian origin as
“Pelasgian Demeter”.
Pausanias’ version of the myth suggests.696
697 Homeros, Iliad XVI, 233; cf. Strabo, Geography V, 2, 4.

698 Sihler 1995: 58; cf. Beekes 1990: 96.

690 Sakellarakis & Olivier 1994 (= KY Za 2); Duhoux 1994-5:
699 Gusmani 1964, s.v.
290-1; Suter 2002: 164.
691 Histories II, 171. 700 Homeric Hymn to Demeter 123; cf. Nilsson 1927: 506.

692 Guide to Greece 1, 14, 2. 701 Theogony 969-74, with Iasiǀn as parhedros; for the Minyan
nature of the root of the latter name, cf. the royal names Iasos as
693 Suter 2002: 160-1.
attested for Orkhomenos and Iason as reported for Iolkos, on
694 Aravantinos, Godart & Sacconi 2001: 184; 358; cf. Douhoux which see Sakellariou 1977: 116-7.
1994-5: 290. 702 Apollonios of Rhodes, Argonautika I, 605-6; for the associa-

695 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: W-04; B-01. tion of his birth with mount Ida, see ibid., II, 1559-61; cf. Nilsson
1927: 393-4. Note in this connection that in Homeros’ Iliad Zeus
696 Cf. Pausanias, Guide to Greece 2, 22, 1: DƝmƝtƝr Pelasgis is frequently associated with the Trojan mount Ida.

143
linguistic point of view, however, the names Demeter and comprehensive elucidation by Boufidis as “Idaian
Zeus should be assigned to a Pelasgian layer or group in Mother”. According to Elwira Kaczynɩska, this runs up
Cretan society. against the fact that the Cretan oronym Ida originates from
*Wida, and hence an initial digamma should be expected
Additional note 1: Linear A I-DA- for the Linear A legend709 – an inference which even re-
ceives further support if the related Greek idƝ “timber-tree”
MA-TE
(leading to the interpretation of Ida as “wooded hill”)710
ultimately derives from PIE *uʗidhu- “tree”.711 However,
Two double-axes, one of gold and the other of silver, from
the cave of Arkalokhori are inscribed with the Linear A the man’s name Idaios, which, of course, cannot be dis-
legend L 100a-30-95-92, reading, with the values of their connected from the mountain name Ida, appears in Linear
Linear B counterparts, i-da-ma-te.703 This legend has re- B as i-da-i-jo, that is to say without an initial digamma.712
ceived various interpretations by the different authors. In As it seems, then, the initial digamma has been dropped al-
the first place, the excavator of the find, Nikolaos ready in the 14th century BC, which, needless to say, seri-
Boufidis, suggested to consider it as the equivalent of ously undermines Kaczynɩska’s objection.

Greek Ida hƝ matƝr “The Idaian Mother”.704 Secondly, the The validity of Boufidis’ interpretation can be further
editor princeps of the inscription on the gold axe, Maurice supported by circumstantial evidence. As indicated in the
Pope, took it for a variant of the pre-Greek divine name above, the legend is inscribed on double-axes. Now, the
DƝmƝtƝr characterized by an enigmatic prefix i-.705 double-axe is the symbol par excellence of the foremost
Thirdly, Franco Crevatin explained the second part of the Cretan goddess, which according to her Semitic form of
legend as a reflex of the onomastic element -martis as at- address is called Assara. This goddess, especially known
tested for the pre-Greek Cretan divine name Britomar- from libation inscriptions on wash-hand stone-basins from
tis.706 In the fourth place, finally, Paul Faure proposed to peak-sanctuaries, is depicted on a seal with the double-axe
split up the second part of the legend in a theonym Ma and on her head. Furthermore, her name is written with the
a reflex of the Greek vocabulary word theos.707 double-axe sign for the expression of the initial vowel,
Of these interpretations, the last two have a bearing which in one instance is placed between punctuation marks
only on the second element -ma-te, which the authors in to stress its symbolic value as a totem for the goddess.713
question try to disconnect from PIE *méh2tƝr “mother”. In According to three Cretan hieroglyphic sealings with the
my view, these attempts are highly dubious (we would
have expected †-ma-ti and †-ma-te-o, respectively) and at possible, would nonetheless collide with the PIE nature of the rest
any rate unsuccessful in explaining the legend in full. The of the legend.

latter remark also holds good for Pope’s interpretation, 709 Kaczynɩska 2002: 138.

which, although recognizing the plausible relation of ma-te 710 LSJ, s.v. Note in this connection that in Homeros, Iliad XXIII,
with PIE *méh2tƝr, saddles us up with an enigmatic prefix 110-28 and in Dictys of Crete’s work on the Trojan war (III, 12
i-.708 This leaves us, by means of deduction, with the only and IV, 13) the Trojan mount Ida is referred to as a source of wood
for cremation burials.
711 Pokorny 1994: I, 1177; cf. Delamarre 2003: 319 for Celtic ui-
703 Godart & Olivier 1982: 142-3, AR Zf 1-2; for the numbering du- “tree, wood”.
of the Linear A signs, see Meijer 1982: 38-47. 712 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.; cf. also i-da-me-na-
704 Boufidis 1953-4. ja, the female counterpart of Homeric Idomeneus, which latter is
705 Pope 1956.
plausibly interpreted by Kretschmer (Pauly-Wissowa Realency-
clopädie, s.v.) as “der Mann vom Ida gebirge” and hence likely
706 Crevatin 1975. bears testimony of the Hittite ethnic suffix -umana-, see Laroche
1960c: 171. Note that this linguistic analysis receives further em-
707 Faure 2002: 78. Cf. Duhoux 1994-5: 289-90; Kaczynɩska 2002:
phasis by the fact that Idomeneus’ mother is called Ida according
138. to literary tradition, see Gindin 1999: 90. For the loss of the wau,
708 Duhoux 1994-5: 291-2 connects the supposed prefix i- with cf. Linear A a-si-ja-ka as compared to Linear B a-si-wi-jo, both
forms bearing testimony of the Anatolian geographic name Assu-
Linear y- as in ya-sa-sa-ra-me alongside a-sa-sa-ra-me, but, as we
wa “Asia”.
have noted in section 12 above, this concerns the Semitic vocative
particle y- and, although hybrid formations are not altogether 713 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 19-21, esp. figs. 19 and 20a.
impossible, would nonetheless collide with the PIE nature of the

144
first part of the name of the goddess from Samothrace, her Additional note 2: Poseidon “con-
cult was exported to the north-Aegean region in the Middle sort of Da”
Minoan II or III period.714 If we realize, then, that for the
Luwian population of Crete the form of address for this In his stimulating monograph on the Greek deity Poseidon,
foremost Cretan goddess was Kapupi, a local dialectal Fritz Schachermeyr followed the linguistic analysis of this
variant of Luwian Kupapa,715 it seems not farfetched to divine name by Paul Kretschmer as a compound of Greek
assume that the Kybela (= Phrygian form of Luwian Ku- potis or posis “consort” of PIE nature (cf. Latin potis, San-
papa) cult at the Trojan mount Ida was introduced from skrit pátih̙) with a form of address of mother earth, Da,
Crete in this particular period. If so, our connection of the hence leading to the interpretation of the entire form as
double-axe with the “Idaian Mother” is substantially en- “consort of Da”.718 Now, the second element da-, which is
hanced. also present in the divine name DamatƝr or DƝmƝtƝr (< da-
The question remains to be answered to which lin- + PIE *méh2tƝr), may well come into consideration as the
guistic layer on Crete Linear A i-da-ma-te “Idaian Mother” Pelasgian indication of “earth”, related to Greek ga or gƝ
should be ascribed. To this aim, it is important to deter- and originating from the common proto-form *gda- as at-
mine the date of the inscribed double-axes. This can be tested for the Phrygian place name Gdanmaa,719 Demeter
achieved by their association with pottery from the same being the earth-mother par excellence. If so, the divine
cave, which according to Pierce Blegen runs on from Early name Poseidon, just like Demeter, is likely to be attributed
Minoan to Late Minoan IA or perhaps even Late Minoan with Pelasgian antecedents.
IB and Late Minoan II.716 If the latest possible date ap- The latter inference gains weight by the fact that ac-
plies, the two Linear A legends may well be assumed to cording to literary tradition Poseidon, together with Deme-
have been produced in consigment of a Greek customer, ter, was venerated in Arkadian Thelpusa and some other
because, as we have seen in section 8, the Mycenaean locations in horse shape720 – a feature which Schacher-
Greeks have earned themselves a foothold in Crete after meyr plausibly explains as ultimately rooted in the time of
the desastrous Santorini-eruption at the end of Late Mi- the introduction of the horse in Greece,721 which, as we
noan IB (c. 1450 BC). If, however, the double-axes belong have seen in section 7, took place in two distinct phases
to an earlier period, an attribution to the Pelasgian layer or during the Early Helladic III (horse-like animal) and Mid-
group in Cretan society, which we have just seen to be re- dle Helladic (true horse) periods. Interesting to note in this
sponsible for the divine name Demeter, seems preferable. connection is that the prominent position of the horse in
At any rate, to suggest that for the presence of the divine Middle Helladic times clearly appears from the horse bur-
name “Idaian Mother” in two Linear A inscriptions this ial associated with a royal tumulus at Marathon.722 Con-
script in its entirety notates an Indo-European language of trary to Schachermeyr, however, and in line with a
the Greek or Thraco-Phrygian type bears testimony of a suggestion by Joost Crouwel, I think it is unlikely that this
grave methodological error and a reductio ad absurdum of prominent position of the horse in Middle Helladic times is
the complexities of Cretan society during the Middle and solely based on its function as food provider (milk and
Late Bronze Age.717
718 Schachermeyr 1950: 13-4; cf. Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995:
26, etc.
719 Haas 1966: 215 (ascribes this name to Pisidian influence, but
unlikely so as Pisidian belongs to the Luwian language group).
720 Pausanias, Guide to Greece 8, 25, 5 f.
714 Olivier & Godart 1996: 192, # 135-7.
721 Schachermeyr 1950: 64; 143.
715 Woudhuizen 1992a: 4-5; see also appendix III.
722 Marinaotos 1973: Pls. 13-4; Papadimitriou 2001: figs. 44-7.
716 Vandenabeele 1985: 5 “and the decoration of the double axes
Doubts have been raised about the Middle Helladic date of this
belongs to the type which furnished the inspiration for the second
horse burial, and it is considered by some an intrusive element
period of the Palace Style pottery ca. 1450-1400 BC”.
from the Turkish period, but it should be noted in this context that
717 Owens 1996: 174-5; Owens 1999: 34; 49 (claims that Minoan single horse burial is paralleled for the Middle Bronze Age at La-
[in casu Linear A] is the oldest example of Indo-European); pithos in Cyprus, see Gjerstad 1926 : 81 (Politiko tomb 3) and cf.
Owens 2000: 249. Herscher 1978 : 793.

145
meat) or as a sacred animal per se:723 it must have had al- and with pre-Greek population groups in Greece, the con-
ready military significance in this early period and hence nection of Poseidon with the chariot (Pelops at Olympia,
have been used for riding724 (note in this connection that Onkhestos, the two horses of Peleus named Xanthos and
the outcome of the sacred marriage between Poseidon and Balios)732 – as we have seen in section 7, the military
Demeter in horse shape at Thelpusa, the divine horse weapon newly introduced by the foreign invaders c. 1600
Areion, is reported to have been mounted by Adrastos, i.e. BC – and with the ones who are responsible for its intro-
a king with a Phrygian name whose antecedents hence may duction in Greece (Kadmos),733 appears to be of secondary
likewise go back to Middle Helladic times, in the mythical nature.
war of the seven heroes from the Argolid against Just like Demeter and Zeus, Poseidon is also attested
Thebes).725 for Crete. Thus, in the genitive form po-se-da-o-ne he oc-
The ultimately Pelasgian origins of Poseidon can be curs together with other deities on a Linear B tablet from
further underlined by other literary evidence. First of all, it Knossos (KN V 52).734 Furthermore, if our location of
is conspicuous that Poseidon is particularly worshipped in Skheria and the Phaiakians in the western part of the Me-
the regions where we have situated the local allies of the sara valley holds good, it is noteworthy that Poseidon had
foreign invaders which arrived in Greece c. 1600 BC, viz. a temple here and is considered to be the father of Nau-
in Pylos (Nestor is sacrificing to Poseidon when Tele- sithoös, the founding father of the Phaiakians.735 At any
makhos visits him in the Odyssey),726 Attica (think of the rate, this latter evidence ties in perfectly with our indica-
contest between Athena and Poseidon, which the former tions of Pelasgian presence in the very same region of
won because of her gift of the olive tree),727 and Iolkos (as Crete as presented in section 12 above!
mythical father of Pelias and Neleus).728 Next, Poseidon is
directly associated in myth with Phrygians (Pelops, at
Olympia, and the nymph Mideia),729 or Thracians (Eu-
molpos, Kykhreus, the Abantes and Aones, the Eteo-
butades),730 or pre-Greeks more in general (Pelasgos,
Minyas).731
In the light of the given associations with the horse

723 Schachermeyr 1950: 53-4; 121.

724 Crouwel 1981: 46 “It is not impossible that some of the single
horses buried [among which the one at Marathon – notwithstan-
ding Crouwel’s second thoughts still considered Middle Helladic
in Papadimitriou 2001, be it with doubts expressed in a note] were
riding animals.” This does not collide with Drews’ recent thesis
(2004) that riding became military effective in the form of cavalry
units only after the Bronze Age. Note that this single horse burial
from the Middle Helladic period contrasts with double horse buri-
als as discovered at Dendra (Protonotariou-Deilaki 1990), which
cannot be dissociated from the war-chariot and hence must be as-
signed to the period from c. 1600 BC onwards.
725 Pausanias, Guide to Greece 8, 25, 7-9; cf. Wiesner 1968: F.
111.
726 Homeros, Odyssey III, 1 ff. 732 Schachermeyr 1950: 22; 39; 42.

727 Herodotos, Histories VIII, 55. 733 Schachermeyr 1950: 170.

728 Schachermeyr 1950: 43. 734 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: 311-2.

729 Schachermeyr 1950: 22; 41. 735 Schachermeyr 1950: 172. Note in this connection that striking

730 Schachermeyr 1950: 36-7; 41; cf. Detschew 1976, s.v. BoutƝs evidence for the cult of Poseidon in the region in question is pro-
vided by the remark in the Souda, s.v. Maleos that the latter had
and Kukhris, and Woudhuizen 1989: 196.
dedicated a stone at the entrance of the harbor of Phaistos to Po-
731 Schachermeyr 1950: 41; 43. seidon, cf. Briquel 1984: 266.

146
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

can Journal of Archaeology 69. Pp. 253-258.

Achterberg, Winfried, Best, Jan, Enzler, Kees, Rietveld, Lia, &
Woudhuizen, Fred, 2004, The Phaistos Disc: A Luwian Letter ––– , 1965b, Hellenosemitica, An Ethnic and Cultural Study in
to Nestor. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 13. West Semitic Impact on Mycenaean Greece. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Amsterdam: Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society.
––– , 1972, ‘Some Recent Works on Ancient Syria and the Sea
Adams, J.N., Janse, Mark, & Swain, Simon, 2002, Bilingualism in People’. Journal of the American Oriental Society 92. Pp.
Ancient Society, Language Contact and the Written Word. 447-459.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Balkan, Kemal, 1954, Kassitenstudien I: Die Sprache der Kas-
Agostiniani, Luciano, & Nicosia, Francesco, 2000, Tabula Corto- siten. New Haven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society.
nensis. Roma: «L’Erma» di Bretschneider.
Barako, Tristan J., 2004, [Review of: Eliezer D. Oren, The Sea
Agostino, Bruno d’, 1977, Tombe «Principesche» dell’ orientaliz- Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment]. American Jour-
zante antico da Pontecagnano. Monumenti Antichi, Serie nal of Archaeology, 108: 453-455.
miscellanea Volume II, 1. Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei
Barnett, Richard D., 1969, ‘The Sea Peoples’. In: Cambridge An-
Lincei.
cient History II, 2, Chapter 28. Pp. 3-21. Cambridge: At the
Åkerstrøm, Åke, 1934, Studien über die Etruskischen Gräber, University Press (3rd edition).
Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Entwicklung des
––– , 1975, ‘The Sea Peoples’. In: Cambridge Ancient History II,
Kammergrabes. Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup.
2, Chapter 28. Pp. 359-378. Cambridge: At the University
Akurgal, Ekrem, 1992, ‘L’Art Hatti’. In: Hittite and Other Anato- Press (3rd edition).
lian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, eds.
Barth, Frederik, 1969, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social
Heinrich Otten, Hayri Ertem, Ekrem Akurgal & Aygül Süel.
Organization of Culture Difference. Bergen-Oslo:
Pp. 1-5. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.
Universitets Forlaget. London: George Allen & Unwin.
Albright, William Foxwell, 1932, The Excavations of Tell Beit
BartonČk, Antonín, & Buchner, Georgio, 1995, ‘Die ältesten
Mirsim in Palestine, I: The Pottery of the First Three Cam-
griechischen Inschriften von Pithekoussai (2. Hälfte des VIII.
paigns. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research
bis 1. Hälfte des VII. Jh.)’. Die Sprache, Zeitschrift für
12.
Sprachwissenschaft 37:2. Pp. 129-231.
––– , 1959, ‘Dunand’s new Byblos Volume: A Lycian at the By-
Bass, George, 1997, ‘Beneath the Wine Dark Sea: Nautical Ar-
blian court’. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re-
chaeology and the Phoenicians of the Odyssey’. In: Greeks
search 155. Pp. 31-34.
and Barbarians, Essays on the Interaction between Greeks
––– , 1975, ‘Syria, the Philistines, and Phoenicia’. In: Cambridge and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences of
Ancient History II, 2, Chapter 33. Pp. 507-536. Cambridge: At Eurocentrism, eds. John E. Coleman & Clark A. Walz. Pp. 71-
the University Press (3rd edition). 101. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.

Alföldi, Andreas, 1963, Early Rome and the Latins. Leiden: E.J. Beekes, Robert S.P., 1990, Vergelijkende taalwetenschap, Tussen
Brill. Sanskrit en Nederlands (= Aula Paperback 176). Utrecht:
Uitgeverij Het Spectrum BV.
Alp, Sedat, 1968, Zylinder- und Stempelsiegel aus Karahöyük bei
Konya. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. ––– , 1993, ‘The Position of Etruscan’. In: Indogermanica et
Italica, Festschrift für Helmut Rix zum 65. Geburtstag, Hrsg.
Alt, Albrecht, 1944, ‘Ägyptische Tempel in Palästina und die
Gerhard Meisner. Pp. 46-60. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge
Landnahme der Philister’. Zeitschrift des Deutschen
zur Sprachwissenschaft.
Palästina-Vereins 67. Pp. 1-20.
––– , 1998, ‘The origin of Lat. aqua, and of *teutƗ “people”’.
Altheim, Franz, 1950, Der Ursprung der Etrusker. Baden-Baden:
Journal of Indo-European Studies 26. Pp. 459-466.
Verlag für Kunst und Wissenschaft.
––– , 2001, [Review of C. De Simone, I Tirreni a Lemnos, Evi-
Aravantinos, Vassilis L., Godart, Louis, & Sacconi, Anna, 2001,
denza linguistica e tradizioni storiche, Firenze, Olschki 1996].
Thèbes, Fouilles de la Cadmée I, Les tablettes en linéaire B de
Mnemosyne 54. Pp. 359-364.
la o d o s P e l o p i d o u , Édition et commentaire. Pisa-Roma:
Istituti editoriale e poligrafici internazionali. ––– , 2002, ‘The Prehistory of the Lydians, the Origin of the Etrus-
cans, Troy and Aeneas’. Bibliotheca Orientalis 59, 3/4 mei-
Astour, Michael C., 1964, ‘Greek Names in the Semitic World and
augustus. Pp. 205-239.
Semitic Names in the Greek World’. Journal of Near Eastern
Studies 23. Pp. 193-201. Beekes, Robert S.P., & Meer, L. Bauke van der, 1991, De
Etrusken Spreken. Muiderberg: Coutinho.
––– , 1965a, ‘New Evidence on the Last Days of Ugarit’. Ameri-

147
 uity 50. Pp. 40-47.
Behn, Friedrich, 1924, Hausurnen. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Bietak, Manfred, 1993, ‘The Sea Peoples and the End of the Egyp-
Beran, Thomas, 1967, Die Hethitische Glyptik von Bo÷azköy I.
tian Administration in Canaan’. In: Biblical Archaeology To-
Berlin: Verlag Gbr. Mann.
day, 1990, Proceedings of the Second International Congress
Bérard, C., 1970, Eretria, Fouilles et recherches, III L’Hérôon à on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, eds.
la port de l’ouest. Bern: Éditions Francke Berne. Avraham Biran & Joseph Aviram. Pp. 292-306. Jerusalem: Is-
rael Exploration Society.
Bérard, Jean, 1951, ‘Philistins et Préhéllènes’. Revue Archéologi-
que 37. Pp. 124- 142. ––– , 2000, ‘“Rich beyond the dreams of Avaris: Tell el-Dab‘a and
the Aegean World—A Guide for the Perplexed”: a response to
Bernal, Martin, 1991, Black Athena, The Afroasiatic Roots of
Eric H. Cline’. Annual of the British School at Athens 95. Pp.
Classical Civilization, II: The Archaeological and Documen-
185-205.
tary Evidence. London: Free Association Books.
Bikai, Patricia Maynor, 1992, ‘The Phoenicians’. In: The Crisis
Beschi, Luigi, 1994, ‘I Tirreni di Lemno alla luce dei recenti dati
Years: The 12th century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the
di scavo’. Magna Graeca, Etruschi, Fenici. Pp. 23-56. Tar-
Tigris, eds. William A. Ward & Martha Sharp Joukowsky. Pp.
anto.
132-141. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.
Best, Jan G.P., 1973, ‘Six contributions to the decipherment of
Binsbergen, Wim M.J. van, 1996-7, ‘Alternative Models of
Linear A—I. The Semitic equivalents of Mycenaean a-pu-do-
Intercontinental Interaction Towards the Earliest Cretan
si and o-pe-ro’. Ugarit-Forschungen 5. Pp. 53-59.
Script’. Black Athena: Ten Years After, Talanta, Proceedings
––– , 1976, ‘The Foreign Relations of the Apsis-House Culture in of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 28-29, ed.
Palestine’. In: Pulpudeva, Semaines philippopolitaines de Wim M.J. van Binsbergen. Pp. 131-148.
l’histoire et de la culture thrace, Plovdiv, 4-19 octobre 1976.
––– , 1999, ‘‘Cultures do not exist’, Exploding self-evidences in
Pp. 205-209.
the investigation of Interculturality’. Quest, An African Jour-
––– , 1981a, ‘YAŠŠARAM!’. Ugarit-Forschungen 13. Pp. 291- nal of Philosophy XIII, no. 1-2, Special Issue: Languge &
293. Culture. Pp. 37-114.

––– , 1981b, Supplementum Epigraphicum Mediterraneum ad Ta- ––– , forthc., ‘Ethnicity in eastern Mediterranean protohistory: Re-
lanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Histori- flections on theory and method’, in: Binsbergen, Wim M.J.
cal Society 13. van, & Woudhuizen, Fred C., Ethnicity in Mediterranean Pro-
tohistory, Oxford: BAR (British Archaeological Reports) In-
––– , 1982-3a, ‘The Zakro Pithos Inscription, Again’. Talanta, ternational Series.
Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical So-
ciety 14-15. Pp. 9- 15. Blegen, Carl W., 1963, Troy and the Trojans. London: Thames
and Hudson.
––– , 1982-3b, ‘Two Traditions in Spiral Inscriptions with Linear
A Texts’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological Boardman, John, 1994, ‘Settlement for Trade and Land in North
and Historical Society 14-15. Pp. 17-25. Africa: problems of identity’. In: The Archaeology of Greek
Colonisation, Essays dedicated to Sir John Boardman, eds.
––– , 1992-3, ‘Racism in Classical Archaeology’. Talanta, Gocha R. Tsetskhladze & Franco De Angelis. Pp. 137-149.
Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.
Society 24-25. Pp. 7-10.
––– , 1999, The Greeks Overseas, their early colonies and trade.
––– , 1996-7, ‘The Ancient Toponyms of Mallia: A post- London: Thames and Hudson (Fourth edition).
Eurocentric reading of Egyptianising Bronze Age documents’.
Black Athena: Ten Years After, Talanta, Proceedings of the Boer, Jan de, 1991, ‘A Double Figure-Headed Boat-Type in the
Dutch, Archaeological and Historical Society 28-29, ed. Wim Eastern Mediterranean and Central Europe during the Late
M.J. van Binsbergen. Pp. 99-129. Bronze Ages’. Actes de Symposium Thracia Pontica IV, So-
zopol, October 6-12, 1988. Pp. 43-50. Sofia.
––– , 2000, ‘The First Inscription in Punic, Vowel Differences be-
tween Linear A and B’. Ugarit-Forschungen 32. Pp. 27-35. Bonfante, Guliano, 1946, ‘Who were the Philistines?’. American
Journal of Archaeology 50. Pp. 257-262.
Best, Jan, & Woudhuizen, Fred, 1988, Ancient Scripts from Crete
and Cyprus. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 9. Bonfante, Giuliano, & Bonfante, Larissa, 2002, The Etruscan
Leiden: E.J. Brill. Language, An Introduction. Manchester: Manchester Univer-
sity Press (2nd edition).
––– , 1989, Lost Languages from the Mediterranean. Publications
of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 10. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Bosch-Gimpera, Pedro, 1939, Two Celtic Waves in Spain. The Sir
John Rhǔs Memorial Lecture, British Academy. London:
Best, Jan G.P., & Yadin, Yigael, 1973, The Arrival of the Greeks. Humphrey Milford Amen House, E.C.
Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 1. Amsterdam:
Adolf M. Hakkert. Bossert, Helmuth, 1932, Šantaš und Kupapa. Mitteilungen der
Altorientalischen Gesellschaft VI, 3. Leipzig: Verlag von Otto
Betancourt, Philip P., 1976, ‘The End of the Bronze Age’. Antiq-

148
 Harrassowitz.
Burn, A.R., 1930, Minoans, Philistines and Greeks, B.C. 1400-
Boufidis, Nikolaos Kr., 1953-4, ‘Kritomikinaikai epigraphai eks 900. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd.
Arkalokhǀriou’, Arkhaiologiki Ephimeris 2. Pp. 61-74.
Byrne, Ryan, 2002, ‘Philistine Semitics and Dynastic History at
Bouzek, Jan, 1997, Greece, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural Inter- Ekron’. Ugarit- Forschungen 34. Pp. 1-23.
relations during the Early Iron Age. Studies in Mediterranean
Cabrera, Paloma, & Olmos, Ricardo, 1985, ‘Die Griechen in
Archeology CXXII. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.
Huelva, Zum Stand der Diskussion’. Madrider Mitteilungen
Breasted, James Henry, 1927, Ancient Records of Egypt, Histori- 26. Pp. 63-74.
cal Documents from the earliest times to the Persian Con-
Camporeale, Giovannangelo, 2003, Die Etrusker, Geschichte und
quest, collected, edited, and translated with commentary.
Kultur. Düsseldorp-Zürich: Artemis & Winkler Verlag.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press (3rd impresssion).
Carruba, Onofrio, 2002, ‘Cario Natri ed egizio ntr ‘dio’’. In:
Briquel, Dominique, 1984, Les Pélasges en Italie, Recherches sur
Novalis Indogermanica, Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum
l’histoire de la légende. Rome: École Française de Rome.
80. Geburtstag, Hrsg. Matthias Fritz & Susanna Zeilfelder.
––– , 1991, L’Origine Lydienne des Étrusques, Histoire de la doc- Pp. 75-84. Graz: Leykam.
trine dans l’Antiquité. Rome: École Française de Rome.
Caskey, John L., 1971, ‘Greece, Crete, and the Aegean Islands in
Brixhe, Claude, & Lejeune, Michel, 1984, Corpus des Inscriptions the Early Bronze Age’. Cambridge Ancient History I, 2. Pp.
Paleo-Phrygiennes I-II. Paris: Editions Recherche sur les 771-807. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (3rd edi-
Civilisations. tion).

Broneer, Oscar, 1956, ‘Athens in the Late Bronze Age’. Antiquity ––– , 1973, ‘Greece and the Aegean Islands in the Middle Bronze
30. Pp. 9-18. Age’. Cambridge Ancient History II, 1. Pp. 117-140. Cam-
bridge: At the University Press (3rd edition).
Brown, Raymond A., 1985, Evidence for Pre-Greek Speech on
Crete from Greek Alphabetic Sources. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Casson, Stanley, 1968, Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria. Groningen:
Hakkert-Publisher. Bouma’s Boekhuis N.V. Publishers.

Bryce, Trevor R., 1974, ‘The Lukka Problem—and a possible so- Catling, Hector, 1973, ‘The Achaean Settlement of Cyprus’. In:
lution’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 33. Pp. 395-404. Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium “The
Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean”, Nicosia 27th
––– , 1986, The Lycians in Literary and Epigraphic Sources. Co-
March – 2nd April 1972. Pp. 34-39. Nicosia: Zavallis Press
penhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.
Ltd.
––– , 1989, ‘Ahhiyawans and Mycenaeans—an Anatolian view-
Caubet, Annie, 2000, ‘Ras Shamra-Ugarit Before the Sea Peoples’.
point’. Journal of Oxford Archaeology 8. Pp. 297-310.
In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed.
––– , 1992, ‘Lukka Revisited’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 35-51. Philadelphia: The University Mu-
51. Pp. 121-130. seum.

––– , 1998, The Kingdom of the Hittites. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Chabas, François, 1872, Études sur l’Antiquité Historique d’après
les sources égyptiennes et les monuments réputés préhistori-
––– , 2003, Letters of the Great Kings of the Ancient Near East,
que. Chalon-s-S.: Dejussien. Paris: Maissonneuve et Cie.
The Royal Correspondence of the Late Bronze Age. London-
New York: Routledge. ––– , 1873, Recherches pour servir à l’Histoire d’Égypte sous la
XXe Dynastie.
Buchholz, Hans-Günter, 1973, ‘Grey Trojan Ware in Cyprus and
North Syria’. In: Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean: Ar- Champollion, Jean-François, 1836, Grammaire égyptienne, ou
chaeological and linguistic problems in Greek prehistory, principes généraux de l’écriture sacrée Égyptienne appliquée
Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on Aegean à la représentation de la langue parlée. Paris: Didot.
Prehistory, Sheffield, eds. R. A. Crossland & Ann Birchall.
Chantraine, Pierre, 1958, ‘Mycénien Te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro’. In:
Pp. 179-187. London: Duckworth.
Minoica, Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes
–––, 1999, Ugarit, Zypern und Ägäis, Kulturbeziehungen im Sundwall, Hrsg. Ernst Grumach. Pp. 123-127. Berlin:
zweiten Jahrtausend v.Chr. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Akademie Verlag.

Buchner, Giorgio, 1982, ‘Die Beziehungen zwischen der Charsekin, A.I., 1963, Zur Deutung etruskischer
euböischen Kolonie Pithekoussai auf der Insel Ischia und dem Sprachdenkmäler. Untersuchungen zur Römischen
nordwest semitischen Mittelmeerraum in der zweiten Hälfte Geschichte III. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann.
des 8. Jhs. v. Chr.’. In: Phönizier im Westen, Die Beiträge des
Cifola, Barbara, 1991, ‘The Terminology of Ramses III’s Histori-
Internationalen Symposiums über “Die phönizische
cal Records, with a Formal Analyses of the War Scenes’. Ori-
Expansion im westlichem Mittelmeerraum” in Köln vom 24.
entalia 60. Pp. 9- 57.
bis 27. April 1979, ed. Hans Georg Niemeyer. Pp. 277-306.
Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Cline, Eric H., 1987, ‘Amenhotep III and the Aegean: A Reas-
sessment of Egypto-Aegean Relations in the Fourteenth Cen-

149
 tury B.C’. Orientalia 56. Pp. 1-36. Baden: Bruno Grimm Verlag für Kunst und Wissenschaften.

––– , 1991, ‘A Possible Hittite Embargo against the Mycenaeans’. Desborough, Vincent R. d’A., 1964, The Last Mycenaeans and
Historia 40. Pp. 1-9. their Successors. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

––– , 2001, ‘Amenhotep III, the Aegean, and Anatolia’. In: Amen- ––– , 1972, The Greek Dark Ages. London: Ernst Benn Limited.
hotep III, Perspectives on His Reign, eds. David O’Connor &
Detschew, Dimiter, 1976, Die Thrakischen Sprachreste. 2. Auflage
Eric H. Cline. Pp. 236-250. Ann Arbor: The University of
mit Bibliographie 1955-1974 von Zivka Velkova. Wien:
Michigan Press.
Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Cline, Eric H., & O’Connor, David, 2003, ‘The Mystery of the
Diakonoff, Igor Mikhailovich, 1984, The Prehistory of the
‘Sea Peoples’’. In: Mysterious Lands, eds. David O’Connor &
Armenian people. Delmar-New York: Caravan Books.
Stephen Quirke. Pp. 107-138. University College London: In-
stitute of Archaeology. Diakonoff, Igor Mikhailovich, & Neroznak, Vladimir Petrovich,
1985, Phrygian. Delmar-New York: Caravan Books.
Coleman, J.E., 2000, ‘An Archaeological Scenario for the “Com-
ing of the Greeks” ca. 3200 B.C.’. Journal of Indo-European Dickinson, Oliver T.P.K., 1977, The Origins of Mycenaean Civili-
Studies 28. Pp. 101- 153. zation. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 49. Göteborg:
Paul Åströms Förlag.
Coles, J.M., & Harding, A.F., 1979, The Bronze Age in Europe.
London: Methuen & Co. Dietrich, Manfried & Loretz, Oswald, 1978, ‘Das ‘Seefahrende
Volk’ von Šikila (RS 34.129)’. Ugarit-Forschungen 10. Pp.
Colonna, Giovanni, 1980, ‘Virgilio, Cortona e la leggenda etrusca
53-56.
di Dardano’. Archeologia Classica 32. Pp. 1-14.
––– , 1998, ‘Amurru, Yaman und die ägäischen Inseln nach den
Cornell, Tim, 1997, ‘Ethnicity as a factor in early Roman history’.
ugaritischen Texten’. Israel Oriental Studies 18. Pp. 335-363.
In: Gender & Ethnicity in ancient Italy, Accordia Specialist
Studies on Italy Vol. 6, eds. Tim Cornell & Kathryn Lomas. Dikaios, Porphyrios, 1971, Enkomi, Excavations 1948-1958, II:
Pp. 9-21. University of London: Accordia Research Institute. Chronology, Summary and Conclusions, Catalogue,
Appendices. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.
Cramer, J.A., 1971, A Geographical and Historical Description of
Asia Minor. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert-Publisher (Re- Docter, Roald F., 2000, ‘Pottery, Graves and Ritual I: Phoenicians
print). of the First Generation in Pithekoussai’. In: La ceramica feni-
cia di Sardegna, Dati, problematiche, confronti, Atti del Pri-
Crevatin, Franco., 1975, ‘La lingua «minoico»: metodi d’indagine
mo Congresso Internazionale Sulcitano, Sant’Antioco, 19-21
e problemi’. In: Studi Triestini di Antichità in onore di Luigia
Settembre 1997, eds. Piero Bartoloni & Lorenza Campanella.
Achillea Stella. Pp. 1-63. Trieste: Facolta di Lettere e
Pp. 135-149. Roma: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerce.
Filosofia.
Donner, H., & Röllig, W., 1964, Kanaanäische und Aramäische
Crossland, Ronald A., 1971, ‘Immigrants from the North’. Cam-
Inschriften. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz (3. Auflage).
bridge Ancient History I, 2. Pp. 824-876. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press (3rd edition). Dossin, G., 1970, ‘La Route de l’étain en Mésopotamie au temps
de Zimri-Lim’. Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archeologie Orien-
Crouwel, Joost H., 1981, Chariots and other means of land trans-
tale 64. Pp. 97- 106.
port in Bronze Age Greece. Allard Pierson Series 3. Amster-
dam: Allard Pierson Series. Dothan, Moshe, 1986, ‘Sardinia at Akko?’. In: Studies in Sardin-
ian Archaeology II, Sardinia in the Mediterranean, ed. M.S.
Davies, Benedict G., 1997, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of the
Balmuth. Pp. 105- 115. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Nineteenth Dynasty. Jonsered: Paul Åströms förlag.
Press.
Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid, 1983, ‘Das Problem der “Handmade
Dothan, Trude, 1982, The Philistines and their Material Culture.
Burnished Ware” von Myk. IIIC’. In: Griechenland, Die
New Haven-London: Yale University Press.
Ägäis und die Levante während der “Dark Ages” vom 12. bis
zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions von Stift Zwettl Dothan, Moshe, & Dothan, Trude, 1992, People of the Sea, The
(NÖ), 11.-14. Oktober 1980, Hrsg. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy. Pp. Search for the Philistines. New York: Macmillan Publishing
161-178. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Company.
Wissenschaften.
Drews, Robert, 1988, The Coming of the Greeks, Indo-European
Delamarre, Xavier, 2003, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise, Une Conquests in the Aegean and Near East. Princeton, New Jer-
approche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental. Paris: sey: Princeton University Press.
Editions Errance (2e édition revue et augmentée).
––– , 1992, ‘Herodotus 1.94, the Drought ca. 1200 BC, and the
Demoule, Jean-Paul, 1999, ‘Ethnicity, culture and identity: French Origin of the Etruscans’. Historia 41. Pp. 14-39.
archaeologists and historians’. Antiquity 73. Pp. 190-198.
––– , 1993a, The End of the Bronze Age, Changes in warfare and
Demus-Quatember, Margarete, 1958, Etruskische the catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. Princeton: Princeton University
Grabarchitektur, Typologie und Ursprungsfrage. Baden- Press.

150
 M. Hakkert Publisher.
––– , 1993b, ‘Myths of Midas and the Phrygian Migration from
Europe’. Klio 75. Pp. 9-26. Eisler, Robert, 1939, ‘Loan-words in Semitic Languages meaning
“Town”’. Antiquity 13. Pp. 449-455.
––– , 2000, ‘Medinet Habu: Oxcarts, Ships, and Migration Theo-
ries’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 59. Pp. 161-190. Evans, Sir Arthur J., 1895, Cretan Pictographs and Prae-
Phoenician Script. London: G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
––– , 2001, ‘Greater Anatolia, Proto-Anatolian, Proto-Indo-Hittite,
and Beyond’. In: Greater Anatolia and the Indo-Hittite Lan- ––– , 1909, Scripta Minoa I. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press.
guage Family, Papers Presented at a Colloquium Hosted by
Faure, Paul, 1996, ‘Deux inscriptions en écriture Linéaire A dé-
the University of Richmond, March 18-19, 2000, ed. Robert
couvertes à Troie par Schliemann’. Cretan Studies 5. Pp. 137-
Drews. Pp. 248-283. Washington D.C.: The Institute for the
146.
Study of Man.
––– , 2002, ‘Écritures préhelléniques dans dix cavernes de Crète’.
––– , 2004, Early Riders, The Beginnings of Mounted Warfare in
Cretan Studies 7. Pp. 75-87.
Asia and Europe. New York-London: Routledge.
Fernandez, James W., 2000, ‘Peripheral wisdom’. In: Signifying
Driessen, Jan, 1998-9, ‘Kretes and Iawones, Some Observations
Identities, Anthropological perspectives on boundaries and
on the Identity of Late Bronze Age Knossians’. Minos 33-34.
contested values, ed. Anthony P. Cohen. Pp. 117-144.
Pp. 83-105.,
London-New York: Routledge.
Driessen, Jan, & Macdonald, Colin F., 1997, The Troubled Island,
Fick, August, 1905, Vorgriechische Ortsnamen als Quelle für die
Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini Eruption. Ae-
Vorgeschichte Griechenlands. Göttingen.
geum 17. Université de Liège.
Fiesel, Eva, 1931, Etruskisch. In: Grundriss der indogermanischen
Duhoux, Yves, 1994-5, ‘LA > B DA-MA-TE = Déméter? Sur la
Sprach- und Altertumskunde, Hrsgbs. Albert Debrunner &
langue du linéaire A’. Minos 29-30. Pp. 289-294.
Ferdinand Sommer (= Band 5, Lieferung 4). Berlin-Leipzig:
––– , 2003, Des Minoens en Égypte? «Keftiou» et «les îles aux mi- Walter de Gruyter.
lieu du Grand Vert». Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters Press.
Forrer, Emil, 1924, ‘Vorhomerische Griechen in den Keilschriften
Dumézil, Georges, 1958, L’idéologie tripartie des Indo- von Boghazköi’. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-
Européens. Bruxelles: Latomus, Revue d’Études Latines. Gesellschaft zu Berlin 63. Pp. 1-22.

Dunbabin, T.J., 1999, The Western Greeks, The History of Sicily Forsdyke, John, 1957, Greece before Homer, Ancient chronology
and South Italy from the Foundation of the Greek Colonies to and mythology. London: Max Parrish (2nd impression).
480 B.C. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press (Sandpiper reprint).
Fourmont, Etienne, 1747, Réflections critiques sur l’origine,
Dupont-Sommer, André, 1948, ‘Nouvelle lecture d’une inscription l’histoire et la succession des ancient peuples chaldéens, hé-
phénicien archaïque de Nora en Sardaigne (C.I.S. I, 144)’. breux, phéniciens, égyptiennes, grecs … jusqu’au temps de
Comptes Rendu des Séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Cyrus. Paris.
Belles Lettres 1948. Pp. 12-22.
Friedrich, Johannes, 1932, Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmäler.
––– , 1974, ‘Les Phéniciens à Chypre’. Report of the Department Berlin: Verlag von Walter de Gruyter & Co.
of Antiquities, Cyprus. Pp. 75-94.
––– , 1946, Hethitisches Elementarbuch II. Heidelberg: Carl
Edel, Elmar, 1966, Die Ortsnamenliste aus dem Totentempel Ame- Winter Universitätsverlag.
nophis III. Bonn: Hanstein.
––– , 1991, Kurzgefaßtes Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg:
––– , 1984, ‘Die Sikeloi in den ägyptischen Seevölkertexten und in Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.
Keilschrifturkunden’. Biblische Notizen 23. Pp. 7-8.
Frisk, Hjalmar, 1973, Griechisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch.
––– , 1988, ‘Der Name di-q!j-j-s in der minoisch-mykenischen Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.
Liste ENli 8 gleich ThƝbais?’. Zeitschrift für Aegyptische
Fugazzola Delpino, M.A., 1979, ‘The Proto-Villanovan: A Sur-
Sprache und Altertumskunde 115, 1. Pp. 30-35.
vey’. In: Italy Before the Romans, The Iron Age, Orientalizing
Eder, Birgitta, 1998, Argolis, Lakonien, Messenien, Vom Ende der and Etruscan periods, eds. David & Francesca Ridgway. Pp.
mykenischen Palastzeit bis zur Einwanderung der Dorier. 31-51. London-New York-San Francisco: Academic Press.
Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Galinsky, G. Karl, 1969, Aeneas, Sicily, and Rome. Princeton,
Wissenschaften.
New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Edgerton, William F., & Wilson, John A., 1936, Historical
Gamkrelidze, Thomas V., & Ivanov, Vjaþeslav V., 1995, Indo-
Records of Ramses III, The Texts in Medinet Habu, Volumes I
European and the Indo-Europeans, A Reconstruction and
and II, Translated with explanatory notes. Chicago: Univer-
Historical Analysis of a Proto-Language and a Proto- Cul-
sity of Chicago Press.
ture, Part I: Text, Part II: Bibliography, Indexes. Berlin-New
Edwards, Ruth B., 1979, Kadmos the Phoenician, A Study in York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Greek Legends and the Mycenaean Age. Amsterdam: Adolf
Garbini, Giovanni, 1997, I Filistei. Milano: Rusconi.

151
Gardiner, Alan H., 1947, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica. Oxford: Goldman, Hetty, 1956, Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus II,
Oxford University Press. From the Neolithic through the Bronze Age. Princeton, New
Jersey: Princeton University Press.
––– , 1960, The Inscriptions of Ramesses II. Oxford: Printed for
the Griffith Institute at the University Press by Vivian Ridler. Gordon, Arthur E., 1983, Illustrated Introduction to Latin Epigra-
phy. Berkeley, Los Angeles-London: University of California
––– , 1961, Egypt of the Pharaohs. Oxford: At the Clarendon
Press.
Press.
Gordon, Cyrus Herzl, 1955, Ugaritic Handbook, I: Grammar.
––– , 1994, Egyptian Grammar. Oxford: Griffith Institute, Ash-
Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum.
molean Museum (3rd edition).
––– , 1956, ‘The Rôle of the Philistines’. Antiqity 30. Pp. 22-26.
Garstang, John, 1929, The Hittite Empire, being a survey of the
history, geography and monuments of Hittite Asia Minor and ––– , 1957, ‘Notes on Minoan Linear A’. Antiquity 31. Pp. 124-
Syria. London: Constable and Company Ltd. 130.

Garstang, John, & Gurney, O.R., 1959, The Geography of the Hit- ––– , 1965, Ugaritic Textbook. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute.
tite Empire. London: The British Institute of Archaeology at
Goudriaan, Koen, 1988, Ethnicity in Ptolemaic Egypt. Amsterdam:
Ankara.
J.C. Gieben, Publisher.
Gehring, Augustus, 1901, Index Homericus. Lipsiae: In Aedibus
Gras, Michel, 1976, ‘La piraterie tyrrhénienne en mer Egée: mythe
B.G. Teubneri.
ou réalité?’. In: Mélanges offerts à J. Heurgon I. Pp. 341-370.
Gelb, Ignace, 1931, Hittite Hieroglyphs I. Chicago: University of Rome.
Chicago Press.
Gröndahl, Frauke, 1967, Die Personennamen der Texte aus
Georgiev, Vladimir, 1950-1, ‘Sur l’origine et la langue des Pélas- Ugarit. Rom: Päpstliches Bibelinstitut.
ges, des Philistins, des Danaens et des Achéens’. Jahrbuch für
Grosjean, Roger, 1966a, La Corse avant l’histoire. Paris: Éditions
Kleinasiatische Forschung 1. Pp. 136-141.
Klincksieck.
Gimbutas, Marija, 1973, ‘The destruction of Aegean and East
––– , 1966b, ‘Recent Work in Corsica’. Antiquity 40. Pp. 190-198,
Mediterranean urban civilization around 2300 B.C.’. In:
Pls. 29- 31.
Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, Archaeological and
linguistic problems in Greek prehistory, eds. R.A. Crossland Grumach, Ernst, 1968, ‘The Minoan Libation Formula—Again’.
& Ann Birchall. Pp. 129-139. London: Duckworth. Kadmos 7. Pp. 7-26.
Gindin, Leonid A., 1999, Troja, Thrakien und die Völker ––– , 1969, ‘The Coming of the Greeks’. Bulletin of the John Ry-
Altkleinasiens, Versuch einer historisch-philologischen lands Library 51. Manchester.
Untersuchung. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur
Kulturwissenschaft. Guido, Margaret, 1963, Sardinia. London: Thames and Hudson.

Gitin, Seymour, 1993, ‘Seventh Century B.C.E. Cultic Elements at Gurney, Oliver R., 1990, The Hittites. London: Penguin Books.
Ekron’. In: Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990, Proceedings of ––– , 2002, ‘The Authorship of the Tawagalawas Letter’. In: Silva
the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Anatolica, Anatolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on
Jerusalem, June-July 1990, eds. Avraham Biran & Joseph the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, ed. Piotr Taracha. Pp. 133-
Aviram. Pp. 248-258. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. 141. Warsaw: Agade.
Gitin, Seymore, Dothan, Trude, & Naveh, Joseph, 1997, ‘A Royal Gusmani, Roberto, 1964, Lydisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg: Carl
Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron’. Israel Exploration Jour- Winter Universitätsverlag.
nal 47. Pp. 1-16.
Güterbock, Hans Gustav, 1942, Siegel aus Bo÷azköy II. Die
Gjerstad, Einar, 1926, Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus, Uppsala: A.- Königssiegel von 1939 und die übrigen Hieroglyphensiegel.
B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln. Berlin: Im Selbstverlage des Herausgebers.
––– , 1944, ‘The Colonization of Cyprus in Greek Legend’. Opus- ––– , 1967, ‘The Hittite Conquest of Cyprus Reconsidered’. Jour-
cula Archaeologica III. Pp. 107-123. nal of Near Eastern Studies 26, 2. Pp. 73-81.
Godart, Louis, 1994, ‘La scrittura di Troia’. Rendiconti ––– , 1983, ‘The Hittites and the Aegean World: Part 1. The Ahhi-
dell’Academia dei Lincei, serie 9, vol. 5. Pp. 457-460. yawa Problem Reconsidered’. American Journal of Archae-
Godart, Louis, & Olivier, Jean-Pierre, 1982, Recueil des Inscrip- ology 87. Pp. 133-138.
tions en linéaire A, Volume 4: Autres Documents. Paris: –––, 1992, ‘A new look at one A®®iyawa text’. In: Hittite and
Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat
Goetze, Albrecht, 1954, ‘The Linguistic Continuity of Anatolia as Alp, eds. Heinrich Otten, Hayri Ertem, Ekrem Akurgal & Ay-
Shown by its Proper Names’. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 8. gül Süel. Pp. 235-243. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.
Pp. 74-81. Haas, Otto, 1966, Die Phrygischen Sprachdenkmäler. Linguistique

152
 Balkanique X. Sofia: Academie Bulgare des Sciences. frühgriechische Welt und der östliche Mittelmeerraum in der
Zeit der ‘Seevölker’-Invasionen um 1200 v. Chr.]. Gnomon
Haas, Volkert, 2000, ‘Hethitische Bestattungsbräuche’.
58. Pp. 626-629.
Altorientalische Forschungen 27, 1. Pp. 52-67.
Helck, Wolfgang, & Otto, Eberhard, 1984, Lexicon der
Hall, Edith, 1989, Inventing the Barbarian, Greek Self-Definition
Ägyptologie, Band V, s.v. Seevölker. Wiesbaden: Otto
through Tragedy. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Harrassowitz.
Hall, H.R., 1901-2, ‘Keftiu and the Peoples of the Sea’. Annual of
Hellbing, Lennart, 1979, Alasia Problems. Studies in
the British School at Athens 8. Pp. 157-189.
Mediterranean Archaeology 57. Göteborg: Paul Åströms
––– , 1922, ‘The Peoples of the Sea, A Chapter of the History of Förlag.
Egyptology’. In: Recueil d’Études Égyptologiques dédiées à
Hencken, Hugh, 1955, Indo-European Languages and
la mémoire de Jean-François Champollion à l’occasion du
Archaeology. Memoirs of the American Anthropological As-
centenaire de la lettre à M. Dacier relative à l’alphabet des
sociation 57, No. 84.
hiéroglyphes phonétiques lue à l’accadémie des inscriptions
et belles lettres le 27 septembre 1822. Pp. 297-329. Paris: Li- ––– , 1968, Tarquinia, Villanovans and Early Etruscans. Cam-
brairie ancienne honoré Champion Édouard Champion. bridge Massachusetts: The Peabody Museum.

––– , 1926, ‘The Keftians, Philistines and other Peoples of the Le- Henning, W.B., 1978, ‘The First Indo-Europeans in History’. In:
vant’. In: Cambridge Ancient History II, Chapter 12. Pp. 275- Society and History, Essays in Honor of Karl August
295. Cambridge: At the University Press. Wittfogel, ed. G.L. Ulmen. Pp. 215-230. The Hague-Paris-
New York: Mouton Publishers.
––– , 1929, ‘The Caucasian Relations of the Peoples of the Sea’.
Klio 22. Pp. 335-344. Herbig, Gustav, 1914, ‘Kleinasiatisch-etruskische
Namengleichungen. Sitzungsberichte der bayrischen
Hall, Jonathan M., 1997, Ethnic identity in Greek antiquity. Cam-
Akademie, Phil.-Hist. Klasse. Pp. 3-39.
bridge: University Press.
Herbordt, Suzanne, 1998, ‘Seals and Sealings of Hittite Officials
––– , 2002, Hellenicity, Between Ethnicity and Culture. Chicago-
from the Niúantepe Archive, Bo÷azköy’. In: Acts of the IIIrd
London: The University of Chicago Press.
International Congress of Hittitology, Çorum, September 16-
Hallager, Erik, 1992, ‘New Linear B Tablets from Chania’. Kad- 22, 1996, eds. Sedat Alp & Aygül Süel. Pp. 309-318. Ankara.
mos 31. Pp. 61-87.
Herscher, Ellen Carol, 1978, The Bronze Age Cemetery at
Harrisson, Richard J., 1988, The Beaker Folk, Copper Age ar- Lapithos, Vrysi tou Barba, Cyprus, Parts 1-2. [No place:]
chaeology in Western Europe. London: Thames and Hudson. University of Pennsylvania (PH.D.).

Hawkins, John David, 1990, ‘The New Inscription from the Süd- Heuck Allen, Susan, 1994, ‘Trojan Grey Ware at Tel Miqne-
burg of Bo÷azköy-Hattusa’. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1990. Ekron’. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re-
Pp. 305-314. search 293. Pp. 39-51.

––– , 1995, The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Com- Heurgon, Jacques, 1969, ‘Les Dardaniens en Afrique’. Revue des
plex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG), With an Archaeological Intro- Études Latines 47. Pp. 284-294.
duction by Peter Neve. Studien zu den Bo÷azköy-Texten,
––– , 1992, ‘Les Étrusques et l’Europe’. Archeologia 284. Pp. 19-
Beiheft 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.
24.
––– , 2000, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol. I:
Hiller, Stefan, 1985, [Review of Jan G.P. Best, Supplementum Epi-
Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Parts 1-3. Berlin-New York:
graphicum Mediterraneum ad Talanta, Proceedings of the
Walter de Gruyter.
Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 13 (1981)]. Ar-
––– , 2003, ‘Scripts and Texts’. The Luwians, Handbook of Orien- chiv für Orientforschung 32. Pp. 125-127.
tal Studies 68, ed. H. Craig Melchert. Pp. 128-169. Leiden-
––– , 1996, ‘Knossos and Pylos, A Case of Special Relationship’.
Boston: Brill.
Cretan Studies 5. Pp. 73-83.
Heinhold-Krahmer, Susanne, 1977, Arzawa, Untersuchungen zu
Hitzig, Ferdinand, 1845, Urgeschichte und Mythologie der
seiner Geschichte nach den hethitischen Quellen. Heidelberg:
Philister. Leipzig: Weidmann.
Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.
Hoftijzer, J., & Soldt, W.H. van, 1998, ‘Texts from Ugarit Pertain-
––– , 2003, ‘A®®iyawa—Land der homerischen Achäer im Krieg
ing to Seafaring’. In: Seagoing Ships & Seamanship in the
mit Wiluša?’. In: Der neue Streit um Troia, Eine Bilanz, Hrsg.
Bronze Age Levant, ed. Shelley Wachsmann. Pp. 333-344.
Christoph Ulf . Pp. 193-214. München: C.H. Beck.
College Station: Texas A & M University Press.
Helck, Wolfgang, 1971, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu
Högemann, Peter, 2000, ‘Der Iliasdichter, Anatolien und der
Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Wiesbaden:
griechische Adel’. Klio 82. Pp. 7-39.
Otto Harrassowitz (2., verbesserte Auflage).
Hölbl, Günther, 1983, ‘Die historischen Aussagen der
––– , 1986, [Review of G.A. Lehmann, Die mykenisch-
Ägyptischen Seevölkerinschriften’. In: Griechenland, Die

153
 Ägäis und die Levante während der “Dark Ages” vom 12. bis eds. William A. Ward & Martha Sharp Joukowsky. Pp. 79-86.
zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions von Stift Zwettl Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.
(NÖ), 11.-14. Oktober 1980, Hrsg. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy. Pp.
Kaspar, S., 1970, ‘Eine Nekropole Nordwestlich von Soma’.
121-143. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts,
Wissenschaften.
Archäologischer Anzeiger 85. Pp. 71-83.
Holloway, R. Ross, 1981, Italy and the Aegean 3000-700 B.C.
Katzenstein, H. Jacob, 1973, The History of Tyre, From the Begin-
Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Erasme.
ning of the Second Millennium B.C.E. until the Fall of the
Hood, Sinclair, 1974, The Home of the Heroes, The Aegean before Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538 B.C.E. Jerusalem: The
the Greeks. London: Thames and Hudson (reprinted version). Schocken Institute for Jewish Research.

Hope Simpson, Richard, 1981, Mycenaean Greece. New Jersey: Keen, Antony G., 1998, Dynastic Lycia, A Political History of the
Noyes Press. Lycians & Their Relations with Foreign Powers, c. 545-362
BC. Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill.
Hope Simpson, Richard, & Dickinson, Oliver T.K.P., 1979, A
Gazetteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze Age I: The Kenna, Victor E.G., 1971, Catalogue of the Cypriote Seals of the
Mainland and islands. Göteborg: Paul Åström Förlag. Bronze Age in the British Museum. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology XX, 3. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.
Houwink ten Cate, Philo Hendrik Jan, 1961, The Luwian Popula-
tion Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenis- Kennedy, D.A., 1959, ‘Sceaux hittites conservés à Paris’. Revue
tic Period. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Hittite et Asianique 65. Pp. 147-172.

Isaac, Benjamin, 2004, The Invention of Racism in Classical An- Killebrew, A.E., Lehmann, G., & Artzy, M., in preparation, Philis-
tiquity. Princeton-Oxford: Princeton University Press. tines and other “Sea Peoples”: In Text and Archaeology, Lei-
den: Brill.
Jeffery, Lilian H., 1998, The Local Scrips of Archaic Greece, A
study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development Kimmig, Wolfgang, 1964, ‘Seevölkerbewegung und
from the eighth to the fifth centuries B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Urnenfelderkultur, Ein Archäologisch-Historischer Versuch’.
Press (Revised edition with a supplement by Alan W. Johns- In: Studien aus Alteuropa I (= Festschrift K. Tackenberg). Pp.
ton). 220-283.

Johnston, Alan W., 1983, ‘The Extent and Use of Literacy; the Ar- Kinch, K.F., 1888, ‘Die Sprache der sicilischen Elymer’.
chaeological Evidence’. In: The Greek Renaissance of the Zeitschrift für Numismatik 16. Pp. 187-207.
Eighth Century B.C.: Tradition and Innovation, Proceedings
Kitchen, Kenneth A., 1973, ‘The Philistines’. In: Peoples of Old
of the Second International Symposium at the Swedish Insti-
Testament Times, ed. D.J. Wiseman. Pp. 53-78. Oxford: At the
tute in Athens, 1-5 June, 1981, ed. Robin Hägg. Pp. 63-68.
Clarendon Press.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.
––– , 1983, Ramesside Inscriptions V. Oxford: Blackwell.
Jones, Siân, 1997, The Archaeology of Ethnicity, Constructing
Identities in the past and present. London-New York: ––– , 1989, ‘The Basics of Egyptian Chronology in Relation to the
Routledge. Bronze Age’. In: High, Middle or Low, Acts of an Interna-
tional Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the Uni-
Kaczynɩska, Elwira, 2002, ‘Greek ǿįĮ ‘Battle, Fight, Combat’: A
versity of Gothenburg, 20th-22nd August 1987. Pp. 37-55.
Term of Minoan Origin?’ Kadmos 41. Pp. 137-140. Gothenburg: Paul Åströms Förlag.
Kahl, Jochem, 1995, ‘Les témoignages textuels sur les Shardana, Kitson, Peter R., 1997, ‘Reconstruction, typology, and the “origi-
Annexe à Oswald Loretz, Les Šerdannj et la fin d’Ougarit, À nal homeland” of the Indo-Europeans’. In: Linguistic Recon-
propos des documents d’Égypte, de Byblos et d’Ougarit rela- struction and Typology, ed. Jacek Fisiak. Pp. 183-239. Berlin-
tifs aux Shardana’. In: Le pays d’Ougarit autour de 1200 av. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
J.-C., Ras Shamra-Ougarit XI, Actes du Colloque Internatio-
nal, Paris, 28 juin-1er juillet 1993, eds. Marguerite Yon, Mau- Krahe, Hans, 1962, ‘Die Struktur der alteuropäischen
rice Sznycer & Pierre Bordreuil. Pp. 137-140. Paris: Éditions Hydronymie’. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur
Recherche sur les Civilations. in Mainz, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und
Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang 1962, Nr. 5. Pp.
Kammenhuber, Annelies, 1940, ‘Marduk und Santa in der 287-341.
hethitischen Überlieferung des 2. Jt.s v. Chr.’. Orientalia 59.
Pp. 188-195. ––– , 1964, Unsere ältesten Flussnamen. Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz.
Karageorghis, Vassos, 1986, ‘“Barbarian” Ware in Cyprus’. In:
Acts of the International Symposium “Cyprus between the Kullmann, W., 1999, ‘Homer und Kleinasien’. In: Euphrosyne,
Orient and Occident”, Nicosia, 8-14 September 1985, ed. V. Studies in Ancient Epic and Its Legacy in Honor of Dimitris
Karageorghis. Pp. 246-258. Nicosia: Zavallis Press Ltd. N. Maronitis, Hrsg. J.N. Kazazis & A. Rengakos. Pp. 189-
201. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
––– , 1992, ‘The Crisis Years: Cyprus’. In: The Crisis Years, The
12th Century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris, Laroche, Emmanuel, 1957, ‘Notes de Toponymie Anatolienne’. In:

154
 MnƝmis Charin, Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, 2. Mai 1866
Leumann, Manu, 1977, Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre.
– 9. März 1956. Pp. 1-7. Wien: Bruder Hollinek; Wiesbaden:
München: C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung.
Otto Harrassowitz.
Lichtenberger, Reinhold Freihernn von, 1911, Einflüsse der
––– , 1958, ‘Études sur les hiéroglyphes hittites’. Syria 35. Pp.
ägäischen Kultur auf Ägypten und Palästina. Leipzig: J.C.
252-283.
Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.
––– , 1960a, Les hiéroglyphes hittites. Première partie: L’écriture.
Liddell, Henri George, Scott, Robert, & Jones, Henry Stuart (=
Paris: Éditions du centre national de la recherche scientifique.
LSJ), A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: At the Clarendon
––– , 1960b, ‘Koubaba, déesse anatolienne, et le problème des Press.
origines de Cybèle’. In: Éléments orienteaux dans la religion
Littauer, Mary A., & Crouwel, Joost H., 1979, Wheeled Vehicles
Grecque ancienne, Colloque de Strasbourg, 22-24 mai 1958.
and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East. Leiden-Köln:
Pp. 113- 128. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
E.J. Brill.
––– , 1960c, ‘Comparaison du Louvite et du Lycien II’. Bulletin de
Littleton, C. Scott, 1973, The New Comparative Mythology, An
la Société de Linguistique 55. Pp. 155-185.
Anthroplogical Assessment of the Theories of Georges Dumé-
––– , 1961a, ‘Études de Toponymie Anatolienne’. Revue Hittite et zil. Berkeley-Los Angeles: University of California Press (re-
Asianique 69. Pp. 57-91. vised edition).

––– , 1961b, ‘Réflexions sur des problèmes de linguistique étrus- Lochner-Hüttenbach, Fritz, 1960, Die Pelasger. Wien: Gerold &
que’. Revue Études Latines 38. Pp. 70-72. Co.

––– , 1966, Les Noms des Hittites. Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck. Lomas, Kathryn, 1997, ‘Introduction’. In: Gender & Ethnicity in
ancient Italy, Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, Vol. 6, eds.
––– , 1971, Catalogue des Textes Hittites (= CTH). Paris: Éditions
Tim Cornell & Kathryn Lomas. Pp. 1-8. University of Lon-
Klincksieck.
don: Accordia Research Institute.
Latacz, Joachim, 2003, Troia und Homer, Der Weg zur Lösung
Loretz, Oswald, 1995, ‘Les Šerdannj et la fin d’Ougarit, Apropos
eines alten Rätsels. München: Piper Verlag GmbH
des documents d’Égypte, de Byblos et d’Ougarit relatifs aux
(Taschenbuchausgabe).
Shardana’. In: Le pays d’Ougarit autour de 1200 av. J.-C.,
Lehmann, Gustav Adolf, 1970, ‘Der Untergang des hethitischen Ras Shamra-Ougarit XI, Actes du Colloque International, Pa-
Grossreiches und die neuen Texte aus Ugarit’. Ugarit- ris, 28 juin-1er juillet 1993, eds. Marguerite Yon, Maurice
Forschungen 2. Pp. 29-73. Sznycer & Pierre Bordreuil. Pp. 125-136. Paris: Éditions Re-
cherche sur les Civilisations.
––– , 1979, ‘Die ŠikalƗynj—Ein neues Zeugnis zu den
“Seevölker”- heerfahrten im späten 13. Jh. v. Chr. (RS Lorimer, H.L., 1950, Homer and the Monuments. London: Mac-
34.129)’. Ugarit- Forschungen 11. Pp. 481-494. millan & Co. Ltd.

––– , 1983, ‘Zum Auftreten von “Seevölker”-Gruppen im Loulloupis, M., 1973, ‘Mycenaean ‘Horns of Consecration’ in Cy-
östlichen Mittelmeerraum—Eine Zwischenbilanz’. In: prus’. In: Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium
Griechenland, Die Ägäis und die Levante während der “Dark “The Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean”, Nicosia
Ages” vom 12. bis zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions 27th March–2nd April 1972. Pp. 225-244, Pls. XXVIII-
von Stift Zwettl (NÖ), 11.-14. Oktober 1980, Hrsg. Sigrid XXIX. Nicosia: Zavallis Press Ltd.
Deger-Jalkotzy. Pp. 79-97. Wien: Österreichischen Akademie
Lynn, Chris, & Miller, Dean , 1999, ‘Three Carved Vases from the
der Wissenschaften.
Minoan Villa at Aghia Triada, Crete: a Trifunctional Set?’
––– , 1985, Die mykenisch-frühgriechische Welt und der östliche Journal of Indo-European Studies 27, 3-4. Pp. 335-353.
Mittelmeerraum in der Zeit der “Seevölker”-Invasionen um
Macalister, R.A. Stewart, 1913, The Philistines, Their History and
1200 v. Chr. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag.
Civilization. London: Oxford University Press.
––– , 1996, ‘Umbrüche und Zäsuren im östlichen Mittelmeerraum
Machinist, Peter, 2000, ‘Biblical Traditions: The Philistines and
und Vorderasien zur Zeit der “Seevölker”-Invasionen um und
Israelite History’. In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A
nach 1200 v. Chr.’. Historische Zeitschrift 262, 1. Pp. 1-38.
Reassessment, ed. Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 53-83. Philadelphia:
Lejeune, Michel, 1969, ‘Observations sur l’épigraphie Élyme’. The University Museum.
Revue des Études Latines 47. Pp. 133-183.
Malbran-Labat, Florence, 1991, ‘Lettres’. In: Une bibliothèque au
Leonhard, Walther, 1911, Hettiter und Amazonen, Die griechische sud de la ville, Ras Shamra-Ougarit VII, ed. Pierre Bordreuil.
Tradition über die “Chatti” und ein Versuch zu ihrer Pp. 27-64. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.
historischen Verwertung. Leipzig-Berlin: Druck und Verlag
Mallory, James P., 1989, In Search of the Indo-Europeans. Lan-
von B.G. Teubner.
guage, Archaeology and Myth. London: Thames and Hudson.
Lepsius, Richard, 1900, Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien
Manning, Sturt W., 1999, A Test of Time, The Volcano of Thera
III. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.
and the Chronology and History of the Aegean and east Medi-

155
 terranean in the mid second millennium BC. Oxbow Books: tolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on the Occasion of
Oxford and Oakville. His 65th Birthday, ed. Piotr Taracha. Pp. 241-251. Warsaw:
Agade.
Maresch, Gustav, 1957, ‘Etruskisch avil’. In: MnƝmis Charin,
Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, 2. Mai 1866—9. März 1956. Mellaart, James, 1971, ‘Anatolia c. 4000-2300 B.C.’. Cambridge
Pp. 27-8. Wien: Otto Harrassowitz Wiesbaden-Bruder Ancient History I, 2. Pp. 363-416. Cambridge: Cambridge
Hollinek Wien. University Press (3rd edition).

Marinatos, Spyridon, 1973, ‘The first ‘Mycenaeans’ in Greece’. Mellink, Machteld J. , 1972, ‘Excavations at Karataú-Semayük and
In: Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, Archaeological and Elmalı, Lycia , 1971’. American Journal of Archaeology 76.
linguistic problems in Greek prehistory, eds. R.A. Crossland Pp. 257-269.
& Ann Birchall. Pp. 107-113. London: Duckworth.
––– , 1995, ‘Homer, Lycia, and Lukka’. In: The Ages of Homer, A
Maspero, Gaston, 1873, [Review of Chabas’ Études]. Revue Criti- Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, eds. Jane B. Carter &
que d’Histoire et de Littérature. Pp. 81-86. Sarah P. Morris. Pp. 33-43. Austin: University of Texas Press.

––– , 1875, Histoire Ancienne des peuples de l’orient classique. Mercer, S.A.B., 1939, The Tell El-Amarna Tablets I-II. Toronto:
Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie. Macmillan.

––– , 1878, [Review of de Rougé’s Inscriptions hiéroglyphique]. Meriggi, Piero, 1937, ‘Osservazioni sull’Etrusco’. Studi Etruschi
Revue Critique d’Histoire et de Litterature. Pp. 317-321. 11. Pp. 129-201.

––– , 1881, ‘Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et ––– , 1967, Manuale di eteo geroglifico. Parte II: Testi-1e serie, I
d’Histoire’. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alter- testi neo-etei più o meno completi. Roma: Edizioni
thumskunde 19. Pp. 116-131. dell’Ateneo.

––– , 1910, The Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria and Assyria. ––– , 1980, Schizzo grammaticale dell’Anatolico. Roma: Accade-
London: Society for promoting Christian knowledge. mia Nazionale dei Lincei.

Masson, Olivier, 1983, Les inscriptions Chypriotes syllabiques. Merlo, Paolo, 1998, La dea Ašratum – Atiratu – Ašera. Un contri-
Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard. buto allo storia della religione semitica del Nord. Mursia:
Pontificia Università Lateranense.
Matsas, D., 1991, ‘Samothrace and the Northeastern Aegean: the
Minoan Connection’. Studia Troica 1. Pp. 159-179. Mertens, Paul, 1960, ‘Les Peuples de la Mer’. Chronique d’Égypte
35. Pp. 65-88.
Mayrhofer, Manfred, 1974, ‘Die Arier im vorderen Orient—Ein
Mythos?’. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Meijer, Louk C., 1982, Eine strukturelle Analyse der Hagia
Philosophisch-historische Sitzungsberichte, Bd. 294, Triada-Tafeln—Ein Beitrag zur Linear A-Forschung.
Abhandlung 3. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 8. Amsterdam:
der Wissenschaften. B.R. Grüner Publishing Co.

Mee, Christopher, 1978, ‘Aegean Trade and Settlement in Meyer, Eduard, 1928, Geschichte des Altertums 2, 1., Stuttgart-
Anatolia in the Second Millennium BC’. Anatolian Studies Berlin: J.G. Cotta’sche Buchhandlung, Nachfolger.
28. Pp. 121-156.
––– , 1968, Geschichte des Koenigreichs Pontos. Chicago:
Meer, L. Bauke van der, 1992, ‘The Stele of Lemnos and Etruscan Argonaut, Inc., Publishers (Reprint of the Leipzig 1879
Origins’. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum Edition).
van Oudheden te Leiden 72. Pp. 61-71.
Monte, Giuseppe F. del, & Tischler, Johann, 1978, Die Orts- und
Mégalomatis, Cosimo. 1996, ‘Les peuples de la mer et la fin du Gewässernamen der hethitischen Texte. Répertoire
monde mycenien, essai de synthese historique’. Atti e Memo- Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes 6. Wiesbaden: Dr.
rie del Secondo Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia, Ludwig Reichert.
Roma-Napoli, 14-20 ottobre. Pp. 805-814. Roma: Gruppo
Moran, William L., 1992, The Amarna Letters. Baltimore,
Editoriale Internazionale.
Maryland: John Hopkin’s University Press.
Meid, Wolfgang, 1993, Die erste Botorrita-Inschrift, Interpreta-
Mühlestein, H., 1956, Die oka-Tafeln von Pylos. Basel: Selbstver-
tion eines keltiberischen Sprachdenkmals. Innsbruck:
lag.
Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.
Muhly, J.D., 1979,[Review of: Sanders, N.K., The Sea Peoples].
––– , 1996, Kleinere keltiberische Sprachdenkmäler. Innsbruck:
American Journal of Archaeology, 83: 355-356.
Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.
Muhly, J.D., Maddin, R., & Stech, T., 1988, ‘Copper Ox-hide In-
––– , 2000, ‘Forschungsbericht, Altkeltische Sprachen, 3.
gots and the Bronze Age Metal Trade’. Report of the Depart-
Keltiberisch’. Kratylos 45. Pp. 1-28.
ment of Antiquities, Cyprus. Pp. 281- 298.
Melchert, H. Craig, 1993, Lycian Lexicon. Chapel Hill, N.C.
Müller, Karl Otfried, & Deecke, Wilhelm, 1877, Die Etrusker I-II.
––– , 2002, ‘The God Sanda in Lycia?’. In: Silva Anatolica, Ana- Stuttgart: Verlag von Albert Heitz.

156
Müller-Karpe, Hermann, 1959, Beiträge zur Chronologie der ––– , 1993, ‘Das Land Lukka in der hethitischen Topographie’. In:
Urnenfelderzeit Nördlich und Südlich der Alpen. Berlin: Akten des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions, eds. Jürgen
Walter de Gruyter & Co. Borchhardt & Gerhard Dobesch. Pp. 117-121. Wien: Verlag
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Neumann, Günter, 1991, ‘Hethitisch negna- ‘Bruder’’. Historische
Sprachforschung 104. Pp. 63-66. Owens, Gareth Alun, 1996, ‘New Evidence for Minoan ‘Deme-
ter’’. Kadmos 35. Pp. 172- 175.
––– , 1999, ‘Wie haben die Troer im 13. Jahrhundert
gesprochen?’. Würzburger Jahrbücher für die ––– , 1999, ‘The Structure of the Minoan Language’. Journal of
Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Folge 23. Pp. 15-23. Indo-European Studies 27: 1&2, Spring/Summer. Pp. 15-49.

Nibbi, Alexandra, 1975, The Sea Peoples and Egypt. Park Ridge, ––– , 2000, ‘Pre-Hellenic Language(s) of Crete: Debate and
New Jersey: Noyes Press. Discussion, Comments on the Paper by Yves Duhoux in The
Journal of Indo-European Studies Volume 26: 1-2,
Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich, 1996, ‘A Linear A Inscription from Mi-
Spring/Summer 1998, 1-40’. Journal of Indo-European Stud-
letos (MIL Zb 1)’. Kadmos 35. Pp. 87-99.
ies 28: 1-2, Spring/Summer. Pp. 237-253.
––– , 1998a, ‘The Mycenaeans in Western Anatolia and the Prob-
Page, Denys L., 1959, History and the Homeric Iliad. Berkeley,
lem of the Origins of the Sea Peoples’. Mediterranean Peo-
Los Angeles: University of California Press.
ples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE,
In honor of Professor Trude Dothan, eds. Seymor Gitin, Ami- Pallottino, Massimo, 1968, Testimonia Linguae Etruscae (= TLE).
hai Mazar & Ephraim Stern. Pp. 17-65. Jerusalem: Israel Ex- Firenze: «La Nuova Italia» Editrice (2a edizione).
ploration Society.
––– , 1988, Etruskologie, Geschichte und Kultur der Etrusker.
––– , 1998b, ‘Mycenaeans and Hittites in War in Western Asia Basel-Boston-Berlin: Birkhäuser Verlag.
Minor’. In: Polemos, Le contexte guerrier en Égée à l’âge du
Palmer, Leonard Robert, 1956, ‘Military Arrangements for the De-
Bronze, Actes de la 7e Rencontre égéenne internationale,
fence of Pylos’. Minos 4. Pp. 120-145.
Université de Liège, 14-17 avril 1998, ed. Robert Laffineur.
Pp. 141- 156. Eupen: Université de Liège-Program in Aegean ––– , 1965, Mycenaeans and Minoans. Aegean Prehistory in the
Scripts and Prehistory, The University of Texas Austin. Light of the Linear B Tablets. London: Faber and Faber Ltd
(second edition).
Nilsson, Martin Persson, 1927, The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion
and its Survival in Greek Religion. Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup. ––– , 1998, The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts. Oxford:
At the Clarendon Press (Sandpiper reprint).
––– , 1933, Homer and Mycenae. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd.
Papadimitriou, Nikolas, 2001, Built Chamber Tombs of Middle
Noort, Ed, 1994, Die Seevölker in Palästina. Kampen: Kok Pharos
and Late Bronze Age Date in Mainland Greece and the Is-
Publishing House.
lands. BAR International Series 925. Oxford.
Nougayrol, Jean, 1968, ‘Ugarit et Alašia’. Ugaritica V, ed. Claude
Parker, Victor, 1999, ‘Die Aktivitäten der Mykenäer in der
F.A. Schaeffer. Pp. 83-89. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul
Ostägäis im Lichte der Linear B Tafeln’. In: Floreant Studia
Geuthner.
Mycenaea, Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen
Olivier, Jean-Pierre, & Godart, Louis, 1996, Corpus Hieroglyphi- Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995, Hrsg. Sigrid
carum Inscriptionum Cretae. Paris: De Boccard Édition- Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller & Oswald Panagl. Pp. 495-502.
Diffusion. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.
Onyshkevych, Lada, 2002, ‘Interpreting the Berezan Bone Graf-
fito’. In: Oikistes, Studies in Constitutions, Colonies, and Pålsson Hallager, Birgitta, 1985, ‘Crete and Italy in the Late
Military Power in the Ancient World Offered in Honor of A.J. Bronze Age III Period’. American Journal of Archaeology 89.
Graham, eds. Vanessa B. Gorman & Eric W. Robinson. Pp. Pp. 293-305.
161-179. Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill.
Peden, A.J., 1994, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of the Twenti-
Oren, Eliezer, 1997, The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeo- eth Dynasty. Jonsered: Paul Åströms förlag.
logical Perspectives. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Pedley, John Griffiths, 1972, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis.
Museum.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
Ormerod, H.A., 1924, Piracy in the Ancient World. Liverpool:
Pfuhl, Ernst, 1923, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen I.
University Press of Liverpool.
München: F. Bruchmann A.-G.
Otten, Heinrich, 1988, Die Bronzetafel aus Bo÷azköy, Ein
Pilides, D., 1994, Handmade Burnished Wares of the Late Bronze
Staatsvertrag Tud® alijas IV. Studien zur Bo÷azköy Texte,
Age in Cyprus. Studies in Mediterranean Archeaology 105.
Beiheft 1, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.
––– , 1989, ‘Die hieroglyphen-luwische Inschrift, Ausgrabungen
Poetto, Massimo, 1993, L’iscrizione luvio-geroglifica di Yalburt,
in Bo÷azköy-Hattuša 1988’. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1989.
Nuove acquisizioni relative alla geografia dell’anatolia sud-
Pp. 333-337.

157
 occidentale. Studia Mediterranea 8. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano mer’. Revue Archéologique 15. Pp. 1-65.
Editore.
Renfrew, Colin, 1987, Archaeology and Language, The Puzzle of
Pohl, Ingrid, 1972, The Iron Age Necropolis of Sorbo at Cerveteri. Indo-European Origins. London: Jonathan Cape.
Skrifter Utgivna Svenska Institutet I Rom, 4º, 32. Stockholm:
Ridgway, David, 1988, ‘Italy from the Bronze Age to the Iron
Svenska Institutet I Rom.
Age’. Cambridge Ancient History IV. Pp. 623-633. Cam-
Pokorny, Julius, 1994, Indogermanisches Etymologisches Wörter- bridge: Cambridge University Press (2nd edition).
buch. Tübingen-Basel: Francke Verlag (3. Auflage).
Riemschneider, Margarete, 1954, Die Welt der Hethiter. Zürich:
Polomé, Edgar C., 1982a, ‘Balkan Languages (Illyrian, Thracian Fretz & Wasmuth Verlag AG.
and Daco-Moesian)’. Cambridge Ancient History III, 1. Pp.
Risch, Ernst, 1958, ‘L’interprétation de la série des tablettes
866-888. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (3rd edi-
caractérisées par le mot o-ka (PY AN 519, 654, 656, 657,
tion).
661)’. Athenaeum 46. Pp. 334-359.
––– , 1982b, ‘Indo-European Culture, With Special Attention to
Rix, Helmut, 1991, Etruskische Texte, Editio minor. I: Einleitung,
Religion’. In: The Indo-Europeans of the Fourth and Third
Konkordanz, Indices, II: Texte. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Ver-
Millennia, ed. Edgar C. Polomé. Pp. 156-172. Ann Arbor:
lag.
Karoma Publishers, Inc.
Romey, Kristin, 2003, ‘The Vogelbarke of Medinet Habu’, MA
Pope, Maurice, 1956, ‘Cretan Axe-Heads with Linear A Inscrip-
thesis, archaeology, Texas A&M University.
tions’, Annual of the British School at Athens 51. Pp. 132-135.
Rosenkranz, Bernhard, 1966, ‘Fluß- und Gewässername in
Popham, Mervyn, 2001, ‘The Collapse of Aegean Civilization at
Anatolien’. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, neue Folge 1. Pp.
the End of the Late Bronze Age’. In: The Oxford Illustrated
124-144.
History of Prehistoric Europe, ed. Barry Cunliffe. Pp. 277-
303. Oxford: Oxford University Press (reissued paperback Ross Holloway, R., 1994, The Archaeology of Early Rome and
edition of 1997). Latium. London-New York: Routledge.
Popham, Mervyn, Touloupa, E., & Sackett, L.H., 1982, ‘The Hero Rougé, Emmanuel de, 1861, Oeuvres Diverses IV.
of Lefkandi’. Antiquity 56. Pp. 169-174.
––– , 1867, ‘Extraits d’un mémoire sur les attaques dirigées contre
Poultney, James Wilson, 1959, The Bronze Tables of Iguvium. Illi- l’égypte par les peuples de la méditerranée’. Revue
nois: American Philological Association. Archéologique 16. Pp. 35-45.
Pritchard, James B., 1969, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to Royen, René A. van, & Isaac, Benjamin H., 1979, The Arrival of
the Old Testament. Princeton: Princeton University Press (3rd the Greeks, The Evidence from the Settlements. Publications
edition). of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 5. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner
Publishing Co.
Protonotariou-Deilaki, Evangelia, 1990, ‘The Tumuli of Mycenae
and Dendra’. In: Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Rutter, Jeremy, 1975, ‘Ceramic Evidence for Northern Intruders in
Bronze Age Argolid, Proceedings of the Sixth International Southern Greece at the Beginning of the Late Helladic IIIC
Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June, Period’. American Journal of Archaeology 79. Pp. 17-32.
1988, eds. Robin Hägg & Gallög C. Nordquist. Pp. 85-106.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag. Sakellarakis, Iannis, & Olivier, Jean-Pierre, 1994, ‘Un vase en
pierre avec inscription en linéaire A du sanctuaire de sommet
Pugliese Carratelli, Giovanni, 1954, [Review of H. Mühlestein, minoen de Cythère’. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique
Olympia in Pylos, Basel 1954]. La Parola del Passato 9. Pp. 118. Pp. 343-351.
468-471.
Sakellariou, Michel B., 1977, Peuples préhelléniques d’origine
Pulgram, Ernst, 1978, Italic, Latin, Italian, 600 B.C. to A.D. 1260, indo-européenne. Athens: Ekdotikè Athenon S.A.
Text and commentaries. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universi-
tätsverlag. ––– , 1980, Les Proto-Grecs. Athens: Ekdotikè Athenon S.A.

Radet, Georges, 1892, La Lydie et le monde Grec au temps des Salmon, Edward Togo, 1988, ‘The Iron Age: The Peoples of It-
Mermnades (687- 546). Paris: Thorin & Fils Éditeurs. aly’. Cambridge Ancient History IV. Pp. 676-719. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press (2nd edition).
Ranke, Hermann, 1935, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen.
Glückstadt: Verlag von J.J. Augustin. Sandars, Nancy K., 1978, The Sea Peoples, Warriors of the an-
cient Mediterranean 1250-1150 BC. London: Thames and
Reden, Sibylle von, 1992, Ugarit und seine Welt, Die Entdeckung Hudson Ltd.
einer der ältesten Handelsmetropolen am Mittelmeer. Ber-
gisch Gladbach: Gustav Lübbe Verlag. ––– , 1980, De Zeevolken, Egypte en Voor-Azië bedreigd, 1250-
1150 v.C. Haarlem: Fibula-Van Dishoeck.
Redford, Donald B., 1992, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient
Times. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Sauter, Hermann, 2000, Studien zum Kimmerierproblem.
Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 72. Bonn: Dr.
Reinach, A.J., 1910, ‘Le disque de Phaistos et les Peuples de la Rudolf Habelt GmbH.

158
 Barometer for East-West Interconnections’. In: Eastern Medi-
Savaú, Özkan Savaú, 1998, Divine, Personal and Geographical
terranean, Cyprus- Dodecanese-Crete 16th -6th cent. B.C.,
Names in the Anatolian (Hittite-Luwian) Hieroglyphic In-
Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Rethym-
scriptions. Istanbul.
non - Crete in May 1997, eds. V. Karageorghis & N. Chr.
Schachermeyr, Fritz, 1929, Etruskische Frühgeschichte. Berlin- Stampolidis. Pp. 13- 27. Athens: University of Crete-A. G.
Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co. Leventis Foundation.

––– , 1950, Poseidon und die Entstehung des griechischen Shefton, B.B., 1994, ‘Massalia and Colonization in the North-
Götterglaubens. Bern: A. Francke AG. Verlag. Western Mediterranean’. In: The Archaeology of Greek Colo-
nisation, Essays dedicated to Sir John Boardman, ed. Gocha
––– , 1960, ‘Das Keftiu-Problem und die Frage des ersten R. Tsetskhladze & Franco De Angelis. Pp. 61-86. Oxford: Ox-
Auftretens einer griechischen Herrenschicht im minoischen ford University Committee for Archaeology.
Kreta’. Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen
Institutes 45. Pp. 44-68. Shelmerdine, Cynthia W., 1997, ‘The Palatial Bronze Age of the
Southern and Central Greek Mainland’. American Journal of
––– , 1979, Kreta zur Zeit der Wanderungen, vom Ausgang der Archaeology 101. Pp. 537- 585.
minoischen Ära bis zur dorisierung der Insel. Die Ägäische
Frühzeit, 3. Band. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Sihler, Andrew L., 1995, New Comparative Grammar of Greek
Akademie der Wissenschaften. and Latin. New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press.

––– , 1980, Griechenland im Zeitalter der Wanderungen, Vom Simone, Carlo de, 1996, I Tirreni a Lemnos, Evidenza linguistica e
Ende der mykenischen Ära bis auf die Dorier. Die Ägäische tradizioni storiche. Firenze: Leo Olschki Editore.
Frühzeit, 4. Band. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen
Singer, Itamar, 1985, ‘The Beginning of Philistine Settlement in
Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Canaan and the Northern Boundary of Philistia’. Tel Aviv 12.
–––, 1982, Die Levante im Zeitalter der Wanderungen, Vom 13. Pp. 109-122.
bis zum 11. Jahrhundert v.Chr. Die Ägäische Frühzeit, 5.
––– , 1988, ‘The Origin of the Sea Peoples and their Settlement on
Band. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
the coast of Canaan’. In: Society and Economy in the Eastern
Wissenschaften.
Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.), eds. M. Heltzer & E. Lip-
–––, 1984, Griechische Frühgeschichte, Ein Versuch, frühe iĔski. Pp. 239-250. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters.
Geschichte wenigstens in Umrissen verständlich zu machen.
Smit, Daniel W., 1989, ‘Mycenaean Penetration into Northern
Wien: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Greece’. In: Thracians and Mycenaeans, Proceedings of the
Schermerhorn, R.A., 1970, Comparative Ethnic Relations; A Fourth International Congress of Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-
Framework for Theory and Research. Chicago: University of 26 September 1984, eds. Jan Best & Nanny de Vries. Publica-
Chicago Press. tions of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 11. Pp. 174-180. Lei-
den: E.J. Brill.
Schmoll, Ulrich, 1959, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen
Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische. Wiesbaden: ––– , 1988-9, ‘Achilles, Aeneas and the Hittites, A Hittite model
Otto Harrassowitz. for Iliad XX 191-194?’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch
Archaeological and Historical Society 20-21. Pp. 53-64.
Schnapp-Gourbeillon, Annie, 2002, Aux origines de la Grèce
(XIIIe-VIIIe siècles avant notre ère), La genèse du politique. ––– , 1990-1, ‘KUB XIV 3 and Hittite History, A Historical Ap-
Paris: Les Belles Lettres. proach to the Tawagalawa-letter’. Talanta, Proceedings of the
Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 22-23. Pp. 79-
Schuler, Einar von, 1965, Die Kaškäer, Ein Beitrag zur 111.
Ethnographie des Alten Kleinasien. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Snodgrass, Anthony M., 1978, [Review of: Sanders, N.K., The Sea
Schulman, Alan R., 1987, ‘The Great Historical Inscription of Peoples]. Antiquity, 52: 161.
Merneptah at Karnak: A Partial Reappraisal’. Journal of the
American Research Center in Egypt 24. Pp. 21-34. ––– , 2000, The Dark Age of Greece, An archaeological survey of
the eleventh to eighth centuries BC. Edinburgh: At the Uni-
Schulze, W., 1966, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen. versity Press (reprint of 1971 edition).
Berlin-Zürich-Dublin: Weidmann (2. unveränderte Auflage).
Snowden, Jr., Frank, 1997, ‘Greeks and Ethiopians’. In: Greeks
Seeger, Ulrich, n.d. [2002], ‘Fonts apt to the transcription of Se- and Barbarians, Essays on the Interaction between Greeks
mitic texts’, at: http://semitistik.uni- and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences for Euro-
hd.de/seeger/english/fonts_e.htm#anfang centrism, eds. John E. Coleman & Clark A. Waltz. Pp. 103-
Segert, Stanislav, 1984, A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Lan- 121. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.
guage. Berkeley, California. Sollors, Werner, 1996, Theories of Ethnicity, A Classical Reader.
Seters, John van, 1966, The Hyksos, A New Investigation. New New York: New York University Press.
Haven: Yale University Press. Somella, Paolo, 1974, ‘Das Heroon des Aeneas und die Topog-
Shaw, Joseph W., 1998, ‘Kommos in Southern Crete: an Aegean raphie des antiken Lavinium’. Gymnasium 81, 4. Pp. 273-297.

159
Sommer, Ferdinand, 1932, Die A® ® ijavƗ-Urkunden. München: Tovar, Antonio, 1977, Krahes alteuropäische Hydronymie und die
Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. westindogermanischen Sprachen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter
Universitätsverlag.
Spencer, Nigel, 1995, ‘Early Lesbos between East and West: A
‘Grey Area’ of Aegean Archaeology’. Annual of the British Tsetskhladze, Gocha R., 1994, ‘Greek Penetration of the Black
School at Athens 90. Pp. 269-306. Sea’. In: The Archaeology of Greek Colonisation, Essays
dedicated to Sir John Boardman, ed. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze
Stadelmann, Rainer, 1969, ‘Die Abwehr der Seevölker unter Ram-
& Franco De Angelis. Pp. 111-135. Oxford: Oxford Univer-
ses III’. Saeculum 19. Pp. 156-171.
sity Committee for Archaeology.
Stager, Larry, 1998. ‘Forging an Identity: The Emergence of An-
Vagnetti, Lucia, 2000, ‘Western Mediterranean Overview: Penin-
cient Israel.’ In: The Oxford History of the Biblical World, ed.
sular Italy, Sicily and Sardinia at the Time of the Sea Peoples’.
M.D. Coogan. Pp. 123-75. New York: Oxford University
In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed.
Press.
Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 305-326. Philadelphia: The University
Starke, Frank, 1981, ‘Die Keilschrift-luwischen Wörter für Insel Museum.
und Lampe’. Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft
––– , 2001, ‘Some Observations on Late Cypriot Pottery from the
95. Pp. 142-152.
Central Mediterranean’. In: Italy and Cyprus in Antiquity:
––– , 1997, ‘Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen Umfeldes 1550-450 BC, Proceedings of an International Symposium
Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend’. Studia Troica 7. Pp. 447-487. held at the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America
at Columbia University, November 16-18, 2000, eds. Larissa
Steinbauer, Dieter H., 1999, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen.
Bonfante & Vassos Karageorghis. Pp. 77-96. Nicosia: The
St. Katharinen: Scripta Mercaturae.
Costakis and Leto Severis Foundation.
Steiner, Gerd, 1993, ‘Die historische Rolle der “LukkƗ”’. In: Akten
Vandenabeele, Frieda, 1985, ‘La chronologie des documents en
des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions, eds. Jürgen
Linéaire A’. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 109. Pp.
Borchhardt & Gerhard Dobesch. Pp. 123-137. Wien: Verlag
3-20.
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Vanschoonwinkel, Jacques, 1991, L’Égée et la méditerranée
Strid, Ove, 1999, Die Dryoper, Eine Untersuchung der
orientale à la fin du IIe millénaire, Témoignages archéologi-
Überlieferung. Uppsala. ques et sources écrites. Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catho-
Strange, John, 1980, Kaphtor/Keftiu, A new investigation. Leiden: lique de Louvain. Providence (Rhode Island): Brown
E.J. Brill. University.

Strobel, August, 1976, Der spätbronzezeitliche Seevölkersturm, Ventris, Michael, & Chadwick, John, 1973, Documents in
Ein Forschungsüberblick mit Folgerungen zur biblischen Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge: At the University Press (2nd
Exodusthematik. Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter. edition).

Strøm, Ingrid, 1971, Problems Concerning the Origin and Early Vetter, Emile, 1953, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte.
Development of the Etruscan Orientalizing Style. Odense: Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.
Odense University Press. Vries, Nanny M.W. de, 1976, ‘Three Twin Catacomb-graves’. In:
––– , 1990, ‘Relations between Etruria and Campania around 700 Pulpudeva, Semaines philippopolitaines de l’histoire et de la
BC’. In: Greek Colonists and Native Populations, ed. Jean- culture thrace, Plovdiv, 4-18 octobre 1976. Pp. 210-214.
Paul Descoeudres. Pp. 87-97. Canberra: Humanities Research Vürtheim, J.J.G., 1913, Teukros und Teukrer, Untersuchung der
Centre. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Homerischen und der Nachhomerischen Ueberlieferung.
Stubbings, Frank H., 1973, ‘The Rise of Mycenaean Civilization’. Rotterdam: Verlag W.L. & J. Brusse.
Cambridge Ancient History II, 1. Pp. 627-658. Cambridge: At Wachsmann, Shelley, 1998, Seagoing Ships & Seamanship in the
the University Press (3rd edition). Bronze Age Levant. College Station: Texas A & M University
Suter, Ann, 2002, The Narcissus and the Pomegranate, An Ar- Press.
chaeology of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Ann Arbor: Uni- ––– , 2000, ‘To the Sea of the Philistines’. In: The Sea Peoples
versity of Michigan Press. and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Eliezer D. Oren. Pp.
Symeonoglou, S., 1973, Kadmeia I, Mycenaean Finds from 103-143. Philadelphia: The University Museum.
Thebes, Greece, excavation at 14 Oedipusstreet. Studies in Wainwright, G.A., 1959, ‘The Teresh, the Etruscans and Asia Mi-
Mediterranean Archaeology 35. Göteborg: Paul Åströms För- nor’. Anatolian Studies 9. Pp. 197-213.
lag.
––– , 1961, ‘Some Sea-Peoples’. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
Teko÷lu, Recai, & Lemaire, André, 2000, ‘La bilingue royale Lou- 47. Pp. 71-90.
vito-Phénicienne de Çineköy’. Comptes Rendus de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 2000. Pp. 961- ––– , 1962, ‘A Teucrian at Salamis in Cyprus’. Journal of Hellenic
1006. Studies 83. Pp. 146-151.

160
 ciety 22-23. Pp. 139-149.
Waldbaum, Jane C., 1966, ‘Philistine Tombs at Tell Fara and their
Aegean Prototypes’. American Journal of Archaeology 70. ––– , 1992a, The Language of the Sea Peoples. Publications of the
Pp. 331-340. Henri Frankfort Foundation 12. Amsterdam: Najade Press bv.

Warren, Peter, 1972, Myrtos, An Early Bronze Age Settlement in ––– , 1992b, Linguistica Tyrrhenica, A Compendium of Recent Re-
Crete. Oxford: Thames and Hudson, The British School of sults in Etruscan Linguistics. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Pub-
Archaeology at Athens. lisher.

Warren, Peter, & Hankey, Vronwy, 1989, Aegean Bronge Age ––– , 1992c, ‘Evidence of Bilinguism in Cretan Hieroglyphic’.
Chronology. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press. Cretan Studies 3. Pp. 191-201; Pls. XXIV-XXVII.

Watkins, Calvert, 1986, ‘The Language of the Trojans’. In: Troy ––– , 1992-3, ‘On the Dating of Luwian Great Kings’. Talanta,
and the Trojan War, A Symposium held at Bryn Mawr Col- Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical So-
lege, October 1984, ed. Machteld Mellink. Pp. 45-62. Bryn ciety 24-25. Pp. 167-201.
Mawr, P.A.: Bryn Mawr College.
––– , 1993a, ‘Old Phrygian: Some Texts and Relations’. Journal of
Webster, Thomas B.L., 1960, From Mycenae to Homer. London: Indo-European Studies 21. Pp. 1-25.
Methuen & Co. Ltd. (2nd edition).
––– , 1993b, ‘Historical Backgrounds to the Old Phrygian-Greek
Wees, Hans van, 1992, Status Warriors, War Violence and Society Linguistic Relationship’. In: Atti del IVº Congresso Internazi-
in Homer and History. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Publisher. onale di Tracologia, Palma de Mallorca 24-28 March 1992,
ed. Alexander Fol. Pp. 377-394. Roma: Nagard.
Weidner, Ernst F., 1939, ‘Jojachim, König von Juda, in
babylonischen Keilschrifttexten’. In: Mélanges Syriens offerts ––– , 1994, ‘Tablet RS 20.25 from Ugarit, Evidence of Maritime
à Monsieur René Dussaud, Bibliothèque Archéologique et Trade in the Final Years of the Bronze Age’. Ugarit-
Historique XXX. Pp. 923-935. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Forschungen 26. Pp. 509-538.
Paul Geuthner.
––– , 1994-5, ‘Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone
Whatmough, Joshua, 1968, The Pre-Italic Dialects of Italy. Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period’. Talanta, Pro-
Hildesheim: Georg-Olm Verlagsbuchhandlung ceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society
(Reprograhischer Nachdruck der Ausgabe Cambridge 1933). 26-27. Pp. 153-217.

Widmer, W., 1975, ‘Zur Darstellung der Seevölker am Großen ––– , 1997, ‘The Bee-sign (Evans no. 86): An Instance of Egyptian
Tempel von Medinet Habu’. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Influence on Cretan Hieroglyphic’. Kadmos 36. Pp. 97-110.
Sprache 102. Pp. 67-77.
––– , 1998, Linguistica Tyrrhenica II, The Etruscan Liturgical
Wiesner, Joseph, 1968, Fahren und Reiten, Archaeologia Calendar from Capua, Addenda et Corrigenda ad Volume I.
Homerica, Denkmäler und das frühgriechische Epos, Band I, Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Publisher.
Kapitel F, Hrsg. Friedrich Matz & Hans-Günter Buchholz.
––– , 1998-9, ‘Nanas, A Luwian Personal Name in the West’. Ta-
Göttingen: Van den Hoeck & Ruprecht.
lanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Histori-
Woudhuizen, Fred C., 1982-3, ‘Etruscan Origins: The Epigraphic cal Society 30-31. Pp. 175-179.
Evidence’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological
––– , 2000-1, ‘The Earliest Inscription from Thrace’. In: The Black
and Historical Society 14-15. Pp. 91-117.
Sea Region in the Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Period, eds.
––– , 1984-5a, ‘Lydian: Separated from Luwian by three signs’. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze & Jan G. de Boer (= Talanta, Pro-
Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and ceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society
Historical Society 16-17. Pp. 91-113. 32-33). Pp. 289-305.

––– , 1984-5b, ‘Origins of the Sidetic Script’. Talanta, Proceed- ––– , 2001a, [Review of Dieter H. Steinbauer, Neues Handbuch
ings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 16- des Etruskischen, Mercaturae, St. Katharinen 1999]. Journal
17. Pp. 115- 127. of Indo-European Studies 29. Pp. 499-508.

––– , 1989, ‘Thracians, Luwians and Greeks in Bronze Age Cen- ––– , 2001b, ‘Defining Atlantis in Space and Time’. Ugarit-
tral Greece’. In: Thracians and Mycenaeans, Proceedings of Forschungen 33. Pp. 605-620.
the Fourth International Congress of Thracology, Rotterdam,
––– , 2002a, ‘A Minoan Royal Seal Issued at Malia’. Kadmos 41.
24-26 September 1984, eds. Jan Best & Nanny de Vries. Pub-
Pp. 123- 128.
lications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 11. Pp. 191- 204.
Leiden: E.J. Brill. ––– , 2002b, ‘The “Trowel”-Sign (Evans no. 18): Another instance
of Egyptian influence on Cretan hieroglyphic’. Kadmos 41.
––– , 1990, ‘The Sardis Bilingue Reconsidered’. Orpheus, Journal
Pp. 129-130.
of Indo-European, Palaeo-Balkan and Thracian Studies 0. Pp.
90-106. ––– , 2004a, Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone
Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period. Innsbruck:
––– , 1990-1, ‘The Dawn of Indo-European Literacy’. Talanta,
Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.
Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical So-

161
––– , 2004b, Woudhuizen, Fred C., Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Wyatt, William F., 1970, ‘The Indo-Europeanization of Greece’.
Texts, Innsbruck: Innbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft. In: Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans, Papers Presented
at the Third Indo-European Conference at the University of
––– , 2005, Woudhuizen, Fred C., Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic
Pennsylvania, eds. George Cardona, Henry M. Hoenigswald
Texts 2, Innsbruck: Innbrucker Beiträge zur
& Alfred Senn. Pp. 89-111. Philadelphia: University of Penn-
Kulturwissenschaft.
sylvania Press.
––– , forthc. 1, ‘Middle Bronze Age Luwian Hieroglyphic and its
Yon, Marguerite, 1992, ‘The End of the Kingdom of Ugarit’. In:
Ramifications to Crete’, Acts of the Vth International Con-
The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From Beyond the
gress of Hittitology, Çorum, September 2-8, 2002, ed. Aygül
Danube to the Tigris, eds. William A. Ward & Martha Sharp
Süel.
Joukowsky. Pp. 111-122. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Pub-
––– , forthc. 2, ‘Untying the Cretan Hieroglyphic Knot’. Ancient lishing Company.
West & East 5.
Zgusta, Ladislav, 1984, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen. Heidelberg:
Wijngaarden, Gert Jan Maria van, 1999, Use and Appreciation of Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.
Mycenaean Pottery outside Greece, Contexts of LHI-LHIIIB
finds in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy. Amsterdam (disserta-
tion).

162
NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING: DE ETNICITEIT VAN DE
ZEEVOLKEN

De episode van de Zeevolken aan het eind van de Het bepalen van een etnische identiteit aan de hand
Bronstijd leidt tot de val, dan wel de verzwakking, van de van deze vier indicia kan in de moderne tijd vrij gemakke-
grote rijken in het Nabije Oosten zoals dat van de lijk plaatsvinden, omdat er voldoende informatie is en wij
Hettieten en de Egyptenaren. Tevens betekent het een in de meeste gevallen de mensen die het betreft ook zelf
keerpunt in de historie, als gevolg waarvan het econo- nog kunnen vragen wat ze er van vinden. Als we een te-
mische en politieke centrum uiteindelijk wordt verlegd ruggaan in de tijd, echter, valt deze laatste mogelijkheid al
van het Nabije Oosten naar de centraal Mediterrane regio. snel weg. In het geval van de Zeevolken, wier activiteiten
De centrale vraag in het onderhavige onderzoek is in voornamelijk aan het eind van de Bronstijd gesitueerd zijn
hoeverre de Zeevolken uit coherente etnische groepen (ca. 1200 voor Christus), wordt het bepalen van etnische
bestaan. Alvorens deze vraag te kunnen beantwoorden, identiteiten nog verder bemoeilijkt omdat we ons niet
dienen we ons af te vragen: wat is etniciteit en wie waren meer in de historische periode bevinden, maar in de pro-
de Zeevolken? tohistorie. Dit betekent dat er geen contemporaine ges-
Voor het begrip etniciteit bestaan mooie moderne de- chiedwerken zijn overgeleverd, zoals dat van de vader
finities, maar de belangrijkste kenmerken worden in al van de geschiedenis, Herodotos, over de Perzische oorlo-
hun eenvoud opgesomd in een passage uit Herodotos’ gen of Thucidydes over de Peloponnesische oorlog, maar
Historiën. Daarin laat Herodotos de Atheners aan de voo- dat wij ons moeten behelpen met literaire overleveringen
ravond van de Perzische inval in Griekenland van 480 uit de historische periode die lijken terug te verwijzen
voor Christus de Spartaanse gezanten, die bezorgd zijn naar de Bronstijd. Voorzover er in deze periode al cultu-
voor een Atheens vergelijk met de Perzen, als volgt ant- ren bestaan die een vorm van schrift kennen, zoals Egypte
woorden: met zijn hierogliefen en het Nabije Oosten met zijn cunei-
form, kunnen we deze informatie aanvullen met die van
de contemporaine inscripties, die echter vaak van propa-
“Dat de Lakedaimoniërs bang zijn, dat wij met de gandistische aard zijn. Tenslotte, beschikken we voor de
barbaren een overeenkomst sluiten, is volkomen be- protohistorische periode nog over de archeologische res-
grijpelijk. Maar gij blijkt de gezindheid der Atheners ten die door opgravingen aan het licht zijn gekomen en als
wel bijzonder slecht te kennen, dat gij u daarover het ware een gestold surrogaat voor ons historische begrip
zorgen maakt, want nergens ter wereld bestaat er cultuur leveren, namelijk de materiële cultuur.
zoveel goud en er bestaat geen land, hoezeer het in Om kort te gaan: voor de periode van de Late Brons-
schoonheid en voortreffelijkheid ook alle andere tijd zullen we ons onderzoek naar etniciteit moeten ver-
mag overtreffen, dat wij het zouden willen aanne- richten met behulp van een aangepaste protohistorische
men als prijs voor Perzische gezindheid en onder- methode, waarin informatie over gezamenlijke herkomst
werping van Griekenland. Er zijn immers vele en verwantschap in taal, religie en zeden van de Zeevol-
belangrijke redenen, die ons, zelfs al wilden we het, ken voor zover mogelijk wordt ontleend aan latere mythes
daarvan zouden weerhouden: (…) de bloed- en taal- en sagen, epigrafische bronnen en de resten van materiële
verwantschap van het Griekse volk, de gemeens- culturen. Bij deze methode wordt aangenomen dat een
chappelijke heiligdommen der goden en ethnische groep kan worden geïdentificeerd daar waar
offerplechtigheden en onze gelijksoortige zeden bijvoorbeeld een bepaalde taalgroep en een bepaalde ma-
(…).” (Herodotos, Historiën VIII, 144, vertaling teriële cultuur met elkaar overlappen (zie figuur 1b). Of
Onno Damsté) dit juist is, kan nooit op waterdichte wijze worden bewe-
zen: wij kunnen de betreffende mensen niet meer vragen
of zij zich inderdaad allemaal als leden van een etnische
De vier kenmerken van etniciteit die hier worden
identiteit beschouwen. In principe is het mogelijk dat er
opgesomd zijn: verwantschap in bloed of gezamenlijke
mensen zijn die tot dezelfde taalgroep behoren en de-
herkomst, verwantschap in taal, religie en zeden.
zelfde materiële cultuur hebben, maar zich toch tot een

163
hele andere etnische groep rekenen. Evenzeer is het mo- dus in totaal negen Zeevolken onderscheiden worden.
gelijk dat mensen met verschillende talen en materiële Alvorens we ons met de vraag kunnen bezighouden
culturen zich toch tot dezelfde etnische groep rekenen. of de Zeevolken hetzij uit coherente etnische groepen bes-
Dit in ogenschouw nemend, dienen wij dan ook afs- tonden hetzij uit bijeengeraapte piraten bendes, dienen we
tand te nemen van Gustav Kosinna’s opvatting, die later te bepalen waar zij vandaan kwamen. Vanaf het begin van
door de Nazi’s is misbruikt voor hun “Blut und Boden” de literatuur over de Zeevolken, die aanvangt met de ont-
theorie, dat iedere vastomlijnde archeologische cultuur cijfering van het Egyptisch hiëroglifisch door François
precies samenvalt met het woongebied van een specifieke Champollion, is hier verschillend over gedacht. De eerste
etnische bevolkingsgroep. Zoals we hebben gezien, is de onderzoekers, zoals Emmanuel de Rougé en François
werkelijkheid veel complexer. Maar om daartegenover te Chabas, dachten aan een coalitie van krachten uit zowel
stellen dat het onderscheid van archeologische culturen in de centrale als oostelijke Mediterrane regio op basis van
geen enkele relatie staat met dat van etnische groeperin- hun associatie van aan de ene kant de Shekelesh, Sherden
gen die in de betreffende regio gewoond hebben is eve- en Teresh met Sicilië, Sardinië en Etrurië, en aan de an-
neens onhoudbaar: op deze manier gooien we het kind dere kant de Ekwesh en Lukka met de Akhaïsche Grieken
weg met het badwater. Per geval zal met een open oog en de Lyciërs. Daartegenover stelde Gaston Maspero, aan
moeten worden bekeken in hoeverre onze protohistorische wie we de term “Zeevolken” te danken hebben – een zeer
methode werkt. terechte benaming als we bedenken dat deze tegenstan-
De periode van de woelingen van de Zeevolken kent ders volgens de teksten als Vikingen met schepen overzee
twee duidelijk onderscheiden fasen. De eerste fase bestaat van hun eilanden in de Mediterrane regio naar Egypte
uit een aanval van de Libische koning Meryey op de wes- kwamen om aanvallen uit te voeren – , dat alle Zeevolken
telijke Nijl delta in het vijfde jaar van de Egyptische farao uit het oostelijke Mediterrane gebied afkomstig waren.
Merneptah, dat wil zeggen in 1208 voor Christus, waarin Uitgangspunt voor dit idee was dat de Tyrsenoi of Etrus-
de Libische koning zich gesteund weet door huurlingen ken volgens Herodotos uit westelijk Anatolië (= het hui-
van de Zeevolken. Onder deze Zeevolken bevinden zich dige Turkije) afkomstig waren. In overeenstemming
volgens Merneptah’s verslag van de gebeurtenis te Kar- hiermee, associeerde Maspero de Sherden met de latere
nak in Egyptische hoofdstad Thebe de Sherden, Sheke- Lydische hoofdstad Sardis, de Shekelesh met Sagalassos
lesh, Ekwesh, Lukka en Teresh. Uit de begeleidende tekst in Pisidië en de Weshesh met Wassos in Karië. Na hun
blijkt dat het doel van de Libische koning Meryey was om mislukte aanval op Egypte, zouden deze Anatolische
zich met zijn gevolg in Egypte te vestigen, maar helaas Zeevolken naar hun uiteindelijke verblijfplaatsen in Sar-
voor hem werd de aanval door Merneptah afgeslagen. De dinië, Sicilië en Etrurië geëmigreerd zijn.
tweede fase wordt gekenmerkt door een aanval op de Nijl Als we alle beschikbare gegevens met betrekking tot
delta over zee en over land door de Zeevolken in het de oorsprong van de verschillende groepen van de Zee-
vijfde en achste jaar van de Egyptische farao Ramesses volken op een rijtje zetten, dan blijkt dat Maspero’s pan-
III, dat wil zeggen in 1179 en 1176 voor Christus. Uit de oost-Mediterrane these niet houdbaar is. Het is zeker een
afbeeldingen van deze gecombineerde zee- en landslag feit dat een aantal van de Zeevolken uit westelijk Anatolië
van Ramesses III te Medinet Habu in de Egyptische afkomstig is. Dit geldt voor de Lukka, die niet anders als
hoofdstad Thebe (zie figuren 5 en 6) en de begeleidende als Lyciërs geïdentificeerd kunnen worden, en voor de
tekst kunnen we afleiden dat de Zeevolken in kwestie, in Tjeker, waarin we de Trojaanse Teukriden kunnen her-
navolging van de Libische koning Meryey, nu van plan kennen. Voorts is het zeer aannemelijk dat Ekwesh en
waren zich te vestigen in het rijke Egypte. Ook in dit ge- Denye(n) concurrerende benamingen voor de Myceense
val, echter, wordt de aanval afgeslagen door Ramesses III, Grieken zijn, corresponderend met de Homerische varia-
en vestigen de Zeevolken zich in de regio van waaruit zij tie tussen Akhaioi en Danaoi als aanduiding voor deze
hun gecombineerde land- en zeeslag hadden georgani- zelfde bevolkingsgroep (vergelijk in dit verband Germa-
seerd, de Levant. De in deze fase betrokken Zeevolken nia, Allemagne en Deutschland voor onze oosterburen).
waren de Peleset, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n) en Wes- Ten derde valt er veel voor te zeggen dat de Peleset of Fi-
hesh. Gegeven het feit dat de Shekelesh bij beide fasen listijnen, die uit Lydië dan wel Kreta afkomstig zouden
van de woelingen van de Zeevolken betrokken waren, zijn, in de Griekse literaire overleveringen als Pelasgen
kunnen we concluderen dat er in de Egyptische bronnen aangeduid worden, een voor-Griekse bevolkingsgroep die

164
tijdens de verovering van het Griekse vasteland door de slechts diffuse piraten bendes of coherente ethnische
aartsvaders van de Grieken is uitgeweken naar de Egeïs- groepen. Een eerste aanwijzing voor het antwoord dat wij
che eilanden en westelijk Anatolië en ook voor Kreta wel degelijk met coherente ethnische groepen te maken
geattesteerd is. Omdat het ethnonym Pelasgen in de hebben is gelegen in het feit dat zij door de Egyptenaren
vroegste Griekse literaire bronnen een concurrerende be- met onderscheiden ethnonymen worden aangeduid.
naming voor de Tyrsenoi is, waarmee de Teresh in het al- Voorts worden zij in de afbeeldingen met fenotypische en
gemeen geassocieerd worden, staat het buiten kijf dat culturele kenmerken afgebeeld. Zo dragen de Sherden een
Maspero de herkomst van laatstgenoemd Zeevolk terecht helm met horens, de Shekelesh een naar achteren gebogen
in het Egeïsche gebied traceert en aanneemt dat deze la- muts en de Peleset een vederen hoofddeksel. Maar het be-
ter, na de Bronstijd, naar Italië zijn verhuist. Maar dit al- langrijkste argument is dat de verschillende groepen van
les laat onverlet dat er graviterende redenen zijn om met de Zeevolken zich, na de afgeslagen aanval op de Nijl
Maspero’s tegenstanders van het eerste uur aan te nemen delta, afzonderlijk vestigen in bepaalde regio’s van de Le-
dat de Sherden, Shekelesh en Weshesh uit de centraal Me- vant, te weten van zuid naar noord: de Peleset of Filistij-
diterrane regio afkomstig zijn en gewoon refereren aan nen in hun zogenaamde pentapolis in Palestina (Gaza,
Sardiniërs, Siciliërs en Osken of Ausones. In deze zin is Askelon, Asdod, Ekron en Gath), de Tjeker of Teukriden
mijn oplossing voor het vraagstuk van de herkomst der in Dor, de Sherden of Sardiniërs in Akko, de Denye(n) of
Zeevolken een compromis tussen de these van de Rougé Danaoi in Joppa en later in Laïsh, de dragers van de Eu-
en Chabas en de antithese van Maspero: de laatste had ge- ropese urnenvelden-cultuur, waaronder mogelijk de Wes-
lijk in zijn idee over de oorsprong der Etrusken, die in de hes of Osken in Hamath, en de Ekwesh of Akhaioi in de
Egeïs en Anatolië gesitueerd moet worden, maar gaat te Cilicische vlakte (cf. figuur 17). Kennelijk wilden de on-
ver wanneer hij vervolgens de centrale Mediterrane regio derscheiden groepen zich, ondanks hun gezamelijke op-
uitsluit als herkomstoord van sommige der Zeevolken en treden tijdens de woelingen van de Zeevolken, niet
deze ook uit Anatolië laat komen. mengen maar zich alleen temidden van hun eigen
Als ik gelijk heb in deze oplossing van het vraagstuk stamgenoten vestigen!
naar de herkomst van de verschillende groepen der Zee- De woelingen van de Zeevolken aan het eind van de
volken, dan zijn wij ook dichter bij het antwoord naar de Bronstijd brengen niet alleen maar verwoestingen met
oorzaak van de woelingen van de Zeevolken periode. Het zich mee, maar ook vernieuwingen. Zo introduceren de
feit wil, namelijk, dat het Italische schiereiland aan het Sherden een nieuwe strijdwijze voor de infanterie, met
eind van de Bronstijd wordt gekenmerkt door een massale ronde schilden en lange zwaarden, die, bij voldoende aan-
immigratie van dragers van de Europese urnenvelden- tallen, opgewassen is tegen de strijdwagens van de oude
cultuur, waartoe de Osken of Ausones behoren. Deze Bronstijd rijken – de aanzet tot de latere Griekse falanx.
nieuwkomers verdrijven deels de zittende bevolking, die Voorts zijn de Peleset of Filistijnen, volgens de overleve-
op drift raakt, en gaan deels met deze op drift geraakte ring van de Bijbel, gespecialiseerd in de bewerking van
bevolkingsgroepen op zoek naar betere oorden, die in het ijzer – het metaal van het nieuwe tijdperk, de IJzertijd.
veel rijkere oostelijke Mediterrane gebied gezocht wor- Tenslotte lijkt het waarschijnlijk dat de kennis van de
den, waar de oorsponkelijke bewoners van Italië, Sardinië Zeevolken uit de centrale Mediterrane regio met betrek-
en Sicilië onder andere door handel mee in contact ston- king tot de wateren in dit gebied de Feniciërs in de vroege
den. Op hun drift naar het oosten wordt het paleis van Py- IJzertijd heeft gefaciliteerd bij hun fascinerende explora-
los in de westelijke Peloponnesos in de as gelegd en de tie en kolonisatie van het west Mediterrane bekken.
lokale Myceense bevolking ten dele in de trek naar het
oosten meegezogen. Vervolgens wordt de maritieme ver-
dedigingslijn van het Hettitische rijk, die westelijk van de
kust van Lycië gelegen was, doorbroken en is de vrije
doortocht naar de Levant en uiteindelijk Egypte gegaran-
deerd (zie figuur 24). In het kielzog van dit gebeuren,
worden wederom lokale bevolkingsgroepen in de trek
naar het oosten meegezogen.
Nu komen wij tot de hamvraag: waren de Zeevolken

165
 CURRICULUM VITAE VAN FREDERIK CHRISTIAAN
WOUDHUIZEN

Geboorteplaats Zutphen (provincie Gelderland)

Geboortedag 13 februari 1959
Nationaliteit Nederlandse
Adres Het Hoekstuk 69, NL-1852 KX Heiloo
1977 Gymnasium B
1982 Kandidaatsexamen geschiedenis
1985 Doctoraalexamen oude geschiedenis (cum laude)
1990-1 Stipendium van het Institute for Thracology, in Sofia, Bulgarije
1991-2000 werkzaam in het bedrijfsleven
2000- werkzaam als onafhankelijk onderzoeker op het gebied van de Mediterrane pre- en protohistorie
2002-2003 Promotiebeurs Erasmus Universiteit, Rotterdam

gepubliceerde boeken:

1988 coauteur van Ancient Scripts from Crete and Cyprus, Leiden: Brill
1989 coauteur van Lost Languages of the Mediterranean, Leiden: Brill
1992 Linguistica Tyrrhenica, A Compendium of Recent Results in Etruscan Linguistics, Amsterdam:
Gieben
1992 The Language of the Sea Peoples, Amsterdam: Najade Press.
1998 Linguistica Tyrrhenica II: The Etruscan Liturgical Calendar from Capua, Addenda et Corrigenda
ad Volume I, Amsterdam: Gieben.
2004 coauteur van The Phaistos Disc: A Luwian Letter to Nestor. Publications of the Henri Frankfort
Foundation 13. Amsterdam: Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society.
2004 Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period,
Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts, Inn-
sbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.
2004-2005 Selected Luwian Heroglyphic Texts I-II, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft
Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.

gepubliceerde artikelen:

de bibliografie bij het onderhavige proefschrift geeft een ruime selectie

167