Anthropology

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Anthropology 1 1 18 18 21 38 42 44 52 57 62 71 73 97

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History of anthropology Archaeology Cultural anthropology Cultural history Diaspora Economic anthropology Ethnobiology Ethnography Ethnology Human Interpersonal relationship

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Main article
Anthropology
Anthropology /nrpldi/ is the study of humanity. It has origins in the humanities, the natural sciences, and the social sciences.[1] The term "anthropology" is from the Greek anthrpos (), "man", understood to mean mankind or humanity, and -logia (-), "discourse" or "study", and was first used in 1501 by German philosopher Magnus Hundt.[2] Anthropology's basic concerns are "What defines human life and origins?", "How are social relations among humans organized?", "Who are the ancestors of modern Homo sapiens?", "What are humans' physical traits?", "How do humans behave?", "Why are there variations among different groups of humans?", "How has the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens influenced its social organization and culture?" and so forth. In the United States, contemporary anthropology is typically multiplied into four sub-fields: cultural anthropology also known as socio-cultural anthropology, archaeology, linguistic anthropology, and physical (or biological) anthropology.[3] The four-field approach to anthropology is reflected in many American undergraduate textbooks[4] and anthropology programs. At universities in the United Kingdom, and much of Europe, these "sub-fields" are frequently housed in separate departments and are seen as distinct disciplines - with the field corresponding to American socio-cultural anthropology being simply anthropology.[5] The social and cultural sub-field has been heavily influenced by structuralist and post-modern theories, as well as a shift toward the analysis of modern societies. During the 1970s and 1990s there was an epistemological shift away from the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline.[6] During this shift, enduring questions about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural and social anthropology. In contrast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained largely positivist. Due to this difference in epistemology, anthropology as a discipline has lacked cohesion over the last several decades.

Overview
Anthropology is traditionally divided into four sub-fields, each with its own further branches: biological or physical anthropology, social anthropology or cultural anthropology, archaeology and anthropological linguistics.[3] These fields frequently overlap, but tend to use different methodologies and techniques. Biological anthropology, or physical anthropology, focuses on the study of human population using an evolutionary framework. Biological anthropologists have theorized about how the globe has become populated with humans (e.g. the "Out Of Africa" and "multi-regional evolution" debate), as well as tried to explain geographical human variation and race. Many biological anthropologists studying modern human populations identify their field as human ecology, itself linked to sociobiology. Human ecology uses evolutionary theory to understand phenomena among contemporary human populations. Another large sector of biological anthropology is primatology, where anthropologists focus on understanding other primate populations. In terms of methodology, primatologists borrow heavily from field biology and ecology in their research. Cultural anthropology is also called socio-cultural anthropology or social anthropology (especially in the United Kingdom). It is the study of culture, and is based mainly on ethnography. Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and a product of research, namely a monograph or book. Ethnography is a grounded, inductive method that heavily relies on participant-observation. Ethnology involves the systematic comparison of different cultures. The process of participant-observation can be especially helpful to understanding a culture from an emic point of view, which would otherwise be unattainable by simply reading from a book. In some European countries, all

Anthropology cultural anthropology is known as ethnology (a term coined and defined by Adam F. Kollr in 1783).[7] The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of cultural anthropology, as kinship is a human universal. Cultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations, ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology). Archaeology is the study of human material culture, including both artifacts (older pieces of human culture) carefully gathered in situ, museum pieces and modern garbage.[8] Archaeologists work closely with biological anthropologists, art historians, physics laboratories (for dating), and museums. They are charged with preserving the results of their excavations and are often found in museums. In the typical scenario, archaeologists are associated with "digs," or excavation of layers of ancient sites. Archaeologists subdivide time into cultural periods based on long-lasting artifacts: the Paleolithic, the Neolithic, the Bronze Age, which are further subdivided according to artifact traditions and culture region, such as the Oldowan or the Gravettian. In this way, archaeologists provide a vast frame of reference for the places human beings have traveled, their ways of making a living, and their demographics. Archaeologists also investigate nutrition, symbolization, art, systems of writing, and other physical remnants of human cultural activity. Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.[9] Linguistic anthropology is divided into its own sub-fields: descriptive linguistics the construction of grammars and lexicons for unstudied languages; historical linguistics, including the reconstruction of past languages, from which our current languages have descended; ethnolinguistics, the study of the relationship between language and culture, and sociolinguistics, the study of the social functions of language. Anthropological linguistics is also concerned with the evolution of the parts of the brain that deal with language.[10] Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of Anthropology), including but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and religious studies,[11] [12] it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the entire field have been made.[13] Because of the holistic nature of anthropological research, all branches of anthropology have widespread practical application in diverse fields. This is known as applied anthropology. Thus military expeditions employ anthropologists to discern strategic cultural footholds; marketing professionals employ anthropology to determine propitious placement of advertising; and humanitarian agencies depend on anthropological insights as means to fight poverty. Examples of applied anthropology are ubiquitous. Focused in a positive light, Anthropology is one of the few places where humanities, social, and natural sciences are forced to confront one another. As such, anthropology has been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such as cognitive science,[14] global studies, and various ethnic studies.

Anthropology

Basic trends
There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly empirical.[15] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia. In the 1990s and 2000s, calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. It is possible to view all human cultures as part of one large, evolving global culture. These dynamic relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed by compiling many local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biological, linguistic or archaeological.[16] Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation[17] and in the possibility of human universals (behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures)[18] They use many different methods of study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists "into the field," which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do something called "fieldwork." On the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs. Due to the interest in variation, anthropologists are drawn to the study of human extremes, aberrations and other unusual circumstances, such as headhunting, whirling dervishes, whether there were real Hobbit people, snake handling, and glossolalia (speaking in tongues), just to list a few. At the same time, anthropologists urge, as part of their quest for scientific objectivity, cultural relativism, which has an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology. This is the notion that particular cultures should not be judged by one culture's values or viewpoints, but that all cultures should be viewed as relative to each other. There should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or worse than another culture.[19] Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism, mutilation including circumcision and subincision, and torture. Topics like racism, slavery or human sacrifice, therefore, attract anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies[20] to genes[21] to acculturation have been proposed, not to mention theories of colonialism and many others as root causes of Man's inhumanity to man. To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as "racism" and find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor sub-fields.[22] [23] Along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions based on material, such as the Paleolithic and the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology. Further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past. Anthropologists and geographers share approaches to Culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science. Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and colleges. The single largest organization of Anthropologists is the American Anthropological Association, which was founded in 1903.[24] Membership is made up of Anthropologists from around the globe.[25] Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics, zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well.[26]

Anthropology

History
The first use of the term "anthropology" in English to refer to a natural science of humanity was apparently in 1593, the first of the "logies" to be coined.[27] It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the first major treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View.[28] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern anthropologist, however, as he never left his region of Germany nor did he study any cultures besides his own, and in fact, describes the need for anthropology as a corollary field to his own primary field of philosophy.[29] He did, however, begin teaching an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Anthropology is thus primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment endeavor. Historians of anthropology, like Marvin Harris,[30] indicate two major frameworks within which empirical anthropology has arisen: interest in comparisons of people over space and interest in longterm human processes or humans as viewed through time. Harris dates both to Classical Greece and Classical Rome, specifically Herodotus, often called the "father of history" and the Roman historian Tacitus, who wrote many of our only surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples. Herodotus first formulated some of the persisting problems of anthropology.[31] Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of modern anthropology as well, insofar as they conducted or wrote detailed studies of the customs of peoples considered "different" from themselves in terms of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported of his stay among the Mongols. His report was unusual in its detailed depiction of a non-European culture[32] Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and geography are another example of studying human variation across space.[33] Polo's travels took him across such a diverse human landscape and his accounts of the peoples he met as he journeyed were so detailed that they earned for Polo the name "the father of modern anthropology."[34]

Cannibalism among "the savages" in Brazil, as described and pictured by Andr Thvet.

Another candidate for one of the first scholars to carry out comparative ethnographic-type studies in person was the medieval Persian scholar Ab Rayhn Brn in the 11th century, who wrote about the peoples, customs, and religions of the Indian subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation with a given group of people, learnt their language and studied their primary texts, and presented his findings with objectivity and neutrality using cross-cultural comparisons.[35] However, others argue that he can hardly be considered an anthropologist in the conventional sense.[36] He wrote detailed comparative studies on the religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean and especially South Asia.[37] [38] Biruni's tradition of comparative cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim world through to Ibn Khaldun's work in the 14th century.[35] [39] Most scholars consider modern anthropology as an outgrowth of the Age of Enlightenment, a period when Europeans attempted systematically to study human behavior, the known varieties of which had been increasing since the 15th century as a result of the first European colonization wave. The traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology, and sociology then evolved into something more closely resembling the modern views of these disciplines and informed the development of the social sciences, of which anthropology was a part.

Anthropology Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizations through the disciplines of Classics and Egyptology informed both archaeology and eventually social anthropology, as did the study of East and South Asian languages and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as Johann Gottfried Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey, whose work formed the basis for the "culture concept," which is central to the discipline. Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the development of natural history (expounded by authors such as Buffon) that occurred during the European colonization of the 17th, 18th, 19th and 20th centuries. Programs of ethnographic study originated in this era as the study of the "human primitives" overseen by colonial administrations. There was a tendency in late 18th century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural phenomena that behaved according to certain principles and that could be observed empirically. In some ways, studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was not unlike studying the flora and fauna of those places. Early anthropology was divided between proponents of unilinealism, who argued that all societies passed through a single evolutionary process, from the most primitive to the most advanced, and various forms of non-lineal theorists, who tended to subscribe to ideas such as diffusionism.[40] Most 19th-century social theorists, including anthropologists, viewed non-European societies as windows onto the pre-industrial human past.
Table of natural history, 1728 Cyclopaedia As academic disciplines began to differentiate over the course of the 19th century, anthropology grew increasingly distinct from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely historical or literary fields such as Classics, on the other. A common criticism has been that many social science scholars (such as economists, sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries focus disproportionately on Western subjects, while anthropology focuses disproportionately on the "Other";[41] this has changed over the last part of the 20th century as anthropologists increasingly also study Western subjects, particularly variation across class, region, or ethnicity within Western societies, and other social scientists increasingly take a global view of their fields.

20th century
In the 20th century, academic disciplines have often been institutionally divided into three broad domains. The natural and biological sciences seek to derive general laws through reproducible and verifiable experiments. The humanities generally study local traditions, through their history, literature, music, and arts, with an emphasis on understanding particular individuals, events, or eras. The social sciences have generally attempted to develop scientific methods to understand social phenomena in a generalizable way, though usually with methods distinct from those of the natural sciences. In particular, social sciences often develop statistical descriptions rather than the general laws derived in physics or chemistry, or they may explain individual cases through more general principles, as in many fields of psychology. Anthropology (like some fields of history) does not easily fit into one of these categories, and different branches of anthropology draw on one or more of these domains.[42]

Anthropology Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a different path than that in the countries of southern and central Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very different in organization and language from those of Europe, has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural relativism.[43] In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other hand, anthropologists often joined with folklorists and linguists in building nationalist perspectives. Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on differentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of what has become a nation through various forms of public education (eg, museums of several kinds).[44] In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of the Urals) of highly distinct, pre-industrial, often non-literate peoples, similar to the situation in the Americas. On the other hand, Russia also participated to some degree in the nationalist (cultural and political) movements of Central and Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of 1917, anthropology in the USSR, and later the Soviet Bloc countries, were highly shaped by the requirement to conform to Marxist theories of social evolution.[45]

Countries
Britain
E. B. Tylor ( 2 October 1832 2 January 1917) and James George Frazer ( 1 January 1854 7 May 1941) are generally considered the antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain. Though Tylor undertook a field trip to Mexico, both he and Frazer derived most of the material for their comparative studies through extensive reading, not fieldwork, mainly the Classics (literature and history of Greece and Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and reports from missionaries, travelers, and contemporaneous ethnologists. Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of "uniformity of mankind".[46] Tylor in particular laid the groundwork for theories of cultural diffusionism, stating that there are three ways that different groups can have similar cultural forms or technologies: "independent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region, transmission from one race [sic] to another."[47] Tylor formulated one of the early and influential anthropological E. B. Tylor, 19th-century British anthropologist. conceptions of culture as "that complex whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society."[48] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger function, and generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of non-directional, multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists. Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious feelings in human beings, proposing a theory of animism as the earliest stage, and noting that "religion" has many components, of which he believed the most important to be belief in supernatural beings (as opposed to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar with a broad knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself with religion, myth, and magic. His comparative studies, most influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough, analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism globally.

Anthropology Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, was particularly interested in fieldwork, nor were they interested in examining how the cultural elements and institutions fit together. Toward the turn of the 20th century, a number of anthropologists became dissatisfied with this categorization of cultural elements; historical reconstructions also came to seem increasingly speculative. Under the influence of several younger scholars, a new approach came to predominate among British anthropologists, concerned with analyzing how societies held together in the present (synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical analysis), and emphasizing long-term (one to several years) immersion fieldwork. Cambridge University financed a multidisciplinary expedition to the Torres Strait Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Court Haddon and including a physician-anthropologist, William Rivers, as well as a linguist, a botanist, other specialists. The findings of the expedition set new standards for ethnographic description. A decade and a half later, Polish anthropology student Bronisaw Malinowski (18841942) was beginning what he expected to be a brief period of fieldwork in the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the outbreak of the First World War stranded him in New Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire resident on a British colonial possession, he was effectively confined to New Guinea for several years.[49] He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive fieldwork than had been done by British anthropologists, and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) advocated an approach to fieldwork that became standard in the field: getting "the native's point of view" through participant observation. Theoretically, he advocated a functionalist interpretation, which examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual needs. British social anthropology had an expansive moment in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming from the Polish-British Bronisaw Malinowski and Meyer Fortes[50] A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922. He had carried out his initial fieldwork in the Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists mile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Radcliffe-Brown published an account of his research (entitled simply The Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of rituals and myths. Over time, he developed an approach known as structural-functionalism, which focused on how institutions in societies worked to balance out or create an equilibrium in the social system to keep it functioning harmoniously. (This contrasted with Malinowski's functionalism, and was quite different from the later French structuralism, which examined the conceptual structures in language and symbolism.) Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown's influence stemmed from the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained students and aggressively built up institutions that furthered their programmatic ambitions. This was particularly the case with Radcliffe-Brown, who spread his agenda for "Social Anthropology" by teaching at universities across the British Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until the postwar period appeared a string of monographs and edited volumes that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology (BSA). Famous ethnographies include The Nuer, by Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes; well-known edited volumes include African Systems of Kinship and Marriage and African Political Systems. Max Gluckman, together with many of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and students at Manchester University, collectively known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions through their introduction of explicitly Marxist-informed theory, their emphasis on conflicts and conflict resolution, and their attention to the ways in which individuals negotiate and make use of the social structural possibilities. In Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, it "contributed to the erosion of Christianity, the growth of cultural relativism, an awareness of the survival of the primitive in modern life, and the replacement of diachronic modes of analysis with synchronic, all of which are central to modern culture."[51] Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among others, introduced French structuralism in the style of Lvi-Strauss; while British anthropology has continued to emphasize

Anthropology social organization and economics over purely symbolic or literary topics, differences among British, French, and American sociocultural anthropologies have diminished with increasing dialogue and borrowing of both theory and methods. Today, social anthropology in Britain engages internationally with many other social theories and has branched in many directions. In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate from physical anthropology and primatology, which may be connected with departments of biology or zoology; and from archaeology, which may be connected with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and the like. In other countries (and in some, particularly smaller, British and North American universities), anthropologists have also found themselves institutionally linked with scholars of folklore, museum studies, human geography, sociology, social relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social work. Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alternative explanation for the Financial crisis of 20072010 to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University trained anthropologist who went on to become a senior editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this use of anthropology.

United States
19th Century to 1940s From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the early 20th century, anthropology in the United States was influenced by the presence of Native American societies. Cultural anthropology in the United States was influenced greatly by the ready availability of Native American societies as ethnographic subjects. The field was pioneered by staff of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology, men such as John Wesley Powell and Frank Hamilton Cushing. Lewis Henry Morgan (18181881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale. Boasian anthropology Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature. Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was full of distinct cultures, rather than societies whose evolution could be measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He believed that each culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the natural sciences, were not possible.

Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often called the "Father of American Anthropology"

Anthropology In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[52] Many American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture. Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages. The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology, marked a turning point in American anthropology. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to generalize. This was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Ruth Benedict in 1937 Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew up. Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology department, but she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her offices at the AMNH.

Canada
Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records of travellers and missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and Sagard, in the 17th century, provide the oldest ethnographic records of native tribes in what was then the Domain of Canada. True anthropology began with a Government department: the Geological Survey of Canada, and George Mercer Dawson (director in 1895). Dawson's support for anthropology created impetus for the profession in Canada. This was expanded upon by Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who established a Division of Anthropology within the Geological Survey in 1910. Anthropologists were recruited from England and the USA, setting the foundation for the unique Canadian style of anthropology. Scholars include the linguist and Boasian Edward Sapir.

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France
Anthropology in France has a less clear genealogy than the British and American traditions, in part because many French writers influential in anthropology have been trained or held faculty positions in sociology, philosophy, or other fields rather than in anthropology. Most commentators consider Marcel Mauss (18721950), nephew of the influential sociologist mile Durkheim, to be the founder of the French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheim's Anne Sociologique group. While Durkheim and others examined the state of modern societies, Mauss and his collaborators (such as Henri Hubert and Robert Hertz) drew on ethnography and philology to analyze societies that were not as 'differentiated' as European nation states. Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance: Essay on the Gift, a seminal analysis of exchange and reciprocity, and his Huxley lecture on the notion of the person, the first comparative study of notions of person and selfhood cross-culturally.[53]
mile Durkheim Throughout the interwar years, French interest in anthropology often dovetailed with wider cultural movements such as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on ethnography for inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel Leiris are examples of people who combined anthropology with the French avant-garde. During this time most of what is known as ethnologie was restricted to museums, such as the Muse de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet, and anthropology had a close relationship with studies of folklore.

Above all, Claude Lvi-Strauss helped institutionalize anthropology in France. Along with the enormous influence that his theory of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines, Lvi-Strauss established ties with American and British anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers and laboratories within France to provide an institutional context within anthropology, while training influential students such as Maurice Godelier and Franoise Hritier. They proved influential in the world of French anthropology. Much of the distinct character of France's anthropology today is a result of the fact that most anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research laboratories (CNRS) rather than academic departments in universities. Other influential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in Paraguay that "primitive societies" actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less evolved than societies with states, but chose to conjure the institution of authority as a separate function from society. The leader is only a spokesperson for the group when it has to deal with other groups ("international relations") but has no inside authority, and may be violently removed if he attempts to abuse this position.[54] The most important French social theorist since Foucault and Lvi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who trained formally in philosophy and sociology and eventually held the Chair of Sociology at the Collge de France. Like Mauss and others before him, he worked on topics both in sociology and anthropology. His fieldwork among the Kabyle of Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and cultural capital in European societies places him as solidly in sociology.

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Other countries
Anthropology in Greece and Portugal is greatly influenced by British anthropology. In Greece, there was since the 19th century a science of the folklore called laographia (laography), in the form of "a science of Blumenbach's five races. the interior", although theoretically weak; but the connotation of the field deeply changed after World War II, when a wave of Anglo-American anthropologists introduced a science "of the outside".[55] In Italy, the development of ethnology and related studies did not receive as much attention as other branches of learning.[56] Germany and Norway are the countries that showed the most division and conflict between scholars focusing on domestic socio-cultural issues and scholars focusing on "other" societies.

PostWorld War II
Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. After the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology. In the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increasingly to model itself after the natural sciences. Some anthropologists, such as Lloyd Fallers and Clifford Geertz, focused on processes of modernization by which newly independent states could develop. Others, such as Julian Steward and Leslie White, focused on how societies evolve and fit their ecological nichean approach popularized by Marvin Harris. Economic anthropology as influenced by Karl Polanyi and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian analysis into anthropological study. In England, British Social Anthropology's paradigm began to fragment as Max Gluckman and Peter Worsley experimented with Marxism and authors such as Rodney Needham and Edmund Leach incorporated Lvi-Strauss's structuralism into their work. Structuralism also influenced a number of developments in 1960s and 1970s, including cognitive anthropology and componential analysis. Authors such as David Schneider, Clifford Geertz, and Marshall Sahlins developed a more fleshed-out concept of culture as a web of meaning or signification, which proved very popular within and beyond the discipline. In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and opposition to the Vietnam War;[57] Marxism became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in the discipline.[58] By the 1970s the authors of volumes such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropology's relevance. Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without History, have been central to the discipline. In the 80s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight. Gender and sexuality became popular topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology, influenced by Marshall Sahlins (again), who drew on Lvi-Strauss and Fernand Braudel to examine the relationship between social structure and individual agency. Also influential in these issues were Nietzsche, Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, Derrida and Lacan.[59] In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Clifford pondered ethnographic authority, in particular how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were reflecting trends in research and discourse initiated by Feminists in the academy, although they excused themselves from commenting specifically on those pioneering critics.[60] Nevertheless, key aspects of feminist theorizing and methods became de rigueur as part of the 'post-modern moment' in anthropology: Ethnographies became more reflexive, explicitly

Anthropology addressing the author's methodology, cultural, gender and racial positioning, and their influence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more general trend of postmodernism that was popular contemporaneously.[61] Currently anthropologists pay attention to a wide variety of issues pertaining to the contemporary world, including globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous rights, virtual communities, and the anthropology of industrialized societies.

12

Controversies about its history

Anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research), have over time assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism.[62] [63] Some commentators have contended: That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derived some of its key notions from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis 2004).[64] That ethnographic work was often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in an "ethnographic present" (Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other).

Military
Anthropologists' involvement with the U.S. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation in World War I, and after the war he published a brief expose and condemnation of the participation of several American archaeologists in espionage in Mexico under their cover as scientists. But by the 1940s, many of Boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against the "Axis" (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while others worked in intelligence (for example, Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information). At the same time, David H. Price's work on American anthropology during the Cold War provides detailed accounts of the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist sympathies. Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the CIA and government intelligence activities during the Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly little (although anthropologist Hugo Nutini was active in the stillborn Project Camelot).[65] Many anthropologists (students and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement. Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association (AAA). Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state. Their codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. The Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous. The AAA's current 'Statement of Professional Responsibility' clearly states that "in relation with their own government and with host governments ... no secret research, no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to or given." Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the US military as part of the US Army's strategy in Afghanistan.[66] The Christian Science Monitor reports that "Counterinsurgency efforts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs" in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition, HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq.[67]

Anthropology

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Major discussions
Focus on other cultures
Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in terms of time (past societies) and space (non-European/non-Western societies).[68] For example, the classic of urban anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to look "across the tracks" only in late 1960s.[69] Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home".[59] It is also argued that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.[70] In France, the study of Western societies has been traditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly changing,[71] starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac Chiva and journals like Terrain ("fieldwork"), and developing with the center founded by Marc Aug (Le Centre d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies). The same approach of focusing on "modern world" topics by Terrain, was also present in the British Manchester School of the 1950s.

References
[1] Wolf, Eric (1994) Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35: 1-7. p.227 [2] Dieserud, Juul (1908) The Scope and Content of the Science of Anthropology (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ZcISAAAAYAAJ& dq=the+ scope+ and+ content+ of+ the+ science+ of+ anthropology& source=gbs_navlinks_s) London:Open Court Publishing ISBN 0802139434 [3] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ profdev/ careers/ Careers. cfm) [4] (Kottak, C) [5] Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [6] Geertz, Behar, Clifford & James [7] Han F. Vermeulen, "The German Invention of Vlkerkunde: Ethnological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1740-1798." In: Sara Eigen and Mark Larrimore, eds. The German Invention of Race. 2006. [8] "The Nation: Truth in Garbage" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,913924,00. html). Time. 26 January 1976. . Retrieved 25 April 2010. [9] Salzmann, Zdenk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. [10] Anthropology.net (http:/ / anthropology. net/ 2007/ 08/ 15/ new-york-times-reviews-kenneallys-the-first-word/ ) [11] Erickson, Paul A. and Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory. Broadview Press. 2003. p. 11-12 [12] George Stocking, "Paradigmatic Traditions in the History of Anthropology." In George Stocking, The Ethnographer's Magic and Other Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992):342-361. [13] Leaf, Murray. Man, Mind and Science: A History of Anthropology. Columbia University Press. 1979 [14] Bloch, Maurice (1991). "Language, Anthropology and Cognitive Science". Man (London School of Economics and Political Science) 26 (2): 183198. doi:10.2307/2803828. JSTOR2803828. [15] Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) "What is Anthropology" Pluto. London. p. 79. [16] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth: The remaking of social analysis. Beacon Press. 1993; Inda, John Xavier and Renato Rosaldo. The Anthropology of Globalization. Wiley-Blackwell. 2007 [17] Robert Jurmaiine, Lynn Kiilgore, Wenda Treavathan, and Russell L. Ciochon. Introduction to Physical Anthropology. 11th Edition. Wadsworth. 2007, chapters I, III and IV.; Wompack, Mari. Being Human. Prentice Hall. 2001, pp. 11-20. [18] Brown, Donald. Human Universals. McGraw Hill. 1991; Roughley, Neil. Being Humans: Anthropological Universality and Particularity in Transciplinary Perspectives. Walter de Gruyter Publishing. 2000 [19] Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. 1962; Womack, Mari. Being Human. 2001 [20] Harris, Marvin. Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches. [21] Timeshighereducation.co.uk (http:/ / www. timeshighereducation. co. uk/ story. asp?storyCode=209831& sectioncode=26) [22] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ stmts/ racepp. htm;) [23] Sciencemag.org (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org/ cgi/ content/ summary/ 282/ 5389/ 654?maxtoshow=& HITS=10& hits=10& RESULTFORMAT=& titleabstract=DNA+ challenges+ race& searchid=QID_NOT_SET& FIRSTINDEX=;), Shanklin, Eugenia. 1994. Anthropology & Race; Faye V. Harrison. 1995. "The Persistent Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism." Annual Review of Anthropology. 24:47-74. Allan Goodman. 1995. "The Problematics of "Race" in Contemporary Biological Anthropology." In

Anthropology
Biological Anthropology: The State of the Science.; Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, 1945-. "Melanin, Afrocentricity...," 36(1993):33-58.; see Stanford's recent collection of overarching bibliographies on race and racism, Library.stanford.edu (http:/ / library. stanford. edu/ depts/ ssrg/ misc/ race. html) [24] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ about/ ) [25] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ membership/ upload/ MAY-08-AAA. pdf) [26] Johanson, Donald and Kate Wong. Lucy's Legacy. Kindle Books. 2007; Netti, Bruno. The study of ethnomusicology. University of Illinois Press. 2005. Chapter One [27] Urbanowicz, Charles. In the Newsletter of the American Anthropological Association, reprinted online, Csuchico.edu (http:/ / www. csuchico. edu/ ~curbanowicz/ Pub_Papers/ 4field. html) [28] Foucault, Michel. "Introduction" to his 1961 translation of Kant's work, reprinted, Generation-online.org (http:/ / www. generation-online. org/ p/ fpfoucault1. htm) [29] Jacobs, Brian, and Kain, Patrick (eds.), Essays on Kant's Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 2003, 278pp., ISBN 0521790387. [30] Harris, Marvin. The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Alta Mira Press. 2000 (revised from 1968); Harris, Marvin. Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times. Altamira. 1998 [31] Harris, 1968, op cit. pp. 8-52; Leaf 1970, op cit. pp. 1-13; Erickson and Murph, 2003, pp. 21-25 [32] Resources for a History of Anthropology (http:/ / www. timothyjpmason. com/ WebPages/ Publications/ Source_pages/ AnthroHist. htm) [33] Marco Polo's Asia (http:/ / www. tk421. net/ essays/ polo. html) [34] The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ sections/ gad/ history/ 011rowe. pdf) [35] Ahmed, Akbar S. (1984). "Al-Beruni: The First Anthropologist". RAIN 60: 910. [36] Richard Tapper (1995). "Islamic Anthropology" and the "Anthropology of Islam", Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185-193. [37] Walbridge, J. T. (1998). "Explaining Away the Greek Gods in Islam". Journal of the History of Ideas 59 (3): 389403. doi:10.1353/jhi.1998.0030. [38] Richard Tapper (1995). "Islamic Anthropology" and the "Anthropology of Islam", Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185-193. [39] West Asian views on black Africans during the medieval era (http:/ / www. colorq. org/ Articles/ article. aspx?d=2002& x=arabviews) [40] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press. [41] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. [42] Wallerstein, Immanuel (2003). "Anthropology, sociology, and other dubious disciplines". Current Anthropology 44 (4): 453466. doi:10.1086/375868. [43] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne and L. L. Langness, pp. 32-58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [44] Gellner, Ernest. (1998) Language and solitude: Wittgenstein, Malinowski, and the Habsburg dilemma. New York: Cambridge University Press. [45] Gellner, Ernest, ed. (1980) Soviet and Western anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press. [46] Stocking, George Jr. (1963) "Matthew Arnold, E. B. Tylor, and the Uses of Invention," American Anthropologist, 65:783-799, 1963 (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ gad/ history/ 044stocking. pdf) [47] Tylor, E. B. (1865) Researches into the early history of mankind the development of civilization. London: John Murray. [48] Tylor, E. B. (1871) Primitive culture: researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and custom. 2 vols. London, John Murray. [49] Malinowski, Bronisaw (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World [1967] [50] Jack Goody (1995) The Expansive Moment: The Rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 1918-1970 (http:/ / www3. cambridge. org/ us/ catalogue/ catalogue. asp?isbn=0521450489) review at Links.jstor.org (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0094-0496(199702)24:1<211:TEMTRO>2. 0. CO;2-I) [51] Thomas William Heyck at Links.jstor.org (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0002-8762(199712)102:5<1486:ATBSA1>2. 0. CO;2-7) The American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5 (December, 1997), pp. 1486-1488 doi:10.2307/2171126 [52] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press. [53] Mauss, Marcel (1938) "A category of the human mind: the notion of person; the notion of self.," in M. Carrithers, S. Collins, and S. Lukes, eds. The Category of the Person: anthropology, philosophy, history. Pp. 1-25. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Originally given as "Une categorie de l'Esprit Humain: La Notion de Personne, Celle de 'Moi'," for the Huxley Memorial Lecture and appeared in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 68. [54] Bartholomew Dean Critical Re-vision: Clastres' Chronicle and the optic of primitivism, 2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 1974-2000, ed. J. Benthall, with a preface by M. Sahlins. London: Routledge. Amazon.com (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ gp/ reader/ 0415262550) [55] Genevive Zoa, L'anthropologie en Grce , Terrain, Numro 14L'incroyable et ses preuves (mars 1990) , [En ligne], mis en ligne le 7 octobre 2005, Terrain.revues.org (http:/ / terrain. revues. org/ document3641. html), Consult le 15 juin 2007. (French) [56] Grottanelli, Vinigi Ethnology and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and Developments (and Comments and Reply) (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0011-3204(197712)18:4<593:EACAII>2. 0. CO;2-Z). Other authors: Giorgio Ausenda, Bernardo Bernardi, Ugo Bianchi,

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Anthropology
Y. Michal Bodemann, Jack Goody, Allison Jablonko, David I. Kertzer, Vittorio Lanternari, Antonio Marazzi, Roy A. Miller, Jr., Laura Laurencich Minelli, David M. Moss, Leonard W. Moss, H. R. H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, Diana Pinto, Pietro Scotti, Tullio Tentori. Current Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 4 (December, 1977), pp. 593-614 [57] Fanon, Frantz. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth, transl. Constance Farrington. New York, Grove Weidenfeld. [58] Nugent, Stephen Some reflections on anthropological structural Marxism (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ search/ article?title=anthropology& title_type=tka& year_from=1998& year_to=2007& database=1& pageSize=20& index=4) The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 13, Number 2, June 2007, pp. 419-431(13) [59] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0002-7294(199809)2:100:3<716:TMOAAI>2. 0. CO;2-3) American Anthropologist 100:" 716-731 [60] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. [61] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-50 [62] Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. [63] van Breman, Jan, and Akitoshi Shimizu (1999) Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press. [64] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-29. [65] Horowitz, Lewis ed.(1967) The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot. [66] Christian Science Monitor (http:/ / www. csmonitor. com/ 2007/ 0907/ p01s08-wosc. htm) [67] Army.mil (http:/ / www. army. mil/ professionalwriting/ volumes/ volume4/ december_2006/ 12_06_2. html) [68] See the many essays relating to this in Prem Poddar and David Johnson, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Thought in English, Edinburgh Univeristy Press, 2004. See also Prem Poddar et al , Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008 [69] Ulf Hannerz (1980) "Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology", ISBN 0231083769, p. 1 [70] Jack Goody (2007) The Theft of History (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jo1UVi48KywC) Cambridge University Press ISBN 0521870690 [71] *Abls, Marc. "How the Anthropology of France Has Changed Anthropology in France: Assessing New Directions in the Field". Cultural Anthropology 1999: 407. JSTOR08867356.

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Further reading
Dictionaries and encyclopedias
Barfield, Thomas (1997). The dictionary of anthropology. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing. Levinson, David and Melvin Ember. eds. (1996) Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. (4 vols.) New York: Henry Holt.

Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists

Barley, Nigel (1983) The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications. Geertz, Clifford (1995) After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1967) Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York: Atheneum. Malinowski, Bronisaw (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World. Mead, Margaret (1972) Blackberry winter: my earlier years. New York: William Marrow. Mead, Margaret, (1977) Letters from the field, 1925 - 1975. New York: Harper & Row. Rabinow, Paul. (1977) Reflections on fieldwork in Morocco.

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Histories
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. Barth, Fredrik, Andre Gingrich, Robert Parkin, One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. D'Andrade, R. "The Sad Story of Anthropology: 1950-1999." In E. L. Cerroni-Long, ed. Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey 1999. Anthro.ucsd.edu (http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~rdandrad/ Sadstory) Darnell, Regna. (2001) Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. Harris, Marvin. (2001[1968]) The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture. AltaMira Press. Walnut Creek, CA. Kehoe, Alice B. (1998) The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology. Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) "The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences." American Anthropologist, 100: 716-731. Interscience.wiley.com (http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/ 120141882/abstract), Lewis Lewis, Herbert S. (2004) "Imagining Anthropology's History." Reviews in Anthropology, v. 33. Lewis, Herbert S. (2005) "Anthropology, the Cold War, and Intellectual History. In R. Darnell & F.W. Gleach, eds. Histories of Anthropology Annual, Vol. I. Pels, Peter & Oscar Salemink, eds. (2000) Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology. Price, David. (2004) Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists. Stocking, George, Jr. (1968) Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press. Trencher, Susan. (2000) Mirrored Images: American Anthropology and American Culture, 1960-1980. Gisi, Lucas Marco. (2007) Einbildungskraft und Mythologie. Die Verschrnkung von Anthropologie und Geschichte im 18. Jahrhundert, Berlin, New York: de Gruyter.

Textbooks and key theoretical works

Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. Geertz, Clifford (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books. Harris, Marvin (1997) Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th Edition). Boston: Allyn & Bacon Salzmann, Zdenk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Shweder, Richard A., and Robert A. LeVine, eds. (1984) Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and emotion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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External links
Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/) American Anthropological Association Homepage (http://www.aaanet.org/) Home page of largest professional organization of anthropologists American Association of Physical Anthropologists (http://www.physanth.org/) Australian Anthropological Society (http://www.aas.asn.au/) Iberoamerican Association of Anthropology AIBR (http://www.aibr.org/) European Association of Social Anthropologists (http://www.easaonline.org/) Moving Anthropology Student Network - International Association of Social Anthropology Students (http:// www.movinganthropology.net/) Italian Institute of Anthropology (http://www.isita-org.com/) National Association for the Practice of Anthropology (http://www.practicinganthropology.org/) The Royal Anthropological Institute Homepage (http://www.therai.org.uk/)The Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI) The Society for Applied Anthropology (http://www.sfaa.net/) Annual Review of Anthropology (http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/loi/anthro) Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/) Online collections database with detailed description and digital images for over 160,000 ethnographic artifacts. National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution (http://www.nmnh.si.edu/naa/) Collects and preserves historical and contemporary anthropological materials that document the world's cultures and the history of anthropology The Anthropological Index Online (http://www.aio.anthropology.org.uk) Online biblographic database. Anthropology Researcher and Groups (https://www.researchgate.net/science/26_Anthropology)

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Supporting articles
History of anthropology
This article mainly discusses 18th- and 19th-century precursors of modern anthropology. For more information on modern social and cultural anthropology as they have developed in Britain, France, and North America since approximately 1900, see the relevant sections under Anthropology.

Overview
The anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as "the most scientific of the humanities, and the most humanistic of the social sciences." Understanding how anthropology developed contributes to understanding how it fits into other academic disciplines. Scholarly traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology and sociology developed during this time and informed the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey whose work formed the basis for the culture concept which is central to the discipline. These intellectual movements in part grappled with one of the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as the world is becoming smaller and more integrated, people's experience of the world is increasingly atomized and dispersed. As Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s: All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations. Ironically, this universal interdependence, rather than leading to greater human solidarity, has coincided with increasing racial, ethnic, religious, and class divisions, and new and to some confusing or disturbing cultural expressions. These are the conditions of life with which people today must contend, but they have their origins in processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated in the 19th century. Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural history (expounded by authors such as Buffon). This was the study of human beings - typically people living in European colonies. Thus studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was more or less equivalent to studying the flora and fauna of those places. It was for this reason, for instance, that Lewis Henry Morgan could write monographs on both The League of the Iroquois and The American Beaver and His Works. This is also why the material culture of 'civilized' nations such as China have historically been displayed in fine arts museums alongside European art while artifacts from Africa or Native North American cultures were displayed in Natural History Museums with dinosaur bones and nature dioramas. Curatorial practice has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be wrong to see anthropology as merely an extension of colonial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship to imperialism was and is complex.

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Early 20th-Century Antecedents: Britain

Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism period, starting in the 1870s, zoos became unattended "laboratories", especially the so-called "ethnological exhibitions" or "Negro villages". Thus, "savages" from the colonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906, Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled "the missing link" between an orangutan and the "white race" Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of The Passing of the Great Race (1916). Such exhibitions were attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movement the validity of scientific racism, which first formulation may be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on the Inequality of Human Races (185355). In 1931, the Colonial Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from New Caledonia in the "indigenous village"; it received 24 million visitors in six months, thus demonstrating the popularity of such "human zoos". Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural history and by the end of the nineteenth century the discipline began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935, for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write a history of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of Anthropology. At the time, the field was dominated by 'the comparative method'. It was assumed that all societies passed through a single evolutionary process from the most primitive to most advanced. Non-European societies were thus seen as evolutionary 'living fossils' that could be studied in order to understand the European past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric migrations which were sometimes valuable but often also fanciful. It was during this time that Europeans first accurately traced Polynesian migrations across the Pacific Ocean for instance - although some of them believed it originated in Egypt. Finally, the concept of race was actively discussed as a way to classify - and rank - human beings based on difference.

19th-Century Antecedents: United States

Late eighteenth century ethnology established the scientific foundation for the field, which began to mature in the United States during the presidency of Andrew Jackson (18291837). Jackson was responsible for implementing the Indian Removal Act, the coerced and forced removal of an estimated 100,000 American Indians during the 1830s to Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma; for insuring that the franchise was extended to all white men, irrespective of financial means while denying virtually all black men the right to vote; and, for suppressing abolitionists efforts to end slavery while vigorously defending that institution. Finally, he was responsible for appointing Chief Justice Roger B. Taney who would decide, in Scott v. Sandford (1857), that Negroes were "beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race. . . and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." As a result of this decision, black people, whether free or enslaved, could never become citizens of the United States. It was in this context that the so-called American School of Anthropology thrived as the champion of polygenism or the doctrine of multiple originssparking a debate between those influenced by the Bible who believed in the unity of humanity and those who argued from a scientific standpoint for the plurality of origins and the antiquity of distinct types. Like the monogenists, these theories were not monolithic and often used words like races, species, hybrid, and mongrel interchangeably. A scientific consensus began to emerge during this period "that there exists a Genus Homo, embracing many primordial types of species." Charles Caldwell, Samuel George Morton, Samuel A. Cartwright, George Gliddon, Josiah C. Nott, and Louis Agassiz, and even South Carolina Governor James Henry Hammond were all influential proponents of this school. While some were disinterested scientists, others were passionate advocates who used science to promote slavery in a period of increasing sectional strife. All were complicit in establishing the putative science that justified slavery, informed the Dred Scott decision, underpinned miscegenation laws, and eventually fueled Jim Crow. Samuel G. Morton, for example, claimed to be just a scientist but he did not hesitate to provide evidence of Negro inferiority to John C. Calhoun, the prominent pro-slavery Secretary of State to help him negotiate the annexation of Texas as a slave state.

History of anthropology The high-water mark of polygenic theories was Josiah Nott and Gliddons voluminous eight-hundred page tome titled Types of Mankind, published in 1854. Reproducing the work of Louis Agassiz and Samuel Morton, the authors spread the virulent and explicitly racist views to a wider, more popular audience. The first printing sold out quickly and by the end of the century it had undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that all the justification for slavery they needed was found in the Bible, others used the new science to defend slavery and the repression of American Indians. Abolitionists, however, felt they had to take this science on its own terms. And for the first time, African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the immediate wake of Types of Mankind and during the pitched political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), the statesman and persuasive abolitionist, directly attacked the leading theorists of the American School of Anthropology. In an 1854 address, entitled "The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered," Douglass argued that "by making the enslaved a character fit only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for refusing to make the slave a freeman.... For let it be once granted that the human race are of multitudinous origin, naturally different in their moral, physical, and intellectual capacities... a chance is left for slavery, as a necessary institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs. Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by our slavery propagating statesmen." (p.287).

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20th-Century Developments
Drawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as developing new techniques involving not only structured interviews but unstructured "participant-observation" and drawing on the new theory of evolution through natural selection, they proposed the scientific study of a new object: "humankind," conceived of as a whole. Crucial to this study is the concept "culture," which anthropologists defined both as a universal capacity and propensity for social learning, thinking, and acting (which they see as a product of human evolution and something that distinguishes Homo sapiens and perhaps all species of genus Homo from other species), and as a particular adaptation to local conditions that takes the form of highly variable beliefs and practices. Thus, "culture" not only transcends the opposition between nature and nurture; it transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distinction between politics, religion, kinship, and the economy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus transcends the divisions between the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and symbolic dimensions of humankind in all forms. In the mid-20th century, American anthropology began to study its own history more systematically. In 1967 Marvin Harris published his The Rise of Anthropological Theory, presenting argumentative examinations of anthropology's historical developments, and George W. Stocking, Jr., established the historicist school, examining the historical contexts of anthropological movements.

References Bibliography
Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists
Barley, Nigel (1983) The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications. Geertz, Clifford (1995) After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1967) Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York: Atheneum. Malinowski, Bronislaw (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World. Rabinow, Paul. (1977) Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco.

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History of anthropology
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. Barth, Fredrik, Andre Gingrich, Robert Parkin, and Sydel Silverman. 2005. One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cerroni-Long, E. L., ed. (1999) Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey. download (http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~rdandrad/Sadstory) Darnell, Regna. (2001) Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. Hamilton, Michelle A. (2010) Collections and Objections: Aboriginal Material Culture in Southern Ontario. Montreal: MQUP. Harris, Marvin. (2001[1968]) The Rise of Anthropological Theory: a history of theories of culture. AltaMira Press. Walnut Creek, CA. Kehoe, Alice B. (1998) The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology. Killan, Gerald. (1983) David Boyle: From Artisan to Archaeologist. Toronto: UTP. Pels, Peter & Oscar Salemink, eds. (2000) Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology. Stocking, George, Jr. (1968) Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press.

Archaeology
Archaeology, or archeology[1] (from Greek , archaiologia , arkhaios, "ancient"; and -, -logia, "-logy[2] "), is the study of human society, primarily through the recovery and analysis of the material culture and environmental data that they have left behind, which includes artifacts, architecture, biofacts and cultural landscapes (the archaeological record). Because archaeology employs a wide range of different procedures, it can be considered to be both a science and a humanity,[3] and in the United States it is thought of as a branch of anthropology,[4] although in Europe it is viewed as a separate discipline. Archaeology studies human history from the development of the first stone tools in eastern Africa 3.4 million years ago up until recent decades.[5] (Archaeology does not include the discipline of paleontology.) It is of most importance for learning about prehistoric societies, when there are no written records for historians to study, making up over 99% of total human history, from the Palaeolithic until the advent of literacy in any given society.[3] Archaeology has various goals, which range from studying human evolution to cultural evolution and understanding culture history.[6]
Excavations at the site of Gran Dolina, in the

The discipline involves surveyance, excavation and eventually analysis Atapuerca Mountains, Spain, 2008 of data collected to learn more about the past. In broad scope, archaeology relies on cross-disciplinary research. It draws upon anthropology, history, art history, classics, ethnology, geography,[7] geology,[8] [9] [10] linguistics, physics, information sciences, chemistry, statistics, paleoecology, paleontology, paleozoology, paleoethnobotany, and paleobotany. Archaeology developed out of antiquarianism in Europe during the 19th century, and has since become a discipline practiced across the world. Since its early development, various specific sub-disciplines of archaeology have

Archaeology developed, including maritime archaeology, feminist archaeology and archaeoastronomy, and numerous different scientific techniques have been developed to aid archaeological investigation. Nonetheless, today, archaeologists face many problems, ranging from dealing with pseudoarchaeology to the looting of artifacts and opposition to the excavation of human remains.

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Purpose
The purpose of archaeology is to learn more about past societies and the development of the human race. Over 99% of the history of humanity has occurred within prehistoric cultures, who did not make use of writing, thereby not leaving written records about themselves that we can study today. Without such written sources, the only way to learn about prehistoric societies is to use archaeology. Many important developments in human history occurred during prehistory, including the evolution of humanity during the Palaeolithic period, when the hominins developed from the australopithecines through to the early The skull of the Taung child, uncovered in South homos in Africa and finally into modern Homo sapiens. Archaeology Africa. The Child was an infant of the also sheds light on many of humanity's technological advances, for Australopithecus africanus species, an early form instance the ability to use fire, the development of stone tools, the of hominin discovery of metallurgy, the beginnings of religion and the creation of agriculture. Without archaeology, we would know nothing of these evolutionary and technological changes in humanity that pre-date writing.[11] However, it is not only prehistoric, pre-literate cultures that can be studied using archaeology but historic, literate cultures as well, through the sub-discipline of historical archaeology. For many literate cultures, such as Ancient Greece and Mesopotamia, their surviving records are often incomplete and biased to some extent. In many societies, literacy was restricted to the elite classes, such as the clergy or the bureaucracy of court or temple. The literacy even of aristocrats has sometimes been restricted to deeds and contracts. The interests and world-view of elites are often quite different from the lives and interests of the populace. Writings that were produced by people more representative of the general population were unlikely to find their way into libraries and be preserved there for posterity. Thus, written records tend to reflect the biases, assumptions, cultural values and possibly deceptions of a limited range of individuals, usually a small fraction of the larger population. Hence, written records cannot be trusted as a sole source. The material record may be closer to a fair representation of society, though it is subject to its own biases, such as sampling bias and differential preservation.[12]

Theory

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There is no one singular approach to archaeological theory that has been adhered to by all archaeologists. When archaeology developed in the late 19th century, the first approach to archaeological theory to be practiced was that of cultural-history archaeology, which held the goal of explaining why cultures changed and adapted rather than just highlighting the fact that they did, therefore emphasizing historical particularism.[13] In the early 20th century, many archaeologists who studied past societies with direct continuing links to existing ones (such as those of Native Americans, Siberians, Mesoamericans etc.) followed the direct Sign at Lubbock Lake Landmark in Lubbock, Texas historical approach, compared the continuity between the past and contemporary ethnic and cultural groups.[13] In the 1960s, an archaeological movement largely led by American archaeologists like Lewis Binford and Kent Flannery arose that rebelled against the established cultural-history archaeology.[14] [15] They proposed a "New Archaeology", which would be more "scientific" and "anthropological", with hypothesis testing and the scientific method very important parts of what became known as processual archaeology.[13] In the 1980s, a new postmodern movement arose led by the British archaeologists Michael Shanks,[16] [17] [18] [19] Christopher Tilley,[20] Daniel Miller,[21] [22] and Ian Hodder,[23] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] which has become known as post-processual archaeology. It questioned processualism's appeals to scientific positivism and impartiality, and emphasised the importance of a more self-critical theoretical reflexivity. However, this approach has been criticized by processualists as lacking scientific rigor, and the validity of both processualism and post-processualism is still under debate. Meanwhile, another theory, known as historical processualism has emerged seeking to incorporate a focus on process and post-processual archaeology's emphasis of reflexivity and history.[29] Archaeological theory now borrows from a wide range of influences, including neo-Darwinian evolutionary thought, phenomenology, postmodernism, agency theory, cognitive science, Functionalism, gender-based and Feminist archaeology, and Systems theory.

Methods
An archaeological investigation usually involves several distinct phases, each of which employs its own variety of methods. Before any practical work can begin however, a clear objective as to what the archaeologists are looking to achieve must be agreed upon. This done, a site is surveyed to find out as much as possible about it and the surrounding area. Second, an excavation may take place to uncover any archaeological features buried under the ground. And, third, the data collected from the excavation is studied and evaluated in an attempt to achieve the original research objectives of the archaeologists. It is then considered good practice for the information to be published so that it is available to other archaeologists and historians, although this is sometimes neglected.[30]

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Remote sensing
Before actually starting to dig in a location, satellite imagery can be used to look where sites are located within a large area.[31]

Field survey
The archaeological project then continues (or alternatively, starts with) with a field survey. Regional survey is the attempt to systematically locate previously unknown sites in a region. Site survey is the attempt to systematically locate features of interest, such as houses and middens, within a site. Each of these two goals may be accomplished with largely the same methods. Survey was not widely practiced in the early days of archaeology. Cultural historians and prior researchers were usually content with discovering the locations of monumental sites from the local populace, Monte Alban archaeological site and excavating only the plainly visible features there. Gordon Willey pioneered the technique of regional settlement pattern survey in 1949 in the Viru Valley of coastal Peru,[32] [33] and survey of all levels became prominent with the rise of processual archaeology some years later.[34] Survey work has many benefits if performed as a preliminary exercise to, or even in place of, excavation. It requires relatively little time and expense, because it does not require processing large volumes of soil to search out artifacts. (Nevertheless, surveying a large region or site can be expensive, so archaeologists often employ sampling methods.)[35] As with other forms of non-destructive archaeology, survey avoids ethical issues (of particular concern to descendant peoples) associated with destroying a site through excavation. It is the only way to gather some forms of information, such as settlement patterns and settlement structure. Survey data are commonly assembled into maps, which may show surface features and/or artifact distribution. The simplest survey technique is surface survey. It involves combing an area, usually on foot but sometimes with the use of mechanized transport, to search for features or artifacts visible on the surface. Surface survey cannot detect sites or features that are completely buried under earth, or overgrown with vegetation. Surface survey may also include mini-excavation techniques such as augers, corers, and shovel test pits. If no materials are found, the area surveyed is deemed sterile. Aerial survey is conducted using cameras attached to airplanes, balloons, or even Kites. A bird's-eye view is useful for quick mapping of large or complex sites. Aerial photographs are used to document the status of the archaeological dig. Aerial imaging can also detect many things not visible from the surface. Plants growing above a buried man made structure, such as a stone wall, will develop more slowly, while those above other types of features (such as middens) may develop more rapidly. Photographs of ripening grain, which changes colour rapidly at maturation, have revealed buried structures with great precision. Aerial photographs taken at different times of day will help show the outlines of structures by changes in shadows. Aerial survey also employs infrared, ground-penetrating radar wavelengths, LiDAR and thermography. Geophysical survey can be the most effective way to see beneath the ground. Magnetometers detect minute deviations in the Earth's magnetic field caused by iron artifacts, kilns, some types of stone structures, and even ditches and middens. Devices that measure the electrical resistivity of the soil are also widely used. Archaeological features whose electrical resistivity contrasts with that of surrounding soils can be detected and mapped. Some archaeological features (such as those composed of stone or brick) have higher resistivity than typical soils, while others (such as organic deposits or unfired clay) tend to have lower resistivity. Although some archaeologists consider the use of metal detectors to be tantamount to treasure hunting, others deem them an effective tool in archaeological surveying. Examples of formal archaeological use of metal detectors include

Archaeology musketball distribution analysis on English Civil War battlefields, metal distribution analysis prior to excavation of a 19th century ship wreck, and service cable location during evaluation. Metal detectorists have also contributed to archaeology where they have made detailed records of their results and refrained from raising artifacts from their archaeological context. In the UK, metal detectorists have been solicited for involvement in the Portable Antiquities Scheme. Regional survey in underwater archaeology uses geophysical or remote sensing devices such as marine magnetometer, side-scan sonar, or sub-bottom sonar.

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Excavation
Archaeological excavation existed even when the field was still the domain of amateurs, and it remains the source of the majority of data recovered in most field projects. It can reveal several types of information usually not accessible to survey, such as stratigraphy, three-dimensional structure, and verifiably primary context. Modern excavation techniques require that the precise locations of objects and features, known as their provenance or provenience, be recorded. This always involves determining their horizontal locations, and sometimes vertical position as well (also see Primary Laws of Archaeology). Likewise, their association, or relationship with nearby objects and features, needs to be recorded for later analysis. This allows the archaeologist to deduce which artifacts and features were likely used together and which may be from different phases of activity. For example, excavation of a site reveals its stratigraphy; if a site was occupied by a succession of distinct cultures, artifacts from more recent cultures will lie above those from more ancient cultures. Excavation is the most expensive phase of archaeological research, in relative terms. Also, as a destructive process, it carries ethical concerns. As a result, very few sites are excavated in their entirety. Again the percentage of a site excavated depends greatly on the country and "method statement" issued. In places 90% excavation is common. Sampling is even more important in excavation than in survey. It is common for large mechanical equipment, such as backhoes (JCBs), to be used in excavation, especially to remove the topsoil (overburden), though this method is increasingly used with great caution. Following this rather dramatic step, the exposed area is usually hand-cleaned with trowels or hoes to ensure that all features are apparent.

Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park Site, Iowa

Archaeological excavation that discovered prehistoric caves in Vill (Innsbruck), Austria

The next task is to form a site plan and then use it to help decide the method of excavation. Features dug into the natural subsoil are normally excavated in portions to produce a visible archaeological section for recording. A feature, for example a pit or a ditch, consists of two parts: the cut and the fill. The cut describes the edge of the feature, where the feature meets the natural soil. It is the feature's

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boundary. The fill is what the feature is filled with, and will often appear quite distinct from the natural soil. The cut and fill are given consecutive numbers for recording purposes. Scaled plans and sections of individual features are all drawn on site, black and white and colour photographs of them are taken, and recording sheets are filled in describing the context of each. All this information serves as a permanent record of the now-destroyed archaeology and is used in describing and interpreting the site.

Analysis

An archaeologist sifting for POW remains on Wake Island.

Once artifacts and structures have been excavated, or collected from surface surveys, it is necessary to properly study them, to gain as much data as possible. This process is known as post-excavation analysis, and is usually the most time-consuming part of the archaeological investigation. It is not uncommon for the final excavation reports on major sites to take years to be published. At its most basic, the artifacts found are cleaned, cataloged and compared to published collections, to classify them typologically and to identify other sites with similar artifact assemblages. However, a much more comprehensive range of analytical techniques are available through archaeological science, meaning that artifacts can be dated and their compositions examined. The bones, plants and pollen collected from a site can all be analyzed (using the techniques of zooarchaeology, paleoethnobotany, and palynology), while any texts can usually be deciphered. These techniques frequently provide information that would not otherwise be known and therefore contribute greatly to the understanding of a site.

Virtual archaeology
Some time around 1995 archaeologists started using computer graphics to build virtual 3D models of sites such as the throne room of an ancient Assyrian palace or ancient Rome.[36] This is done by collecting normal photographs and using computer graphics to build the virtual 3D model.[36] In more general terms, computers can be used to recreate the environment and conditions of the past, such as objects, buildings, landscapes and even ancient battles.[36] Computer simulation can be used to simulate the living conditions of an ancient community and to see how it would have reacted to various scenarios (such as how much food to grow, how many animals to slaughter, etc.)[36] Computer-built topographical models have been combined with astronomical calculations to verify whether or not certain structures (such as pillars) were aligned with astronomical events such as the sun's position at a solstice.[36]

Academic sub-disciplines
As with most academic disciplines, there are a very large number of archaeological sub-disciplines characterised by a specific method or type of material (e.g., lithic analysis, music, archaeobotany), geographical or chronological focus (e.g. Near Eastern archaeology, Islamic archaeology, Medieval archaeology), other thematic concern (e.g. maritime archaeology, landscape archaeology, battlefield archaeology), or a specific archaeological culture or civilisation (e.g. Egyptology, Indology, Sinology).

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Historical archaeology
Historical archaeology is the study of cultures with some form of writing. In England, archaeologists have uncovered the long-lost layouts of medieval villages abandoned after the crises of the 14th century and the equally lost layouts of 17th century parterre gardens swept away by a change in fashion. In downtown New York City archaeologists have exhumed the 18th century remains of the African burial ground.

Ethnoarchaeology
Ethnoarchaeology is the archaeological study of living people.[37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42] The approach gained notoriety during the emphasis on middle range theory that was a feature of the processual movement of the 1960s. Early ethnoarchaeological research focused on hunting and gathering or foraging societies. Ethnoarchaeology continues to be a vibrant component of post-processual and other current archaeological approaches.[43] [44] [45] [46] Ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnography to increase and improve analogs, which are then used as analogies to interpret the archaeological record. In short, ethnoarchaeology is the application of ethnography to archaeology.[47]

Experimental archaeology
Experimental archaeology represents the application of the experimental method to develop more highly controlled observations of processes that create and impact the archaeological record.[48] [49] [50] [51] [52] In the context of the logical positivism of processualism with its goals of improving the scientific rigor of archaeological epistemologies the experimental method gained importance. Experimental techniques remain a crucial component to improving the inferential frameworks for interpreting the archaeological record.

Archaeometry
Archaeometry is a field of study that aims to systematize archaeological measurement. It emphasizes the application of analytical techniques from physics, chemistry, and engineering. It is a lively field of research that frequently focuses on the definition of the chemical composition of archaeological remains for source analysis.[53] Archaeometry also investigates different spatial characteristics of features, employing such methods as space syntax and geodesy, which can be analyzed using computer-based geographic information system technologies. A relatively nascent subfield is that of archaeological materials, designed to enhance understanding of prehistoric and non-industrial culture through scientific analysis of the structure and properties of materials associated with human activity.[54]

Cultural resources management

While archaeology can be done as a pure science, it can also be an applied science, namely the study of archaeological sites that are threatened by development. In such cases, archaeology is a subsidiary activity within Cultural resources management (CRM), also called heritage management in the United Kingdom.[55] Today, CRM accounts for most of the archaeological research done in the United States and much of that in western Europe as well. In the US, CRM archaeology has been a growing concern since the passage of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, and most taxpayers, scholars, and politicians believe that CRM has helped preserve much of that nation's history and prehistory that would have otherwise been lost in the expansion of cities, dams, and highways. Along with other statutes, the NHPA mandates that projects on federal land or involving federal funds or permits consider the effects of the project on each archaeological site. The application of CRM in the United Kingdom is not limited to government-funded projects. Since 1990 PPG 16[56] has required planners to consider archaeology as a material consideration in determining applications for new development. As a result, numerous archaeological organisations undertake mitigation work in advance of (or during) construction work in archaeologically sensitive areas, at the developer's expense.

Archaeology In England, ultimate responsibility of care for the historic environment rests with the Department for Culture, Media and Sport[57] in association with English Heritage.[58] In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the same responsibilities lie with Historic Scotland,[59] Cadw[60] and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency[61] respectively. Among the goals of CRM are the identification, preservation, and maintenance of cultural sites on public and private lands, and the removal of culturally valuable materials from areas where they would otherwise be destroyed by human activity, such as proposed construction. This study involves at least a cursory examination to determine whether or not any significant archaeological sites are present in the area affected by the proposed construction. If these do exist, time and money must be allotted for their excavation. If initial survey and/or test excavation indicates the presence of an extraordinarily valuable site, the construction may be prohibited entirely. CRM is a thriving entity, especially in the United States and Europe where archaeologists from private companies and all levels of government engage in the practice of their discipline. Cultural resources management has, however, been criticized. CRM is conducted by private companies that bid for projects by submitting proposals outlining the work to be done and an expected budget. It is not unheard-of for the agency responsible for the construction to simply choose the proposal that asks for the least funding. CRM archaeologists face considerable time pressure, often being forced to complete their work in a fraction of the time that might be allotted for a purely scholarly endeavor. Compounding the time pressure is the vetting process of site reports that are required (in the US) to be submitted by CRM firms to the appropriate State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO). From the SHPO's perspective there is to be no difference between a report submitted by a CRM firm operating under a deadline, and a multi-year academic project. The end result is that for a Cultural Resource Management archaeologist to be successful, they must be able to produce academic quality documents at a corporate world pace. The annual ratio of open academic archaeology positions (inclusive of Post-Doc, temporary, and non tenure track appointments) to the annual number of archaeology MA/MSc and PhD students is grossly disproportionate. This dearth of academic positions causes a predictable excess of well educated individuals who join the ranks of the following year's crop of non-academically employed archaeologists. Cultural Resource Management, once considered an intellectual backwater for individuals with "strong backs and weak minds"[62] has reaped the benefit of this massive pool of well educated professionals. This results in CRM offices increasingly staffed by advance degreed individuals with a track record of producing scholarly articles but who have the notches on their trowels to show they have been in the trenches as a shovelbum.

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History of archaeology
Flavio Biondo, an Italian Renaissance humanist historian, created a systematic and documented guide to the ruins and topography of ancient Rome in the early 15th century for which he has been called an early founder of archaeology. Ciriaco de' Pizzicolli or Cyriacus of Ancona (31 July 1391 1453/55) was a restlessly itinerant Italian humanist who came from a prominent family of merchants in Ancona. Ciriaco traveled all around the Eastern Mediterranean, noting down his archaeological discoveries in his day-book, Commentaria, that eventually filled six volumes. He has been called father of archaeology. After that, modern archaeology has its origins in the antiquarianism of Europe in the mid-19th century, where it developed soon after the scientific advancement of geology, which had shown that the Earth was billions rather than thousands of years old, as was then commonly believed. Soon after this, in 1859, Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species was published, outlining his theory of evolution, eventually leading scientists to believe that humanity was in fact millions of years old, thereby providing a time limit within which the burgeoning archaeological movement could study. Meanwhile, in 1836 the Danish historian Christian Jrgensen Thomsen published A Ledetraad til Nordisk Oldkyndighed (Guideline to Scandinavian Antiquity) translated into English in 1848, in which he proposed the idea that collections of European artifacts from prehistory could be divided up into a three age system: the Stone

Archaeology Age, Bronze Age and Iron Age.Thomsen was not the first scholar to propose the three age system (that idea dated back to Greek and Roman thinkers), but he was the first to apply these categories to material culture, and with that innovation came significant advances in the concept of seriation, or stylistic changes through time.[63] It was these three concepts of human antiquity, evolution and the Three-Age system that are often thought of as the building blocks for modern archaeology.[64] Soon the early archaeologists began to investigate various areas around the world, with the study of ancient Aegean civilization being stimulated by the excavations of Heinrich Schliemann at Troy, and of Arthur Evans at Crete, whilst John Lloyd Stephens was a pivotal figure in the rediscovery of Maya civilization throughout Central America. However, the methodologies employed by these archaeologists were highly flawed by today's standards, often having a eurocentric bias, and many early European archaeologists often relied on anthropological and ethnographic accounts provided by the likes of Edward Tylor and Howard Carter in the Pharaon Tutankhamen's tomb, 1924 Lewis Henry Morgan, thereby comparing contemporary "savage" peoples like the Native Americans with the historical peoples of Europe who lived in similar societies.[65] Soon the new discipline of archaeology spread to North America, where it was taken up by figures like Samuel Haven and William Henry Holmes, who excavated ancient Native American monuments.[66] Further advancements in archaeological field methodology arose in the late 19th century. One of the pioneering figures in this was Augustus Pitt Rivers, who meticulously excavated on Cranborne Chase in southern England, emphasising that it was not only items of beauty or value that should be recorded but mundane items as well; he therefore helped to differentiate archaeology from antiquarianism. Other important archaeologists who further refined the discipline in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were Flinders Petrie (who excavated in Egypt and Palestine), Sir Mortimer Wheeler (India), Dorothy Garrod (the Middle East), Max Uhle (Peru) and Alfred Kidder (Mexico).[67] Further adaptation and innovation in archaeology continued throughout the 20th century, in particular in the 1960s, when maritime archaeology was popularised by George Bass, urban archaeology became more prevalent with redevelopment in many European cities, and rescue archaeology was developed as a result of increasing commercial development.[67]

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Popular views of archaeology

Early archaeology was largely an attempt to uncover spectacular artifacts and features, or to explore vast and mysterious abandoned cities. Such pursuits continue to fascinate the public. Books, films, and video games, such as The City of Brass, King Solomon's Mines, Indiana Jones, Tomb Raider, The Mummy and Relic Hunter all testify to the public's interest in the discovery aspect of archaeology. Much thorough and productive research has indeed been conducted in Extensive excavations at Beit She'an, Israel dramatic locales such as Copn and the Valley of the Kings, but the bulk of activities and finds of modern archaeology is not so sensational. Archaeological adventure stories tend to ignore the painstaking work involved in carrying out modern survey, excavation, and data processing. Some archaeologists refer to such off the mark portrayals as "pseudoarchaeology".[68] Archaeology has been portrayed in the mainstream media in sensational ways. This has its advantages and disadvantages. Many practitioners point to the childhood excitement of Indiana Jones films as the inspiration for

Archaeology them to enter the field.[69] [70] Archaeologists are also very much reliant on public support, the question of exactly who they are doing their work for is often discussed.[71]

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Current issues and controversy

Public archaeology
Motivated by a desire to halt looting, curb pseudoarchaeology, and to help preserve archaeological sites through education and fostering public appreciation for the importance of archaeological heritage, archaeologists are mounting public-outreach campaigns.[72] They seek to stop looting by combatting people who illegally take artifacts from protected sites, and by alerting people who live near archaeological sites of the threat of looting. Common methods of public outreach include press releases, and the encouragement of school field trips to sites under excavation by professional archaeologists. Public appreciation of the significance of archaeology and archaeological sites often leads to improved protection from encroaching development or other threats. One audience for archaeologists' work is the public. They increasingly realize that their work can benefit non-academic and non-archaeological audiences, and that they have a responsibility to educate and inform the public about archaeology. Local heritage awareness is aimed at increasing civic and individual pride through projects such as community excavation projects, and better public presentations of archaeological sites and knowledge. The U.S.Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service(USFS) operates a volunteer archaeology and historic preservation program called the Passport in Time (PIT). Volunteers work with professional USFS archaeologists and historians on national forests throughout the U.S. Volunteers are involved in all aspects of professional archaeology under expert supervision.[73] In the UK, popular archaeology programs such as Time Team and Meet the Ancestors have resulted in a huge upsurge in public interest. Where possible, archaeologists now make more provisions for public involvement and outreach in larger projects than they once did, and many local archaeological organizations operate within the Community archaeology framework to expand public involvement in smaller-scale, more local projects. Archaeological excavation, however, is best undertaken by well-trained staff that can work quickly and accurately. Often this requires observing the necessary health and safety and indemnity insurance issues involved in working on a modern building site with tight deadlines. Certain charities and local government bodies sometimes offer places on research projects either as part of academic work or as a defined community project. There is also a flourishing industry selling places on commercial training excavations and archaeological holiday tours. Archaeologists prize local knowledge and often liaise with local historical and archaeological societies, which is one reason why Community archaeology projects are starting to become more common. Often archaeologists are assisted by the public in the locating of archaeological sites, which professional archaeologists have neither the funding, nor the time to do.

Pseudoarchaeology
Pseudoarchaeology is an umbrella term for all activities that claim to be archaeological but in fact violate commonly accepted and scientific archaeological practices. It includes much fictional archaeological work (discussed above), as well as some actual activity. Many non-fiction authors have ignored the scientific methods of processual archaeology, or the specific critiques of it contained in post-processualism. An example of this type is the writing of Erich von Dniken. His 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods?, together with many subsequent lesser-known works, expounds a theory of ancient contacts between human civilisation on Earth and more technologically advanced extraterrestrial civilisations. This theory, known as palaeocontact theory, or Ancient astronaut theory, is not exclusively Dniken's, nor did the idea originate with him. Works of this nature are usually marked by the renunciation of well-established theories on the basis of limited evidence and the interpretation of evidence with a preconceived theory in mind.

Archaeology

31

Looting
Looting of archaeological sites is an ancient problem. For instance, many of the tombs of the Egyptian pharaohs were looted during antiquity.[74] Archaeology stimulates interest in ancient objects, and people in search of artifacts or treasure cause damage to archaeological sites. The commercial and academic demand for artifacts unfortunately contributes directly to the illicit antiquities trade. Smuggling of antiquities abroad to private collectors has caused great cultural and economic damage in many countries whose governments lack the resources and or the will to deter it. Looters damage and destroy archaeological sites, denying future generations information about their ethnic and cultural heritage. Indigenous peoples especially lose access to and control over their 'cultural resources', ultimately denying them the opportunity to know their past.[75] Popular consciousness often associates looting with poor Third World countries, but this is a false assumption.[75] A lack of financial resources and political will are chronic worldwide problems inhibiting more effective protection of archaeological sites. Many Native American Indians today, such as Vine Deloria, Jr., consider any removal of cultural artifacts from a Native American Indian site to be theft, and much of professional archaeology as academic looting. In 1937 W. F. Hodge the Director of the Southwest Museum in Los Angeles CA, released a statement that the museum would no longer purchase or accept collections from looted contexts.[76] The first conviction of the transport of artifacts illegally removed from private property under the Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA; Public Law 96-95; 93 Statute 721; [[Title 16 of the United States Code|16 U.S.C. [77]]470aamm [78])] was in 1992 in the State of Indiana.[79]

A looter's pit on the morning following its excavation, taken at Rontoy, Huaura Valley, Peru in June 2007. Several small holes left by looters' prospecting probes can be seen, as well as their footprints.

Descendant peoples
In the United States, examples such as the case of Kennewick Man have illustrated the tensions between Native Americans and archaeologists, which can be summarized as a conflict between a need to remain respectful toward sacred burial sites and the academic Stela of a king named Adad-Nirari. Object stolen benefit from studying them. For years, American archaeologists dug on from the Iraq National Museum in the looting in Indian burial grounds and other places considered sacred, removing connection with the Iraq war of 2003. artifacts and human remains to storage facilities for further study. In some cases human remains were not even thoroughly studied but instead archived rather than reburied. Furthermore, Western archaeologists' views of the past often differ from those of tribal peoples. The West views time as linear; for many natives, it is cyclic. From a Western perspective, the past is long-gone; from a native perspective, disturbing the past can have dire consequences in the present. As a consequence of this, American Indians attempted to prevent archaeological excavation of sites inhabited by their ancestors, while American archaeologists believed that the advancement of scientific knowledge was a valid reason to continue their studies. This contradictory situation was addressed by the Native American Graves

Archaeology Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, 1990), which sought to reach a compromise by limiting the right of research institutions to possess human remains. Due in part to the spirit of postprocessualism, some archaeologists have begun to actively enlist the assistance of indigenous peoples likely to be descended from those under study. Archaeologists have also been obliged to re-examine what constitutes an archaeological site in view of what native peoples believe to constitute sacred space. To many native peoples, natural features such as lakes, mountains or even individual trees have cultural significance. Australian archaeologists especially have explored this issue and attempted to survey these sites to give them some protection from being developed. Such work requires close links and trust between archaeologists and the people they are trying to help and at the same time study. While this cooperation presents a new set of challenges and hurdles to fieldwork, it has benefits for all parties involved. Tribal elders cooperating with archaeologists can prevent the excavation of areas of sites that they consider sacred, while the archaeologists gain the elders' aid in interpreting their finds. There have also been active efforts to recruit aboriginal peoples directly into the archaeological profession. Repatriation See Repatriation and reburial of human remains A new trend in the heated controversy between First Nations groups and scientists is the repatriation of native artifacts to the original descendants. An example of this occurred June 21, 2005, when community members and elders from a number of the 10 Algonquian nations in the Ottawa area convened on the Kitigan Zibi reservation near Maniwaki, Quebec, to inter ancestral human remains and burial goods some dating back 6,000 years. It was not determined, however, if the remains were directly related to the Algonquin people who now inhabit the region. The remains may be of Iroquoian ancestry, since Iroquoian people inhabited the area before the Algonquin. Moreover, the oldest of these remains might have no relation at all to the Algonquin or Iroquois, and belong to an earlier culture who previously inhabited the area. The remains and artifacts, including jewelry, tools and weapons, were originally excavated from various sites in the Ottawa Valley, including Morrison and the Allumette Islands. They had been part of the Canadian Museum of Civilization's research collection for decades, some since the late 19th century. Elders from various Algonquin communities conferred on an appropriate reburial, eventually deciding on traditional redcedar and birchbark boxes lined with redcedar chips, muskrat and beaver pelts. Now, an inconspicuous rock mound marks the reburial site where close to 80 boxes of various sizes are buried, no further scientific study is possible. Although negotiations were at times tense between the Kitigan Zibi community and museum, they were able to reach agreement.[80] Kennewick Man is another repatriation candidate that has been the source of heated debate.

32

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[63] Sabloff, Gordon R. Willey, Jeremy A. (1980), A history of American archaeology (2nd ed.), New York: W.H. Freeman, ISBN0-7167-1123-0 [64] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:26) [65] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:29) [66] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:30-31) [67] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:33-35) [68] "Romancing the Past-Archaeology" (http:/ / www. denison. edu/ campuslife/ museum/ romancingthepastarchaeology. html). Denison University. . Retrieved 2011-01-11. [69] "Indiana Jones Inspires Fans" (http:/ / abcnews. go. com/ GMA/ Springtime/ story?id=4879875& page=1). ABC News. . Retrieved 2011-01-11. [70] Strong, Meghan (2007-04-19), The Indiana Jones Effect (http:/ / www. lycoming. edu/ library/ archives/ honorspdfs/ Meghan_Strong. pdf), Lycoming College, p.40, [71] "Denning 2004, Internet Archaeology 15" (http:/ / intarch. ac. uk/ journal/ issue15/ denning_index. html). Intarch.ac.uk. 2004-01-28. . Retrieved 2010-08-12. [72] Anthropological Studies Center (ASC) (http:/ / www. sonoma. edu/ asc/ roadshow. html), Sonoma.edu, , retrieved 2009-05-05 [73] "^ ''Rapid City Journal'' Published Online: 14 Nov 2008" (http:/ / www. rapidcityjournal. com/ news/ local/ article_3654c4d7-e241-5b5a-a624-46628d7c1f4f. html). Rapidcityjournal.com. 2008-11-14. . Retrieved 2010-08-12. [74] Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Ramses II: Magnificence on the Nile (1993) [75] Sheets (1973) [76] Hodge (1937) [77] http:/ / www. nps. gov/ history/ local-law/ FHPL_ArchRsrcsProt. pdf [78] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 16/ 470aamm. html [79] Munson et al. (1995) [80] Canadian Geographic Online (http:/ / www. canadiangeographic. ca/ magazine/ SO05/ indepth/ archaeology. asp),

34

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Archaeology Shanks, M. (1993), "Style and the design of a perfume jar from an Archaic Greek city state", Journal of European Archaeology 1: 77106 Sheets, P. D. (1973), "The Pillage of Prehistory", American Antiquity 38 (3): 317320, doi:10.2307/279718, JSTOR279718 Shott, M. J. & Sillitoe, P. (2005), "Use life and curation in New Guinea experimental used flakes", Journal of Archaeological Science 32 (5): 653663, doi:10.1016/j.jas.2004.11.012 Tassie, G. J., Owens, L.S. (2010), Standards of Archaeological Excavations: A Fieldguide to the Methology, Recording Techniques and Conventions, London: GHP, ISBN978-1906137175 Taylor, W. W. (1948), A Study of Archaeology, Menasha: American Anthropological Association, ISBN0906367123, OCLC9714935 Tilley, Christopher, ed. (1993), Interpretive Archaeology, Oxford: Berg, ISBN0854968423, OCLC185494001 26263158 Trigger, B. G. (1989), A History of Archaeological Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Watters, M.R. (1992), Principles of Geoarchaeology: A North American Perspective, Tucson: The University of Arizona Press Watters, M.R. (2000), "Alluvial stratigraphy and geoarchaeology in the American Southwest", Geoarchaeology 15 (6): 537557, doi:10.1002/1520-6548(200008)15:6<537::AID-GEA5>3.0.CO;2-E Willey, G. R. (1953), Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Vir Valley, Per, Washington DC Willey, G. (1968), Settlement Archaeology, Palo Alto: National Press Wylie, A. (1985), "The Reaction Against Analogy", in Schiffer, Michael B., Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, Orlando, FL: Academic Press, pp.63111 Yellen, J. & Harpending, H. (1972), "Hunter-Gatherer Populations and Archaeological Inference", World Archaeology 4 (2): 244253, doi:10.1080/00438243.1972.9979535 Yellen, J. (1977), Archaeological Approaches to the Present, New York: Academic Press, ISBN0127703500, OCLC2911020

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Further reading
Archaeology (magazine) C. U. Larsen - Sites and Monuments (1992) Colin Renfrew & Paul Bahn - Archaeology: theories, methods and practice 2nd edition (1996) David Hurst Thomas - Archaeology 3rd. edition (1998) Glyn Daniel - A Short History of Archaeology (1991) International Journal of South American Archaeology - IJSA (magazine) Internet Archaeology e-journal Kevin Greene - Introduction to Archaeology (1983) Lewis Binford - New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2 Robert J. Sharer & Wendy Ashmore - Archaeology: Discovering our Past 2nd edition (1993) Thomas Hester, Harry Shafer, and Kenneth L. Feder - Field Methods in Archaeology 7th edition (1997) Alison Wylie - Thinking From Things: Essays in the Philosophy of Archaeology, University of California Press, Berkeley CA, 2002 Smekalova T. N., Voss O., Smekalov S. L. "Magnetic Surveying in Archaeology. More than 10 years of using the Overhauser GSM-19 gradiometer", Wormianum 2008. Bruce Trigger - "A History of Archaeological Thought" 2nd. edition (2007) Ian Hodder & Scott Hutson - "Reading the Past" 3rd. edition (2003) Adrian Praetzellis - "Death by Theory", AltaMira Press (2000). ISBN 0-7425-0359-3 / 9780742503595

Archaeology

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External links
Archaeology Daily News (http://www.archaeologydaily.com/) Archaeology Times | The top archaeology news from around the world (http://www.archaeologytimes.com/) 400,000 records of archaeological sites and architecture in England (http://pastscape.org.uk/) NPS Archeology Program: Visit Archeology (Archeology travel guides) (http://www.nps.gov/history/ archeology/visit/index.htm) Great Archaeology (http://www.greatarchaeology.com/) Archaeological news updated daily (http://www.archaeologynews.org/) Council for British Archaeology (http://www.britarch.ac.uk/) Fasti Online - an online database of archaeological sites (http://www.fastionline.org/) Kite Aerial Photographers - Archaeology (http://www.armadale.org.uk/kite03.htm) The Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association (http://www.aaanet.org/) The Archaeological Institute of America (http://www.archaeological.org/) The Society for American Archaeology (http://www.saa.org/) US Forest Service Volunteer program Passport in Time (http://www.passportintime.com/) The World Archaeological Congress (http://www.worldarchaeologicalcongress.org/site/about.php) Archaeolog.org (http://archaeolog.org/)

The Archaeology Data Service - Open access online archive for UK and global archaeology (http://ads.ahds.ac. uk/) World Archaeology News - weekly update from BBC Radio archaeologist, Win Scutt (http://www.archaeology. ws/worldarchnews.html) The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Archaeology (http://www.civilization.ca/cmc/exhibitions/ online-exhibitions/archaeology) Estudio de Museologa Rosario (http://web.archive.org/web/20091024171735/http://geocities.com/ emuseoros) Sri Lanka Archaeology - New Knowledge in Archaeology in Sri Lanka (http://www.archaeology.lk/)

Cultural anthropology

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Cultural anthropology
Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology focused on the study of cultural variation among humans, collecting data about the impact of global economic and political processes on local cultural realities. Anthropologists use a variety of methods, including participant observation, interviews and surveys. Their research is often called fieldwork because it involves the anthropologist spending an extended period of time at the research location.

Origins
One of the earliest articulations of the anthropological meaning of the term "culture" came from Sir Edward Tylor who writes on the first page of his 1897 book: Culture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.[1] The term "civilization" later gave way to definitions by V. Gordon Childe, with culture forming an umbrella term and civilization becoming a particular kind of culture.[2] The anthropological concept of "culture" reflects in part a reaction against earlier Western discourses based on an opposition between "culture" and "nature", according to which some human beings lived in a "state of nature". Anthropologists have argued that culture is "human nature", and that all people have a capacity to classify experiences, encode classifications symbolically (i.e. in language), and teach such abstractions to others. Since humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, people living in different places or different circumstances develop different cultures. Anthropologists have also pointed out that through culture people can adapt to their environment in non-genetic ways, so people living in different environments will often have different cultures. Much of anthropological theory has originated in an appreciation of and interest in the tension between the local (particular cultures) and the global (a universal human nature, or the web of connections between people in distinct places/circumstances). The rise of cultural anthropology occurred within the context of the late 19th century, when questions regarding which cultures were "primitive" and which were "civilized" occupied the minds of not only Marx and Freud, but many others. Colonialism and its processes increasingly brought European thinkers in contact, directly or indirectly with "primitive others."[3] The relative status of various humans, some of whom had modern advanced technologies that included engines and telegraphs, while others lacked anything but face-to-face communication techniques and still lived a Paleolithic lifestyle, was of interest to the first generation of cultural anthropologists. Parallel with the rise of cultural anthropology in the United States, social anthropology, in which sociality is the central concept and which focuses on the study of social statuses and roles, groups, institutions, and the relations among them, developed as an academic discipline in Britain. An umbrella term socio-cultural anthropology makes reference to both cultural and social anthropology traditions.[4]

A brief history
Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked mostly with materials collected by others usually missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials this earned them their current sobriquet of "arm-chair anthropologists". Ethnologists had a special interest in why people living in different parts of the world often had similar beliefs and practices. In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, argued that different groups must somehow have learned from one another, however indirectly; in other words, they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to another, or "diffused".

Cultural anthropology Other ethnologists argued that different groups had the capability of creating similar beliefs and practices independently. Some of those who advocated "independent invention", like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that different groups had passed through the same stages of cultural evolution (See also classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in particular, acknowledged that certain forms of society and culture could not possibly have arisen before others. For example, industrial farming could not have been invented before simple farming, and metallurgy could not have developed without previous non-smelting processes involving metals (such as simple ground collection or mining). Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from the primitive to the civilized. 20th-century anthropologists largely reject the notion that all human societies must pass through the same stages in the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not fit the empirical facts. Some 20th-century ethnologists, like Julian Steward, have instead argued that such similarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environments (see cultural evolution). Others, such as Claude Lvi-Strauss (who was influenced both by American cultural anthropology and by French Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparently similar patterns of development reflect fundamental similarities in the structure of human thought (see structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of examples of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one generation, were so numerous that 19th-century evolutionism was effectively disproved.[5] In the 20th century, most cultural (and social) anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time. Typically, the anthropologist lives among people in another society for a considerable period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural life of the group. Numerous other ethnographic techniques have resulted in ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural anthropologists also curate materials, spend long hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over records, investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about physical geography, climate and habitat. It is meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people in question, and today often includes the longest possible timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain through primary and secondary research. Bronisaw Malinowski (who conducted fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands and taught in England) developed this method, and Franz Boas (who conducted fieldwork in Baffin Island and taught in the United States) promoted it. Boas's students drew on his conception of culture and cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and A.R. Radcliffe Browns students were developing social anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural anthropology focused on symbols and values, social anthropology focused on social groups and institutions. Today socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements. Although 19th-century ethnologists saw "diffusion" and "independent invention" as mutually exclusive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly reached a consensus that both processes occur, and that both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities. But these ethnographers also pointed out the superficiality of many such similarities. They noted that even traits that spread through diffusion often were given different meanings and function from one society to another. Accordingly, these anthropologists showed less interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural development, than in understanding particular cultures in those cultures' own terms. Such ethnographers and their students promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view that one can only understand another person's beliefs and behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she lived or lives. In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in different forms in Europe and in the United States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on "social structure", that is, on relationships among social roles (for example, husband and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for

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Cultural anthropology example, religion, economy, and politics). American "cultural anthropologists" focused on the ways people expressed their view of themselves and their world, especially in symbolic forms, such as art and myths. These two approaches frequently converged and generally complemented one another. For example, kinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems and as social institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural anthropologists refer to the work of both sets of predecessors, and have an equal interest in what people do and in what people say. Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology. Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the distinct ways people in different locales experience and understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from a local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the local with an effort to grasp larger political, economic, and cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities. Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai, James Clifford, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz, Michael Taussig and Eric Wolf. A growing trend in anthropological research and analysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in George Marcus's article, "Ethnography In/Of the World System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography". Looking at culture as embedded in macro-constructions of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses traditional methodology in various locations both spatially and temporally. Through this methodology, greater insight can be gained when examining the impact of world-systems on local and global communities. Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater interdisciplinary approaches to fieldwork, bringing in methods from cultural studies, media studies, science and technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research tracks a subject across spatial and temporal boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a "thing," such as a particular commodity, as it is transported through the networks of global capitalism. Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that appear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies of individual people or groups as they move through space and time. It may also follow conflicts that transcend boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is Nancy Scheper-Hughes's work on the international black market for the trade of human organs. In this research, she follows organs as they are transferred through various legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the rumours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished communities about child kidnapping and organ theft. Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned their investigative eye on to "Western" culture. For example, Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in 1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs in a Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory researchers, Wall Street investors, law firms, or information technology (IT) computer employees.[6]

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Related topics

Cultural anthropology

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Anthropology of art Anthropology of media Anthropology of religion Applied anthropology Communitas Cross-cultural studies Cyber anthropology Development anthropology Dual inheritance theory

Economic anthropology Ecological anthropology Ethnobotany Ethnography Ethnomusicology Ethnozoology Evolutionary anthropology Feminist anthropology Human behavioral ecology Medical anthropology Psychological anthropology

Political anthropology Public anthropology Social anthropology Cross-cultural psychology Cultural psychology Symbolic anthropology Transpersonal anthropology Urban anthropology Visual anthropology

Environmental anthropology

References
[1] [2] [3] [4] Tylor,Edward. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. New York: J.P. Putnams Sons.1. Sherratt, Andrew V. "Gordon Childe: Archaeology and Intellectual History", Past and Present, No. 125. (Nov., 1989), pp. 151185. Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth. 1993. Beach Press. Campbell, D.T. (1983) The two distinct routes beyond kin selection to ultrasociality: Implications for the Humanities and Social Sciences. In: The Nature of Prosocial Development: Theories and Strategies D. Bridgeman (ed.), pp. 11-39, Academic Press, New York [5] Diamond, Jared. Guns, Germs and Steel. [6] Dissertation Abstract (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ search/ expand?pub=infobike:/ / mcb/ 161/ 1995/ 00000008/ 00000003/ art00003& unc=)

External links
Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/) The Moving Anthropology Student Network-website (http://www.movinganthropology.org) - The site offers tutorials, information on the subject, discussion-forums and a large link-collection for all interested scholars of cultural anthropology Review of Nettl's 2005 revised edition of "The Study of Ethnomusicology" (http://ijea.asu.edu/v8r2/)

Cultural history

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Cultural history
The term cultural history refers both to an academic discipline and to its subject matter. Cultural history, as a discipline, at least in its common definition since the 1970s, often combines the approaches of anthropology and history to look at popular cultural traditions and cultural interpretations of historical experience. It examines the records and narrative descriptions of past knowledge, customs, and arts of a group of people. Its subject matter encompasses the continuum of events occurring in succession leading from the past to the present and even into the future pertaining to a culture. Cultural history records and interprets past events involving human beings through the social, cultural, and political milieu of or relating to the arts and manners that a group favors. Jacob Burckhardt helped found cultural history as a discipline. Cultural history studies and interprets the record of human societies by denoting the various distinctive ways of living built up by a group of people under consideration. Cultural history involves the aggregate of past cultural activity, such as ceremony, class in practices, and the interaction with locales.

Description
Cultural history overlaps in its approaches with the French movements of histoire des mentalits (Philippe Poirrier, 2004) and the so-called new history, and in the U.S. it is closely associated with the field of American studies. As originally conceived and practiced by 19th Century Swiss historian Jakob Burckhardt with regard to the Italian Renaissance, cultural history was oriented to the study of a particular historical period in its entirety, with regard not only for its painting, sculpture and architecture, but for the economic basis underpinning society, and the social institutions of its daily life as well.[1] Most often the focus is on phenomena shared by non-elite groups in a society, such as: carnival, festival, and public rituals; performance traditions of tale, epic, and other verbal forms; cultural evolutions in human relations (ideas, sciences, arts, techniques); and cultural expressions of social movements such as nationalism. Also examines main historical concepts as power, ideology, class, culture, cultural identity, attitude, race, perception and new historical methods as narration of body. Many studies consider adaptations of traditional culture to mass media (television, radio, newspapers, magazines, posters, etc.), from print to film and, now, to the Internet (culture of capitalism). Its modern approaches come from art history, annales, Marxist school, microhistory and new cultural history. Common theoretical touchstones for recent cultural history have included: Jrgen Habermas's formulation of the public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the Bourgeois Public Sphere; Clifford Geertz's notion of 'thick description' (expounded in, for example, The Interpretation of Cultures); and the idea of memory as a cultural-historical category, as discussed in Paul Connerton's How Societies Remember.

A vague delineation
Historiography and the French Revolution
An area where new-style cultural history is often pointed to as being almost a paradigm is the 'revisionist' history of the French Revolution, dated somewhere since Franois Furet's massively influential 1978 essay Interpreting the French Revolution. The 'revisionist interpretation' is often characterised as replacing the allegedly dominant, allegedly Marxist, 'social interpretation' which locate the causes of the Revolution in class dynamics. The revisionist approach has tended to put more emphasis on 'political culture'. Reading ideas of political culture through Habermas' conception of the public sphere, historians of the Revolution in the past few decades have looked at the role and position of cultural themes such as gender, ritual, and ideology in the context of pre-revolutionary French political culture.

Cultural history Historians who might be grouped under this umbrella are Roger Chartier, Robert Darnton, Patrice Higonnet, Lynn Hunt, Keith Baker, Joan Landes, Mona Ozouf and Sarah Maza. Of course, these scholars all pursue fairly diverse interests, and perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on the paradigmatic nature of the new history of the French Revolution. Colin Jones, for example, is no stranger to cultural history, Habermas, or Marxism, and has persistently argued that the Marxist interpretation is not dead, but can be revivified; after all, Habermas' logic was heavily indebted to a Marxist understanding. Meanwhile, Rebecca Spang has also recently argued that for all its emphasis on difference and newness, the 'revisionist' approach retains the idea of the French Revolution as a watershed in the history of (so-called) modernity, and that the problematic notion of 'modernity' has itself attracted scant attention.

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Cultural studies
Cultural studies is an academic discipline popular among a diverse group of scholars. It combines political economy, communication, sociology, social theory, literary theory, media theory, film/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy, museum studies and art history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in various societies. Cultural studies researchers often concentrate on how a particular phenomenon relates to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, and/or gender. The term was coined by Richard Hoggart in 1964 when he founded the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. It has since become strongly associated with Stuart Hall, who succeeded Hoggart as Director.

References
[1] Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture (6th ed.), p 3.

Further reading
Listed by date Morris, I. (1999). Archaeology as Cultural History: Words and Things in Iron Age Greece. Blackwell Publishing. Lehan, R. D. (1998). The city in literature: an intellectual and cultural history. Berkeley: University of California Press. Munslow, Alun (1997). Deconstructing History. Routledge. ISBN 0415131928 Poster, M. (1997). Cultural history and postmodernity: disciplinary readings and challenges. New York: Columbia University Press. Potter, W. J. (1996). An analysis of thinking and research about qualitative methods. LEA's communication series. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum. Melching, W., & Velema, W. (1994). Main trends in cultural history: ten essays. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Schlereth, T. J. (1990). Cultural history and material culture: everyday life, landscapes, museums. American material culture and folklife. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Research Press. Maor, E. (1987). To infinity and beyond: a cultural history of the infinite. Boston: Birkhuser Ritter, H. (1986). Dictionary of concepts in history. Reference sources for the social sciences and humanities, no. 3. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press.

Cultural history

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References Further reading

Burke, Peter. (2004). What is Cultural History?. Cambridge: Polity Press. Hrubel, Jean-Pierre V.M.. (2010, January). "Observations on an Emergent Specialization: Contemporary French Cultural History. Significance for Scholarship." Journal of Scholarly Publishing, Volume 41, Number 2, pp. 216-240. Poirrier, Philippe (2004). Les Enjeux de l'histoire culturelle. Paris: Seuil. Poirrier, Philippe (Dir.) (2008). LHistoire culturelle : un tournant mondial dans lhistoriographie ?. Dijon: ditions universitaires de Dijon. Spang, Rebecca. (2008). " Paradigms and Paranoia: how modern is the French Revolution (http://www. historycooperative.org/journals/ahr/108.1/ah0103000119.html)?" American Historical Review, Volume 108.

External links
International Society for Cultural History (http://www.abdn.ac.uk/isch/) Web Portal on Historical Culture and Historiography (http://www.culturahistorica.es/welcome.html)

Diaspora
A diaspora (from Greek , "scattering, dispersion")[1] is "the movement, migration, or scattering of people away from an established or ancestral homeland"[2] or "people dispersed by whatever cause to more than one location",[3] or "people settled far from their ancestral homelands".[2] The word has come to refer to historical mass-dispersions of people with common roots, particularly movements of an involuntary nature, such as the expulsion of Jews from the Middle East, the African Trans-Atlantic slave trade, or the century-long exile of the Messenians under Spartan rule.[3] Recently scholarship has distinguished between different kinds of diaspora, based on its causes such as imperialism, trade or labor migrations, or by the kind of social coherence within the diaspora community and its ties to the ancestral lands. Some diaspora communities maintain strong political ties with their homeland. Other qualities that may be typical of many diasporas are thoughts of return, relationships with other communities in the diaspora, and lack of full assimilation to the host country.[3]

Origins and development of the term

The first mention of a diaspora created as a result of exile is found in the Septuagint in the phrase "es diaspora en pasais basileias ts gs" translated to mean "thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of the earth". Its use began to develop from this original sense when the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek;[4] in Ancient Greece the term (diaspora) meant "scattering"[1] and was used to refer to citizens of a dominant city-state who immigrated to a conquered land with the purpose of colonization, to assimilate the territory into the empire.[5] The term derives from the verb (diaspeir), "I scatter", "I spread about"[1] and that form (dia), "between, through, across"[1] + the verb (speir), "I sow, I scatter".[1] After the Bible's translation into Greek, the word Diaspora then was used to refer to the population of Jews exiled from Israel in 587 BCE by the Babylonians, and from Judea in 70 CE by the Roman Empire.[6] It subsequently came to be used to refer to the historical movements of the dispersed ethnic population of Israel, to the cultural development of that population or to the population itself.[7] When capitalized and without modifiers (that is, simply the Diaspora), the term refers specifically to the Jewish diaspora;[2] when uncapitalized the word diaspora may be used to refer to refugee populations of other

Diaspora origins or ethnicities. The wider application of diaspora evolved from the Assyrian two-way mass deportation policy of conquered populations to deny future territorial claims on their part.[8] According to the Oxford English Dictionary Online, the first known recorded usage of the word diaspora in the English language was in 1876 referring "extensive diaspora work (as it is termed) of evangelizing among the National Protestant Churches on the continent".[9] The term became more widely assimilated into English by the mid 1950s, with long-term expatriates in significant numbers from other particular countries or regions also being referred to as a diaspora. An academic field, diaspora studies, has become established relating to this sense of the word. In all cases, the term diaspora carries a sense of displacement; that is, the population so described finds itself for whatever reason separated from its national territory, and usually its people have a hope, or at least a desire, to return to their homeland at some point, if the "homeland" still exists in any meaningful sense. Some writers have noted that diaspora may result in a loss of nostalgia for a single home as people "re-root" in a series of meaningful displacements. In this sense, individuals may have multiple homes throughout their diaspora, with different reasons for maintaining some form of attachment to each. Diasporic cultural development often assumes a different course from that of the population in the original place of settlement. Over time, remotely separated communities tend to vary in culture, traditions, language, and other factors. The last vestiges of cultural affiliation in a diaspora is often found in community resistance to language change and in maintenance of traditional religious practice.

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Expanding definition
In an article published in 1991, William Safran set out six rules to distinguish diasporas from migrant communities. These included criteria that the group maintains a myth or collective memory of their homeland; they regard their ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will eventually return; being committed to the restoration or maintenance of that homeland; and they relate "personally or vicariously" to the homeland to a point where it shapes their identity.[10] [11] [12] While Safran's definitions were influenced by the idea of the Jewish diaspora, he recognised the expanding use of the term.[13] Rogers Brubaker (2005) also notes that use of the term diaspora has been widening. He suggests that one element of this expansion in use "involves the application of the term diaspora to an ever-broadening set of cases: essentially to any and every nameable population category that is to some extent dispersed in space".[14] Brubaker has used the WorldCat database to show that 17 out of the 18 books on diaspora published between 1900 and 1910 were on the Jewish diaspora. The majority of works in the 1960s were also about the Jewish diaspora, but in 2002 only two out of 20 books sampled (out of a total of 253) were about the Jewish case, with a total of eight different diasporas covered.[15] Brubaker outlines the original use of the term diaspora as follows: Most early discussions of diaspora were firmly rooted in a conceptual 'homeland'; they were concerned with a paradigmatic case, or a small number of core cases. The paradigmatic case was, of course, the Jewish diaspora; some dictionary definitions of diaspora, until recently, did not simply illustrate but defined the word with reference to that case.[16] Brubaker argues that the initial expansion of the use of the phrase extended it to other, similar cases, such as the Armenian and Greek diasporas. More recently, it has been applied to emigrant groups that continue their involvement in their homeland from overseas, such as the category of long-distance nationalists identified by Benedict Anderson. Brubaker notes that Albanians, Hindu Indians, Irish, Kashmiri, Kurds, Palestinians, Tamils have been conceptualised as diasporas in this sense. Furthermore, "labour migrants who maintain (to some degree) emotional and social ties with a homeland" have also been described as diasporas.[16] In further cases of the use of the term, "the reference to the conceptual homeland to the 'classical' diasporas has become more attenuated still, to the point of being lost altogether". Here, Brubaker cites "transethnic and transborder linguistic categories...such as Francophone, Anglophone and Lusophone 'communities'", along with Hindu, Sikh,

Diaspora Buddhist, Confucian, Huguenot, Muslim and Catholic 'diasporas'.[17] Brubaker notes that, as of 2005, there were also academic books or articles on the Dixie, white, liberal, gay, queer and digital diasporas.[15] Some observers have labeled evacuation from New Orleans and the Gulf Coast in the wake of Hurricane Katrina the New Orleans diaspora, since a significant number of evacuees have not been able to return, yet maintain aspirations to do so.[18] [19] Agnieszka Weinar (2010) notes the widening use of the term, arguing that recently, "a growing body of literature succeeded in reformulating the definition, framing diaspora as almost any population on the move and no longer referring to the specific context of their existence".[11]

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European diasporas
Further information: European diasporas European history contains numerous diaspora-like events. In ancient times, the trading and colonising activities of the Greek tribes from the Balkans and Asia Minor spread people of Greek culture, religion and language around the Mediterranean and Black Sea basins, establishing Greek city states in Sicily, southern Italy, northern Libya, eastern Spain, the south of France, and the Black Sea coasts. Greeks Greek Homeland and Diaspora 6th c. BCE founded more than 400 colonies.[20] Alexander the Great's conquest of the Achaemenid Empire marked the beginning of the Hellenistic period, which was characterized by a new wave of Greek colonization in Asia and Africa, with Greek ruling classes established in Egypt, southwest Asia and northwest India.[21] The Migration Period relocations, which included several phases, are just one set of many in history. The first phase Migration Period displacement from between CE 300 and 500 included relocation of the Goths (Ostrogoths and Visigoths), Vandals, Franks, various other Germanic people (Burgundians, Lombards, Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Suebi, Alemanni, Varangians and Normans), Alans and numerous Slavic tribes. The second phase, between CE 500 and 900, saw Slavic, Turkic, and other tribes on the move, resettling in Eastern Europe and gradually making it predominantly Slavic, and affecting Anatolia and the Caucasus as the first Turkic tribes (Avars, Huns, Khazars, Pechenegs), as well as Bulgars, and possibly Magyars arrived. The last phase of the migrations saw the coming of the Hungarian Magyars and the Viking expansion out of Scandinavia into Europe and the British Isles, as well as Greenland and Iceland. Such colonizing migrations cannot be considered indefinitely as diasporas; over very long periods, eventually the migrants assimilate into the settled area so completely that it becomes their new homeland. Thus the modern population of Hungary do not feel that they belong in the Western Siberia that the Hungarian Magyars left 12 centuries ago; and the English descendants of the Angles, Saxons and Jutes do not yearn to reoccupy the plains of Northwest Germany. In 1492, a Spanish expedition headed by Christopher Columbus reached the Americas, after which European exploration and colonization rapidly expanded. In the 16th century approximately 240,000 Europeans entered American ports.[22] Immigration continued to North and South America. In the 19th century alone over 50 million people left Europe for the Americas.[23] A specific 19th century example was the Irish diaspora, beginning mid-19th century and brought about by the An Gorta Mr or "Great Hunger" of the Irish Famine. Estimates are that between 45% and 85% of Ireland's population emigrated, to countries including Britain, the United States, Canada, Argentina, Australia and New Zealand. The size of the diaspora is demonstrated by the number of people around the world who claim Irish ancestry; some sources put the figure at 80-100 million.

Diaspora Further information: Circassian diaspora From the 1860s, Circassians were dispersed through the Levant, Europe, North America, Australia, and within historical Circassia in the North Caucasus currently in Russia.

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African diaspora
Further information: African diaspora One of the largest diasporas of modern times is the African Diaspora, which began at the beginning of the 16th century. During the Atlantic Slave Trade, 9.4 to 12 million people from North, West, West-Central and South-east Africa survived transportation to arrive in the Western Hemisphere as slaves.[24] This population and their descendants were major influences on the culture of English, French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish New World colonies.

Asian diaspora
Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora[25] ) first occurred thousands of years ago. The mass emigration that occurred from the 19th century to 1949 was caused mainly by wars and starvation in mainland China, as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and coolies (Chinese: , literally "hard labor"), who immigrated to developing countries in need of labor, such as the Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia, Malaya and other places. The largest Asian diaspora outside of Southeast Asia is that of the Indian diaspora. The overseas Indian community, estimated at over 25 million, is spread across many regions in the world, on every continent. It constitutes a diverse, heterogeneous and eclectic global community representing different regions, languages, cultures, and faiths (see Desi). The Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest concentrated populations in Europe. Linguistic and genetic evidence indicates the Romanies originated on the Indian subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest no earlier than the 11th century.[26] At least three waves of Nepalese diaspora can be identified. The earliest wave dates back to hundreds of years as early marriage and high birthrates propelled Hindu settlement eastward across Nepal, then into Sikkim and Bhutan. A backlash developed in the 1980s as Bhutan's political elites realized that Bhutanese Buddhists were at risk of becoming a minority in their own country. At present, the United States is working towards resettling more than 60,000 ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan in the US as a third-country settlement programme.[27] A second wave was driven by British recruitment of mercenary soldiers beginning around 1815 and resettlement after retirement in the British Isles and southeast Asia. The third wave began in the 1970s as land shortages intensified and the pool of educated labor greatly exceeded job openings in Nepal. Job-related emigration created Nepalese enclaves in India, the wealthier countries of the Middle East, Europe and North America. Current estimates of the number of Nepalese living outside Nepal range well up into the millions. Azerbaijani Students and Alumni International Forum (ASAIF) realizes diaspora activities for Azerbaijan.

Diaspora

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The 20th century and beyond

The 20th century saw huge population movements. Some involved large-scale transfers of people by government action. Some migrations occurred to avoid conflict and warfare. Other diasporas were created as a consequence of political decisions, such as the end of colonialism.

World War II and the end of colonial rule

As World War II unfolded, Nazi Germany deported and killed millions of Jews and many millions of others were likewise enslaved or murdered, including Ukrainians, Russians and other Slavs. Some Jews fled from persecution to western Europe and the Americas before borders closed. Later other eastern European refugees moved west, away from Soviet annexation,[28] and the Iron Curtain regimes after World War II. Hundreds of thousands of these anti-Soviet political refugees and Displaced Persons ended up in western Europe, Australia, Canada and the United States of America. After WWII, the Soviet Union and Communist-controlled Poland, Hungary and Yugoslavia expelled hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans, most of whom were descendants of immigrants who had settled in those areas nearly two centuries before. This was allegedly in retaliation for the German Nazi invasion and their pan-German attempts at annexation. Most of the refugees moved to the West, including western Europe, and with tens of thousands seeking refuge in the United States. Spain sent many political activists into exile during Franco's military regime from 1936 to his death in 1975. Following WWII, the creation of the state of Israel, and a series of uprisings against colonialist rule, the Middle East nations became more hostile in relation to their historic Jewish populations (Sephardim) of nearly 1 million people. Most of them emigrated, with the majority resettling in Israel, where they became known as Mizrahi Jews. At the same time, the Palestinian diaspora resulted from the war to dismantle Israel in 1948, in which 750,000 people were displaced or emigrated from their former territory. The diaspora was enlarged by the effects of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Many Palestinians continue to live in refugee camps maintained by Middle Eastern nations, but others have resettled in the Middle East and other countries. The 1947 Partition resulted in the migration of millions of people between India and Pakistan. Millions were murdered in the religious violence of the period, with estimates of fatalities up to 2 million people. Thousands of former subjects of the British Raj went to the UK from the Indian subcontinent after India and Pakistan became independent in 1947. From the late 19th century, and formally from 1910, Japan made Korea a colony. Millions of Chinese fled to western provinces not occupied by Japan (that is, in particular Ssuchuan/Szechwan and Yunnan in the Southwest and Shensi and Kansu in the Northwest) and to Southeast Asia. More than 100,000 Koreans moved across the Amur River into Eastern Russia (then the Soviet Union) away from the Japanese.

The Cold War and the formation of post-colonial states

During and after the Cold War-era, huge populations of refugees migrated from conflict, especially from then-developing countries. Upheaval in the Middle East and Central Asia, some of which was related to power struggles between the United States and the Soviet Union, created new refugee populations which developed into global diasporas. In Southeast Asia, many Vietnamese people immigrated to France and later millions to the United States, Australia and Canada after the Cold War-related Vietnam War. Later, 30,000 French colons from Cambodia were displaced after being expelled by the Khmer Rouge regime under Pol Pot. A small, predominantly Muslim ethnic group, the Cham people long residing in Cambodia, were nearly eradicated. The mass exodus of Vietnamese people from Vietnam coined the term 'Boat people'.

Diaspora In Southwest China, many Tibetan people emigrated to India, following the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959 after the failure of his Tibetan uprising. This wave lasted until the 1960s, and another wave followed when Tibet was opened up to trade and tourism in the 1980s. It is estimated that about 200,000 Tibetans live now dispersed worldwide, half of whom in are India, Nepal and Bhutan. In lieu of lost citizenship papers, the Central Tibetan Administration offers Green Book identity documents to Tibetan refugees. Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to find work, notably during the British colonial period. Since the beginning of the civil war in 1983, more than 800,000 Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka as local diaspora, and over a half million Tamils living as the Tamil diaspora in destinations such as India, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the UK and Europe. The Afghan diaspora resulted from the 1979 invasion by the former Soviet Union; both official and unofficial records indicate that the war displaced over 6 million people, resulting in the creation of the largest refugee population worldwide today. Many Iranians fled the 1979 Iranian Revolution following the fall of the Shah. The Assyrian diaspora expanded by the Civil War in Lebanon, the coming into power of the Islamic republic of Iran, the Ba'athist dictatorship in Iraq, and the present-day unrest in Iraq pushed Assyrians on the roads of exile.[29] In Africa, a new series of diasporas formed following the end of colonial rule. In some cases as countries became independent, numerous minority descendants of Europeans emigrated; others stayed in the lands which had been family homes for generations. Uganda expelled 80,000 South Asians in 1972 and took over their businesses and properties. The 1990s Civil war in Rwanda between rival ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi turned deadly and produced a mass influx of refugees. In Latin America, following the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the introduction of communism, over a million people have left Cuba.[30] There was a Jamaican diaspora around the turn of the century. A million Colombian refugees have left Colombia since 1965 to escape the country's violence and civil wars. In South America, thousands of Argentinan, Chilean and Uruguayan refugees fled to Europe during periods of military rule in the 1970s and 1980s. In Central America, Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans, Costa Ricans (however, the country had no dictators) and Panamanians fled conflict and poor economic conditions. Hundreds of thousands of people fled from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994 into neighboring countries. Thousands of refugees from deteriorating conditions in Zimbabwe have gone to South Africa. The long war in Congo, in which numerous nations have been involved, has also created millions of refugees. Tens of thousands of Iraqis have fled conflict in their nation since the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

49

In popular culture
Works of science fiction sometimes refer to a diaspora, taking place when much of humanity leaves Earth to settle on far-flung "colony worlds". smet zel wrote a poem titled "Of not being a Jew" in which he lamented the fact that he felt like a pursued Jew, but had no second country to which he could go. He writes: Your load is heavy He's very heavy Just because he's your brother Your brothers are your pogroms When you reach the doorsteps of your friends Starts your Diaspora

Diaspora DJ Krust and Saul Williams' track "Coded Language" opens with the line "Whereas, breakbeats have been the missing link connecting the diasporic community to its drum woven past." Punk rock band Rise Against titled one of their songs "Diaspora" in the album The Sufferer & the Witness but later changed it to "Prayer of the Refugee". The originally titled song was available on advance copies of the album. The experimental rock outfit PINKNOISE released an EP in 2010 titled The Dance Of The Diaspora, expressing the current Indian diaspora, both musically and demographically. The Progressive Post-Metal group Irepress titled one of their songs "Diaspora" in the album Sol Eye Sea I. The song was the first track on the album and is on of the more popular.

50

Notes
[1] Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott. "" (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=diaspora/ ). A Greek-English Lexicon. . Retrieved 2011-03-11. [2] "Diaspora" (http:/ / www. merriam-webster. com/ dictionary/ diaspora). Merriam Webster. . Retrieved 2011-02-22. [3] Melvin Ember, Carol R. Ember and Ian Skoggard, ed (2004). Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Volume I: Overviews and Topics; Volume II: Diaspora Communities (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=7QEjPVyd9YMC& printsec=frontcover& dq). ISBN9780306483219. . [4] p.81, Kantor [5] pp.1-2, Tetlow [6] [7] [8] [9] pp.53, 105-106, Kantor p.1, Barclay pp.96-97, Galil & Weinfeld "diaspora, n." (http:/ / www. oed. com/ viewdictionaryentry/ Entry/ 52085). Oxford English Dictionary Online. November 2010. . Retrieved 22 February 2011. [10] Brubaker 2005, p.5. [11] Weinar 2010, p.75. [12] Cohen 2008, p.6. [13] Cohen 2008, p.4. [14] Brubaker 2005, p.3. [15] Brubaker 2005, p.14. [16] Brubaker 2005, p.2. [17] Brubaker 2005, pp.23. [18] Kennedy, Bruce (31 August 2010). "The Economic Impact of the 'Katrina Diaspora'" (http:/ / www. dailyfinance. com/ story/ katrina-evacuees-economic-impact-new-homes-destinations/ 19614294/ ). Daily Finance. . Retrieved 23 February 2011. [19] Walden, Will (1 September 2005). "Katrina scatters a grim diaspora" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ americas/ 4203360. stm). BBC News. . Retrieved 23 February 2011. [20] Early development of Greek society (http:/ / highered. mcgraw-hill. com/ sites/ 0072424354/ student_view0/ chapter10/ table_of_contents. html) [21] Hellenistic Civilization (http:/ / mars. wnec. edu/ ~grempel/ courses/ wc1/ lectures/ 10hellenism. html) [22] James Axtell. "The Columbian Mosaic in Colonial America" (http:/ / www. millersville. edu/ ~columbus/ data/ art/ AXTELL01. ART). . [23] David Eltis Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic slave trade [24] "Welcome to Encyclopdia Britannica's Guide to Black History", Encyclopedia Britannica (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ blackhistory/ article-24156) [25] Ma, Laurence J. C.; Cartier, Carolyn L. (2003). The Chinese diaspora: space, place, mobility, and identity (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Uw_ld2wXjo4C). ISBN9780742517561. . [26] Kalaydjieva, Luba; Gresham, D; Calafell, F (2001). "Genetic studies of the Roma (Gypsies): A review" (http:/ / www. biomedcentral. com/ 1471-2350/ 2/ 5). BMC Medical Genetics 2: 5. doi:10.1186/1471-2350-2-5. PMC31389. PMID11299048. . Retrieved 2008-06-16. [27] Bhaumik, Subir (November 7, 2007). "Bhutan refugees are 'intimidated'" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ south_asia/ 7082586. stm). BBC News. . Retrieved 2008-04-25. [28] An International Conference on the Baltic Archives Abroad (http:/ / www. kirmus. ee/ baltic_archives_abroad_2006/ participants. html) [29] Codeswitching Worldwide II, by Rodolfo Jacobson [30] (http:/ / teacher. scholastic. com/ scholasticnews/ indepth/ upfront/ features/ index. asp?article=f090108_Cuba)

Diaspora

51

References
Barclay, John M. G., (ed.), Negotiating Diaspora: Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2004 Braziel, Jana Evans. 2008. Diaspora - an introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Brubaker, Rogers (2005). "The 'diaspora' diaspora" (http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/soc/faculty/brubaker/ Publications/29_Diaspora_diaspora_ERS.pdf). Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (1): 119. doi:10.1080/0141987042000289997. Retrieved 22 February 2011. Cohen, Robin (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN0415435501. Galil, Gershon, & Weinfeld, Moshe, Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography: Presented to Zekharyah alai, BRILL, 2000 Kantor, Mattis, The Jewish time line encyclopedia: a year-by-year history from Creation to the Present, (New updated edition), Jason Aronson, Northvale NJ, 1992 Luciuk, Lubomyr, "Searching for Place: Ukrainian Displaced Persons, Canada and the Migration of Memory," University of Toronto Press, 2000. Oonk, G, 'Global Indian Diasporas: trajectories of migration and theory, Amsterdam University Press, 2007. Shain, Yossi, Kinship and Diasporas in International Politics, Michigan University Press, 2007 Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier, Women, Crime, and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2005 Weinar, Agnieszka (2010). "Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and European policy discourses" (http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WWBuLV9L8WoC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA73#v=onepage& q&f=false). In Baubck, Rainer; Faist, Thomas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, Theories and Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp.7389. ISBN9089642382.

External links
Livius.org: Diaspora (http://www.livius.org/di-dn/diaspora/diaspora.htm) http://asiansinafrica.com DIASPORAS.SE (http://diasporas.se) Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS) (http://www.unaoc.org/communities/migrationintegration) UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on Good Practices of Integration of Migrants across the World

Economic anthropology

52

Economic anthropology
Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior using the tools of both economics and anthropology. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a complex relationship with economics. There are three major paradigms within the field of economic anthropology: formalism, substantivism and culturalism.

Formalism
The formalist model is the one most closely linked to neoclassical economics, defining economics as the study of utility maximisation under conditions of scarcity. As an attempt to use neoclassical theory to analyze subjects outside of its traditional purview, formalist economic anthropology can be linked with new institutional economics. This approach usually makes the following central assumptions: Individuals pursue utility (or preference) maximisation by choosing between alternative means. They will always choose alternatives that maximise their utility (or that yields a given amount of utility for the least possible amount of inputs or effort required), often within specific informational or transaction cost constraints. Individuals will do so based on rationality, using all available information to measure the cost and utility of each means and considering the opportunity costs involved compared to spending their time and effort on other utility maximising pursuits. Lack of information can be modelled as information asymmetry or as a transaction cost. Whether by conscious forethought, instincts, or traditions, individuals are able to undertake the relevant calculations. In order to make rational choices individuals will seek to obtain all relevant information up to a point where the opportunity cost of information-gathering equals the additional utility gained from having been able to make better informed choices. All individuals live under conditions of scarcity of means while at the same time having unlimited wants. Underlying individuals' pursuit of utility maximisation is the principle of diminishing marginal utility, meaning that additional resources allocated towards a particular end will tend to achieve that end less and less efficiently. Rational actors will allocate their resources first towards those opportunities that provide the greatest payoff for them, and as opportunities get used up, allocate them towards progressively less efficient ends.by krishnakumar 9944192156 Some formalists use game theory as a model of rational behavior under specific cultural or interpersonal constraints. Formalists such as Raymond Firth and Harold K. Schneider assert that the neoclassical model of economics can be applied to any society if appropriate modifications are made, arguing that the principles outlined above have universal validity. All human cultures are therefore a collection of "choice making individuals whose every action involves conscious or unconscious selections among alternatives means to alternative ends" (Burling, 1962, quoted from Prattis, 1982:207),[1] whereby the ends are culturally defined goals. Goals refer not only to economic value or financial gain but to anything that is valued by the individual, be it leisure, solidarity or prestige. In the context of hunter-gatherer and Neolithic cultures, formalist models usually must deal with high transaction costs and are thus sometimes simplified to a model of bilateral monopoly. Since a formalist model usually states what is to be maximized in terms of preferences, which often but not necessarily include culturally expressed value goals, it is deemed to be sufficiently abstract to be capable of explaining human behavior in any context. A traditional assumption many formalists borrow from neoclassical economics is that the individual will make rational choices based on full information, or information that is incomplete in a specific way, in order to maximize whatever that individual considers being of value. While preferences may vary or change, and information about choices may or may not be complete, the principles of economising and maximising still apply.

Economic anthropology The role of the anthropologist may then be to analyse each culture in regards to its culturally appropriate means of attaining culturally recognized and valued goals. Individual preferences may differ from culturally recognized goals, and under economic rationality assumptions individual decisions are guided by individual preferences in an environment constrained by culture, including the preferences of others. Such an analysis should uncover the culturally-specific principles that underlie the rational decision-making process. In this way, economic theory has been applied by anthropologists to societies without price-regulating markets (e.g. Firth, 1961; Laughlin, 1973). Besides cultural values, formalists may also use evolutionary psychology to help model preferences.

53

Substantivism
The substantivist position, first proposed by Karl Polanyi in his work The Great Transformation, argues that the term 'economics' has two meanings: the formal meaning refers to economics as the logic of rational action and decision-making, as rational choice between the alternative uses of limited (scarce) means. The second, substantive meaning, however, presupposes neither rational decision-making nor conditions of scarcity. It simply refers to study of how humans make a living from their social and natural environment. A society's livelihood strategy is seen as an adaptation to its environment and material conditions, a process which may or may not involve utility maximisation. The substantive meaning of 'economics' is seen in the broader sense of 'economising' or 'provisioning'. Economics is simply the way society meets their material needs. Polanyi's term "great transformation" refers to the divide between modern, market-dominated societies and non-Western, non-capitalist pre-industrial societies. Polanyi argues that only the substantive meaning of economics is appropriate for analysing the latter. Without a system of price-making markets formal economic analysis does not apply, for example in centrally planned economies or preindustrial societies. Economic decision-making in such places is not so much based on individual choice, but rather on social relationships, cultural values, moral concerns, politics, religion or the fear instilled by authoritarian leadership. Production in most peasant and tribal societies is for the producers, also called 'production for use' or subsistence production, as opposed to 'production for exchange' which has profit maximisation as its chief aim. These types differ so radically that no single theory can describe them all. According to Polanyi, in modern capitalist economies the concepts of formalism and substantivism coincide since people organise their livelihoods based on the principle of rational choice. However, in non-Capitalist, pre-industrial economies this assumption does not hold. Unlike their Western capitalist counterparts, they are not based on market exchange but on redistribution and reciprocity. Reciprocity is defined as the mutual exchange of goods or services as part of long-term relationships. Redistribution implies the existence of a strong political centre such as kinship-based leadership, which receives and then redistributes subsistence goods according to culturally-specific principles. In societies that are not market-based reciprocity and redistribution usually occur together. Conversely, market exchange is seen as the dominant mode of integration in modern industrial societies, while reciprocity may continue in family and inter-household relations, and some redistribution is undertaken by the state or by charitable institutions. Each of these three systems of distribution requires a separate set of analytical concepts. Another key concept in substantivism is that of 'embeddedness'. Rather than being a separate and distinct sphere, the economy is embedded in both economic and non-economic institutions. Exchange takes place within and is regulated by society rather than being located in a social vacuum. For example, religion and government can be just as important to economics as economic institutions themselves. Socio-cultural obligations, norms and values play a significant role in people's livelihood strategies. Consequently, any analysis of economics as an analytically distinct entity isolated from its socio-cultural and political context is flawed from the outset. A substantivist analysis of economics will therefore focus on the study of the various social institutions on which people's livelihoods are based. The market is only one amongst many institutions that determine the nature of economic transactions. Polanyi's central argument is that institutions are the primary organisers of economic processes. The substantive economy is an "instituted process of interaction between man and his environment, which results in a continuous supply of want

Economic anthropology satisfying material means" (1968:126).[2] The concept of embeddedness has been very influential in the field of economic anthropology. In his study of Chinese ethnic business networks in Indonesia, Granovetter found individual's economic agency embedded in networks of strong personal relations. In processes of clientelization the cultivation of personal relationships between traders and customers assumes an equal or higher importance than the economic transactions involved. Economic exchanges are not carried out between strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships. Granovetter describes the neo-liberal view of economic action as separating economics from society and culture, thereby promoting an 'undersocialized account' that atomises human behavior: "Actors do not behave or decide as atoms outside a social context, nor do they adhere slavishly to a script written for them by the particular intersection of social categories that they happen to occupy. Their attempts at purposive action are instead embedded in concrete, ongoing systems of social relations." (1985:487).[3]

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Culturalism
For some anthropologists the substantivist position does not go far enough in its criticism of the universal application of Western economic models on societies all around the globe. Stephen Gudeman, for example, argues that the central processes of making a livelihood are culturally constructed. Therefore, models of livelihoods and related economic concepts such as exchange, money or profit must be analyzed through the locals' ways of understanding them. Rather than devising universal models rooting in Western understandings and using Western economic terminologies and then applying them indiscriminately to all societies, one should come to understand the 'local model'. In his work on livelihoods Gudeman seeks to present the "people's own economic construction" (1986:1);[4] that is, not just examining the cultural construction of values as in which products people like to buy and how much they value leisure, but people's own conceptualizations or mental maps of economics and its various aspects, i.e. their understanding of concepts such as exchange, property or profit. His description of a peasant community in Panama reveals that the locals did not engage in exchange with each other in order to make a profit but rather viewed it as an "exchange of equivalents", with the exchange value of a good being defined by the expenses spent on producing it. Only outside merchants made profits in their dealings with the community, and it was a complete mystery to the locals how they managed to do so... Gudeman not only rejects the formalist notion of the universal 'economic person'; he also criticizes the substantivist position for imposing their universal model of economics on all preindustrial societies and so making the same mistake as the formalists. While conceding that substantivism rightly emphasises the significance of social institutions in economic processes, Gudeman considers any derivational model that claims to be of universal nature, be it formalist, substantivist or Marxist, to be ethnocentric and essentially tautological. In his view they all model relationships as mechanistic processes by taking the logic of natural science based on the material world and applying it to the human world. Rather than to "arrogate to themselves a privileged right to model the economies of their subjects", anthropologists should seek to understand and interpret local models (1986:38).[4] Such local models may differ radically from their Western counterparts. To quote Gudeman: "Gaining a livelihood might be modelled as a causal and instrumental act, as a natural and inevitable sequence, as a result of supernatural dispositions or as a combination of all these." (1986:47).[4] For example, the Iban only use hand knives to harvest rice. Even though the use of sickles would speed up the harvesting process, their concern that the spirit of the rice may flee is greater than their desire to economize the harvesting process. Gudeman brings post-modern cultural relativism to its logical conclusion. Generally speaking, however, culturalism can also be seen as an extension of the substantivist view, with a stronger emphasis on cultural constructivism, a more detailed account of local understandings and metaphors of economic concepts, and a greater focus on socio-cultural dynamics than the latter (cf. Hann, 2000).[5] Culturalists also tend to be both less taxonomic and more culturally relativistic in their descriptions while critically reflecting on the power relationship between the ethnographer (or 'modeller') and the subjects of his or her research. While substantivists generally focus on

Economic anthropology institutions as their unit of analysis, culturalists lean towards detailed and comprehensive analyses of particular local communities. Both views agree in rejecting the formalist assumption that all human behaviour can be explained in terms of rational decision-making and utility maximisation.

55

Critics of the Approaches

There have been many critics of the formalist position. Its central assumptions about human behavior have been questioned, in particular it has been argued that the universality of rational choice and utility maximization cannot be assumed across all cultures, but also with regards to modern Western societies the economic reductionism in explaining human behaviour. Prattis noted that the premise of utility maximization is tautological; whatever a person does, may it be work or leisure, is declared to be utility maximization. If he or she does not maximize money then it must be pleasure or some other value. To quote: "This post hoc reasoning back to a priori assumptions has minimal scientific value as it is not readily subject to falsification." (1989:212).[6] For example, a person may sacrifice his or her own time, finances, or even health to help others. Formalists would then pronounce that she or he does so due to placing a high value on helping others, and so sacrificing other goals in order to maximize this value and thereby to gain utility (e.g. meaning, satisfaction of having helped, approval from others etc.). Nevertheless, this statement is simply an assumption, the motivation of this person may or may not coincide with this inferred explanation pattern. Similarly, Gudeman argued that Western economic anthropologists will invariably "find" the people they study to behave "rationally" since that is what their model leads them to do. Conversely, formalism will consider any behavior that does not maximize utility based on available means as irrational. Nevertheless, such "non-maximising acts" may seem perfectly rational and logical for the acting individual whose actions may have been motivated by a completely different set of meanings and understandings. Finally, there is the substantivist point that both economic institutions and individual economic activities are embedded in the socio-cultural sphere and can therefore not be analysed in isolation. Social relationships play an essential role in people's livelihood strategies; consequently, a narrow focus on atomised individual behavior to the exclusion of his or her socio-cultural context is bound to be flawed. Substantivism has not been without its critics, either. Prattis (1982)[1] argued that the strict distinction between primitive and modern economies in substantivism is problematic. Constraints on transactional modes are situational rather than systemic (he therefore implies that substantivism focuses on social structures at the expensive of analyzing individual agency). Non-maximizing adaptation strategies occur in all societies, not just in "primitive" ones. Similarly, Plattner (1989)[6] posited that some generalization across different societies are still possible, meaning that Western and non-Western economics are not entirely different. In an age of globalization there are probably hardly any "pure" preindustrial societies left. Conditions of resource scarcity can be said to exist anywhere in the world. It is significant to note anthropological fieldwork that demonstrates rational behavior and complex economic choices amongst peasants (cf. Plattner, 1989:15).[6] For example, individuals in communist societies can still engage in rational utility maximizing behavior by building relationships to bureaucrats who control distribution, or by using small plots of land in their garden to supplement official food rations. Cook observed that there are significant conceptual problems with the substantivists theorizing: "They define economics as an aspect of everything that provisions society but nothing that provisions society is defined as economic." (1973:809). While market exchange is dominant in the West, redistribution can also play a very significant role particularly in the more socialist or welfare-state Western societies such as France, Germany or Sweden. State and charity or religious organizations collect donations and then distribute them to needy groups (or use the funds to offer free or inexpensive social services). Culturalism can also be criticized from various perspectives. Marxists would argue that culturalists are too idealistic in their notion of the social construction of reality and too weak in their analysis of external (i.e. material) constraints on individuals that affect their livelihood choices. If, as Gudeman argues, local models cannot be objectively appraised or held against a universal standard, then there is also no way of deconstructing them in terms of

Economic anthropology ideologies propagated by the powerful that serve to neutralise resistance through hegemony. This is further complicated by the fact that in an age of globalization most cultures are being integrated into the global capitalist system and are influenced to conform to Western ways of thinking and acting. Local and global discourses are mixing and the distinctions between the two are beginning to blur. Even though people will retain aspects of their existing worldviews, universal models can be used to study the dynamics of their integration into the rest of the world. German economists Gunnar Heinsohn and Otto Steiger have acknowledged that market exchange is not universal and start from Karl Polanyi's distinction between systems based on reciprocity, redistribution and markets. However, they criticize both substantivists and formalists for being unable to provide a satisfactory explanation for market rationality and its historical origins. They developed a novel explanation for the origins of property, contracts, credit, money and markets that they term the "property theory of interest, money and markets".[7] They apply their model to development economics, where an understanding of dynamic markets is essential since the task is to create them where they have not existed before.[8]

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References
[1] Prattis, J. I. (1982). "Synthesis, or a New Problematic in Economic Anthropology". Theory and Society 11 (2): 205228. doi:10.1007/BF00158741. [2] Polanyi, K. (1968). The Economy as Instituted Process. in Economic Anthropology E LeClair, H Schneider (eds) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. ISBN9780030717956. [3] Granovetter, M. (1985). "Economic action and social structure: the problem of embeddedness". The American Journal of Sociology 91 (3): 481510. doi:10.1086/228311. [4] Gudeman, S. (1986). Economics as culture : models and metaphors of livelihood. London: Routledge. ISBN9780710205605. [5] Hann, C. M. (2000). Social Anthropology. London: Teach Yourself. ISBN9780340724828. [6] Plattner, S. (1989). Economic Anthropology. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN9780804716451. [7] Gunnar Heinsohn (2006): Karl Polanyi's Failure to Exploit his Success: Why the Controversy between Substantivists and the Neoclassical Protagonists (Formalists) of an Eternal and Universal Market was Never Solved. (http:/ / www. scribd. com/ doc/ 54476615/ G-Heins-Symp) In: Steiger, Otto (Ed.): Property Economics. Property Rights, Creditor's Money and the Foundations of the Economy Marburg: Metropolis ; see also Gunnar Heinsohn, Otto Steiger (2007): Money, Markets and Property. In: Giacomin, Alberto and Marcuzzo, Maria (Eds.): Money and Markets. A doctrinal approach. New York: Routledge, pp. 59-79 ISBN 9780415384032; G. Heinsohn (1984): Privateigentum, Patriarchat, Geldwirtschaft. Eine sozialtheoretische Rekonstruktion zur Antike. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp ISBN 9783518280553; G. Heinsohn, Otto Steiger (1996): Eigentum, Zins und Geld. Ungelste Rtsel der Wirtschaftswissenschaft. Reinbek: Rohwolt ISBN 9783498029333 (English: "Property, Interest and Money", London: Routledge, forthcoming) [8] Otto Steiger (2007): Property Rights and Economic Development: Two Views. Marburg: Metropolis ( forthcoming (http:/ / www. metropolis-verlag. de/ Property-Rights-and-Economic-Development:-Two-Views/ 483/ book. do))

Further reading
Earle, Timothy (2008). "economic anthropology," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. (http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_E000009&q=Economic Anthropology &topicid=&result_number=1) Halperin, Rhoda H. "New and Old in Economic Anthropology" American Anthropologist 84(2): 339-349. 1982 (http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/122472629/abstract) Landa, J.T. (1994). Trust, Ethnicity, and Identity: Beyond the New Institutional Economics of Ethnic Trading Networks, Contract Law, and Gift-Exchange. University of Michigan Press. ISBN047210361X. Orlove, B. S. (1986). "Barter and Cash Sale on Lake Titicaca: A Test of Competing Approaches". Current Anthropology 27 (2): 85106. doi:10.1086/203399. Wilk, R. (1996). Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology. Westview Press. ISBN0813320593.

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External links
The Society for Economic Anthropology (http://seawiki.wikidot.com/) Faculty Page of Michael Chibnik, Faculty Member and teacher of Economic Anthropology at The University of Iowa (http://www.uiowa.edu/~anthro/chibnik.shtml)

Ethnobiology
Ethnobiology is the scientific study of dynamic relationships between peoples, biota, and environments, from the distant past to the immediate present.[1] "People-biota-environment" interactions around the world are documented and studied through time, across cultures, and across disciplines in a search for valid, reliable answers to two 'defining' questions: "How and in what ways do human societies use nature, and how and in what ways do human societies view nature?"[2]

History
Beginnings (15th century-19th century)
Naturalists have been interested in local biological knowledge since the time Europeans started colonising the world, from the 15th century onwards.[3] Europeans not only sought to understand the new regions they intruded into but also were on the look-out for resources that they might profitably exploit, engaging in practices that today we should consider tantamount to biopiracy. Many new crops .. entered into Europe during this period, such as the potato, tomato, pumpkin, maize, and tobacco.[3] (Page 121) Local biological knowledge, collected and sampled over these early centuries significantly informed the early development of modern biology[3] :
16th Century English map of the world showing extent of western geographic knowledge at that time (1599)

during the 17th century Georg Eberhard Rumphius benefited from local biological knowledge in producing his catalogue, "Herbarium Amboinense", covering more than 1 200 species of the plants of Indonesia; during the 18th century, Carl Linnaeus relied upon Rumphius's work, and also corresponded with other people all around the world when developing the biological classification scheme that now underlies the arrangement of much of the accumulated knowledge of the biological sciences. during the 19th century, Charles Darwin, the 'father' of evolutionary theory, on his Voyage of the Beagle took interest in the local biological knowledge of peoples he encountered.

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Phase I (1900s-1940s)
Ethnobiology itself, as a distinctive practice, only emerged during the 20th century as part of the records then being made about other peoples, and other cultures. As a practice, it was nearly always ancillary to other pursuits when documenting others' languages, folklore, and natural resource use: At it earliest and most rudimentary, this comprised listing the names and uses of plants and animals in native non-Western or 'traditional' populations often in the context of salvage ethnography ..[ie] ethno-biology as the descriptive biological knowledge of 'primitive' peoples.[4] This 'first phase' in the development of ethnobiology as a practice has been described as still having an essentially utilitarian purpose, often focusing on identifying those 'native' plants, animals and technologies of some potential use and value within increasingly dominant western economic systems[4] [5]

Phase II (1950s-1970s)
Arising out of practices in Phase I (above) came a 'second phase' in the development of 'ethnobiology', with researchers now striving to better document and better understand how other peoples' themselves "conceptualise and categorise" the natural world around them.[4] By the mid-20th century .. utilitarian-focussed studies started to give way to more cognitively framed ones, notably studies that centred on elucidating classificatory schemes.[3] (Page 122) This 'second' phase is marked[4] : in Northern America (mid 1950s) with Harold Conklin's completing his doctorate entitled "The relation of Hanuno [6] culture to the plant world"[7] in Britain (mid 1960s) with the publication of Claude Lvi-Strauss' book The Savage Mind[8] legitimating "folk biological classification" as a worthy cross-cultural research endeavour in France (mid 1970s) with Andr-Georges Haudricourt's linguistic studies of botanical nomenclature[9] and R. Porteres' and others work in economic biology.[10]

Some Mangyan (who count the Hanuno among their members) men, on Mindoro island, Philippines, where Harold Conklin did his ethnobiological work

Present (1980s-2000s)
By the turn of the 20th century ethnobiological practices, research, and findings have had a significant impact and influence across a number of fields of biological inquiry including ecology,[11] conservation biology,[12] development studies,[13] and political ecology.[14] The Society of Ethnobiology advises on its web page: Ethnobiology is a rapidly growing field of research, gaining professional, student, and public interest .. internationally Ethnobiology has come out from its place as an ancillary practice in the shadows of other core pursuits, to arise as a whole field of inquiry and research in its own right: taught within many tertiary institutions and educational programmes around the world;[4] with its own methods manuals,[15] its own readers,[16] and its own textbooks[17]

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Subjects of Inquiry
Usage
All societies make use of the biological world in which they are situated, but there are wide differences in use, informed by perceived need, available technology, and the culture's sense of morality and sustainability. Ethnobiologists investigate what lifeforms are used for what purposes, the particular techniques of use, the reasons for these choices, and symbolic and spiritual implications of them.

Taxonomy
Different societies divide the living world up in different ways. Ethnobiologists attempt to record the words used in particular cultures for living things, from the most specific terms (analogous to species names in Linnean biology) to more general terms (such as 'tree' and even more generally 'plant'). They also try to understand the overall structure or hierarchy of the classification system (if there is one; there is ongoing debate as to whether there must always be an implied hierarchy.[18]

Cosmological, Moral and Spiritual Significance

Societies invest themselves and their world with meaning partly through their answers to questions like "how did the world happen?", "how and why did people come to be?", "what are proper practices, and why?", and "what realities exist beyond or behind our physical experience?" Understanding these elements of a societies' perspective is important to cultural research in general, and ethnobiologists investigate how a societies' view of the natural world informs and is informed by them.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge

In order to live effectively in a given place, a people needs to understand the particulars of their environment, and many traditional societies have complex and subtle understandings of the places in which they live. Ethnobiologists seek to share in these understandings, subject to ethical concerns regarding intellectual property and cultural appropriation.

Subdisciplines
Ethnobotany
Ethnobotany investigates the relationship between human societies and plants: how humans use plants- as food, technology, medicine, and in ritual contexts; how they view and understand them; and their symbolic and spiritual role in a culture.

Ethnozoology
The subfield ethnozoology focuses on the relationship between animals and humans throughout human history. It studies human practices such as hunting, fishing and animal husbandry in space and time, and human perspectives about animals such as their place in the moral and spiritual realms.

Ethnoecology
Ethnoecology refers to an increasingly dominant 'ethnobiological' research paradigm focused, primarily, on documenting, describing, and understanding how other peoples perceive, manage, and use whole ecosystems.

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Other Disciplines
Studies and writings within ethnobiology involve and draw upon the research and researchers from across such disciplines and fields of knowledge as;[1] archaeology, geography, linguistics, systematics, population biology, ecology, cultural anthropology, ethnography, pharmacology, nutrition, conservation, and sustainable development.

Ethics
Through much of the history of ethnobiology, its practitioners were primarily from dominant cultures, and the benefit of their work often accrued to the dominant culture, with little control or benefit invested in the indigenous peoples whose practice and knowledge they recorded. Just as many of those indigenous societies work to assert legitimate control over physical resources such as traditional lands or artistic and ritual objects, many work to assert legitimate control over their intellectual property. In an age when the potential exists for large profits from the discovery of, for example, new food crops or medicinal plants, modern ethnobiologists must consider intellectual property rights, the need for informed consent, the potential for harm to informants, and their "debt to the societies in which they work".[19] Furthermore, these questions must be considered not only in light of western industrialized nations' common understanding of ethics and law, but also in light of the ethical and legal standards of the societies from which the ethnobiologist draws information.[20]

Footnotes
[1] Society of Ethnobiology's "What is Ethnobiology" webpage (http:/ / www. ethnobiology. org/ education/ whatis. html) Accessed 12 April 2008 [2] Berlin, Brent (1992) Page 4 [3] Sillitoe, Paul (2006) [4] Ellen, Roy (2006) [5] Examples of studies from this 'first' phase in the development of ethnobiology include Stevenson (1915), Castetter (1944) and Harrington (1947) [6] http:/ / www. mangyan. org/ tribal/ index. html#hanunoo [7] Conklin, H.C. (1954) [8] Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1966) [9] Haudricourt, Andre-Georges (1973) [10] Porteres, R. (1977) [11] for instances of ethnobiology's influence on ecology, see Bale (1998); Plotkin (1995); Schultes & von Reis (1995) [12] for instances of ethnobiology's influence on conservation biology see Cunningham (2001); Johannes (1989); Laird (2002); Tuxill & Nabhan (2001) [13] for an instancing of ethnobiology's influence on development studies, see Warren, Slikkerveer & Brokensha (1995) [14] for an instancing of ethnobiology's influence on political ecology see Zerner (2000) [15] Ethnbiology methods manuals include Alexiades (1996) and Martin (1995) [16] one Ethnobiology reader is Minnis (2000)

Ethnobiology
[17] [18] [19] [20] one Ethnobiology textbook is Cotton (1996) Ellen, Roy (1993) pages 216 forward Code of Ethics of the American Anthropological Association, section A (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ committees/ ethics/ ethcode. htm) Dodson (2007)

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References
ALEXIADES, M.N. (1996) Selected guidelines for ethnobotanical research: a field manual. The New York Botanical Garden. New York. BALLEE, W (1998) (ed.) Advances in historical ecology. New York: Columbia University Press. BERLIN, Brent (1992) Ethnobiological Classification - Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies. Princeton University Press, 1992. CASTETTER, E.F. (1944) "The domain of ethnobiology". The American Naturalist. Volume 78. Number 774. Pages 158-170. CONKLIN, H.C. (1954) The relation of Hanuno culture to the plant world. Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University. COTTON, C.M (1996) Ethnobotany: principles and applications. John Wiley. London. CUNNINGHAM, A.B (2001) Applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use and conservation. Earthscan. London DODSON, Michael (2007). "Report of the Secretariat on Indigenous traditional knowledge" (http://www.un. org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/6_session_dodson.pdf) (PDF). Report to the United Nation's Economic and Social Council's Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Sixth Session, New York, 1425 May. United Nation's Economic and Social Council. New York. Retrieved 2007-11-28. ELLEN, Roy (1993) The Cultural Relations of Classification, an Analysis of Nuaulu Animal Categories from Central Seram. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ELLEN, Roy (2006). "Introduction" (http://www.kent.ac.uk/anthropology/files/jrai_270.pdf) (PDF). Special Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. S1-S22. Retrieved 2008-04-21. HARRINGTON, J.P (1947) "Ethnobiology". Acta Americana. Number 5. Pages 244-247 HAUDRICOURT, Andre-Georges (1973) "Botanical nomenclature and its translation." In M. Teich & R Young (Eds) Changing perspectives in the history of science: Essays in honour of Joseph Needham Heinemann. London. Pages 265-273. JOHANNES, R.E (Ed)(1989) Traditional ecological knowledge. IUCN, The World Conservation Union. Cambridge LAIRD, S.A. (Ed) (2002) Biodiversity and traditional knowledge: equitable partnerships in practice. Earthscan. London. LEVI-STRAUSS, Claude (1966). The savage mind. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London. MARTIN, G.J (1995) Ethnobotany: a methods manual. Chapman & Hall. London. MINNIS, P (Ed) (2000) Ethnobotany: a reader. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman. PLOTKIN, M.J (1995) "The importance of ethnobotany for tropical forest conservation." in R.E. Schultes & Siri von Reis (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Pages 147-156. PORTERES, R. (1977)."Ethnobotanique." Encyclopaedia Universalis Organum Number 17. Pages 326-330. POSEY, D.A & W. L. Overal (Eds.), 1990) Ethnobiology: Implications and Applications. Proceedings of the First International Congress of Ethnobiology. Belm: Museu Paraense Emlio Goeldi. POSEY, D. A. (Ed.), (1999) Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. London: United Nations Environmental Programme & Intermediate Technology Publications. SCHULTES, R.E. & VON REIS, S (1995) (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Part 6. SILLITOE, Paul (2006) "Ethnobiology and applied anthropology: rapprochement of the academic with the practical". Special Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute S119-S142 STEVENSON, M.C. (1914) "Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians." Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report. Volume 30. Number 31102, Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.

Ethnobiology TUXILL, J & NABHAN, G.P (2001) People, plants and protected area. Earthscan. London. WARREN, D.M; SLIKKERVEER, L; & BROKENSHA, D. (Eds) (1995) The cultural dimension of development: indigenous knowledge systems. Intermediate Technology Publications. London. ZERNER, C (Ed) (2000) People, plants and justice: the politics of nature conservation. Columbia University Press. New York.

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External links
Biology on-line "Ethnobiology" articles (http://www.biology-online.org/kb/biology_articles/ethnobiology. html) Ethnobiology Traditional Biological Knowledge in Contemporary Global Context. (Athabasca University Course Resource List) (http://www.athabascau.ca/courses/anth/491/resources.htm) International Society of Ethnobiology (http://www.ethnobiology.net/) Journal of Ethnobiology (http://ethnobiology.org/journal/) Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (http://www.ethnobiomed.com/) Society of Ethnobiology (http://ethnobiology.org)

Ethnography
Ethnography (from Greek ethnos = folk/people and grapho = to write) is a qualitative method aimed to learn and understand cultural phenomena which reflect the knowledge and system of meanings guiding the life of a cultural group.[1] [2] It was pioneered in the field of socio-cultural anthropology but has also become a popular method in various other fields of social sciencesparticularly in sociology,[3] communication studies, history. that studies people, ethnic groups and other ethnic formations, their ethnogenesis, composition, resettlement, social welfare characteristics, as well as their material and spiritual culture.[4] It is often employed for gathering empirical data on human societies and cultures. Data collection is often done through participant observation, interviews, questionnaires, etc. Ethnography aims to describe the nature of those who are studied (i.e. to describe a people, an ethnos) through writing.[5] In the biological sciences, this type of study might be called a "field study" or a "case report", both of which are used as common synonyms for "ethnography".[6]

Data collection methods

Data collection methods are meant to capture the "social meanings and ordinary activities" [7] of people (informants) in "naturally occurring settings" [7] that are commonly referred to as the field. The goal is to collect data in such a way that the researcher does not impose any of their own bias on the data.[7] Multiple methods of data collection may be employed to facilitate a relationship that allows for a more personal and in-depth portrait of the informants and their community. These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys. Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but with all information available later for full analysis. Secondary research and document analysis are also employed to provide insight into the research topic. In the past kinship charts were commonly used to "discover logical patterns and social structure in non-Western societies".[8] However anthropology today focuses more on the study of urban settings and the use of kinship charts is seldom employed. In order to accomplish a neutral observation a great deal of reflexivity on the part of the researcher is required. Reflexivity asks us "to explore the ways in which a researcher's involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research".[9] Despite these attempts of reflexivity no researcher can be totally unbiased, which has provided a basis to criticize ethnography.

Ethnography Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a community, selecting knowledgeable informants who know the activities of the community well.[10] These informants are typically asked to identify other informants who represent the community, often using chain sampling.[10] This process is often effective in revealing common cultural common denominators connected to the topic being studied.[10] Ethnography relies greatly on up-close, personal experience. Participation, rather than just observation, is one of the keys to this process.[11] Ethnography is very useful in social research.

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Differences across disciplines

The ethnographic method is used across a range of different disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also frequently by sociologists. Cultural studies, economics, social work, education, ethnomusicology, folklore, religious studies geography, history, linguistics, communication studies, performance studies, advertising, psychology, usability and criminology are other fields which have made use of ethnography.

Cultural and Social Anthropology

Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisaw Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore by famous Russian ethnographer and naturalist ( "The moon man") (1875) Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place such a high value on actually doing ethnographic research that ethnologythe comparative synthesis of ethnographic informationis rarely the foundation for a career. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views of where the culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is common.[12] Ethnographies are also sometimes called "case studies."[13] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a specific kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life. Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part in events they study because it helps with understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples are Carol Stack's All Our Kin, Jean Briggs' "Never in Anger", Richard Lee's "Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers", Victor Turner's "Forest of Symbols", David Maybry-Lewis' "Akew-Shavante Society", E.E. Evans-Pritchard's "The Nuer" and Claude Lvi-Strauss' "Tristes Tropiques". Iterations of ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist camp include Bartholomew Dean's recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[14] A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[15] [16] and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in Bronisaw Malinowski among Trobriand tribe physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[17] Practices of childrearing, acculturation and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[18] Rites, rituals, and other

Ethnography evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[19] As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values, worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. Clifford Geertz's own fieldwork used elements of a phenomenological approach to fieldwork, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"[20] of culture. Within cultural anthropology, there are several sub-genres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s, anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic research. Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Claude Lvi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan). Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. Famous examples include "Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight" by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow, The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. "Experimental" ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun. This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can, in large part, can be traced to the influence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[21] Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape their own particular viewpoint in creating an ethnographic account thus making any claims of objective neutrality on the part of their representation highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[22] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so without laying claiming to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[23] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology' and 'narrative ethnography,' Writing Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[24] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice wherein active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped meld, in certain instances, the practice of collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the actual ethnographic product that emerges from the research itself.[24] [25] [26]

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Sociology
Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School in particular are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Some of the influence for this can be traced to the anthropologist Lloyd Warner who was on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded several excellent sociological ethnographies, including Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in the discipline of sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and France, Paul Willis's Learning To Labour on working class youth, and the work of Elijah Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, Loic Wacquant on black America and Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa, 2010 Lai Olurode. But even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.

Communication studies
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely employed by communication scholars. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen's [27] analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, working class neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication. Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communication behaviors, seeking to answer the "why" and "how come" questions of human communication.[28] Often this type of research results in a case study or field study such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during "down time" at a fire station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[29]

Other fields
The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the classroom. Anthropologists like Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being "a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers."[30] Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services, as indicated in the increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference is evidence of this. Ethnographers' systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what they actually doavoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.

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Evaluating ethnography
Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and emotionalism). Ethnographic studies nonetheless need to be evaluated in some manner. While there is no consensus on evaluation standards, Richardson (2000, p.254)[31] provides 5 criteria that ethnographers might find helpful. 1. Substantive Contribution: "Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social-life?" 2. Aesthetic Merit: "Does this piece succeed aesthetically?" 3. Reflexivity: "How did the author come to write this textIs there adequate self-awareness and self-exposure for the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[32] 4. Impact: "Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me? 5. Expresses a Reality: "Does it seem 'true'a credible account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"

Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over time, but nonetheless are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they claim or assume to be and that "each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know".[33] Fine is not necessarily casting blame or pointing his finger at ethnographic researchers, but rather is attempting to show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in actuality are inherently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that "illusions" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, we reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold".[34] Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: "Classic Virtues," "Technical Skills," and "Ethnographic Self." Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose after the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomamo people of South America. While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work.[35] The Association has generated a code of ethics approved in February 2009 which states that Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of other groups, such as the family, religion, and community, as well as the profession".[36] The code of ethics goes on to note that anthropologists are also part of a wider scholarly and political network as well as human and natural environment which needs to be reported on respectfully.[36] The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes very close and personal relationship can sometimes emerge out of doing ethnographic work.[36] The American Anthropological Association does recognize that the code is a bit limited in scope mainly because doing ethnographic work can sometimes be multidisciplinary and anthropologists need to familiarize themselves with ethic not only from an anthropological perspective but also from the perspectives of other disciplines.[37] The eight page code of ethics outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Application and Dissemination of Results which are briefly outlined below.[38] Conducting Research-When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the research on the people and animals they study.[39] If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[39]

Ethnography Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[40] Application-When conducting an ethnography Anthropologists must be "open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work." [41] Dissemination of Results-When disseminating results of an ethnography the code notes that "[a]nthropologists have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or dissemination of the results of their research on all direcrly or indirectly involved." [42] Research results of ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other people.[41]

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Classic virtues
"The kindly ethnographer" Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they actually are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is different from who we are in other circumstances. "The friendly ethnographer" Ethnographers operate under the assumption that they should not dislike anyone. In actuality, when hated individuals are found within research, ethnographers often crop them out of the findings. "The honest ethnographer" If research participants know the research goals, their responses will likely be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal what they know in order to increase the likelihood of acceptance.[43]

Technical skills
"The Precise Ethnographer" Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what "really" happened. They engage in the opposite of plagiarism, giving credit to those undeserving by not using precise words but rather loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth. "The Observant Ethnographer" Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because they are not omniscient. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. The ability of the ethnographer to take notes and observe varies, and therefore, what is depicted in ethnography is not the whole picture. "The Unobtrusive Ethnographer" As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on the communication that occurs within the research site. The degree to which one is an "active member" affects the extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[44]

The ethnographic self

The following appellations are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers: "The Candid Ethnographer" Where the researcher situates themselves within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported has actually happened because the researcher has been directly exposed to it. "The Chaste Ethnographer" When ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop relationships with research subjects/participants. These relationships are sometimes not accounted for within the reporting of the ethnography despite the fact that they seemingly would influence the research findings. "The Fair Ethnographer" Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in their findings.

Ethnography "The Literary Ethnographer" Representation is a balancing act of determining what to "show" through poetic/prosaic language and style versus what to "tell" via straightforward, factual reporting. The idiosyncratic skill of the ethnographer influences the face-value of the research.[45] eight principles should be considered for observing, recording and sampling data according to Denzin: 1. The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction. 2. Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientific perceptions of reality. 3. Link the group's symbols and their meanings with the social relationships. 4. Record all behaviour. 5. Methodology should highlight phases of process, change and stability. 6. The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism. 7. Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.

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References
[1] Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture. In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp 3-30). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers [2] Philipsen, G. (1992). Speaking Culturally: Explorations in Social Communication. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press [3] "Ethnology" at dictionary.com (http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ ethnology). [4] , (1978) (in Russian). (http:/ / historia-site. narod. ru/ library/ ethnology/ tokarev_main. htm). . . [5] Maynard, M. & Purvis, J. (1994). Researching women's loves from a feminist perspective. London: Taylor & Frances. p. 76 [6] Boaz. N.T. & Wolfe, L.D. (1997). Biological anthropology. Published by International Institute for Human Evolutionary Research. Page 150. [7] [Brewer, John D. (2000). Ethnography. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.10.] [8] (http:/ / www. anthrobase. com/ Dic/ eng/ def/ kinship. html) [9] [nightingale, David & Cromby, John. Social Constructionist Psychology: A Critical Analysis of Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.228.] [10] G. David Garson (2008). "Ethnographic Research: Statnotes, from North Carolina State University, Public Administration Program" (http:/ / faculty. chass. ncsu. edu/ garson/ PA765/ ethno. htm). Faculty.chass.ncsu.edu. . Retrieved 2011-03-27. [11] Genzuk, Michael, PH.D., A Synthesis of Ethnographic (http:/ / www-bcf. usc. edu/ ~genzuk/ Ethnographic_Research. html), Center for Multilingual, Multicultural Research, University of Southern California [12] Naroll, Raoul. Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthropology. [13] Chavez, Leo. "Shadowed Lives: Undocumented workers in American society (Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology). 1997 Prentice Hall. [14] "University Press of Florida: Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia" (http:/ / www. upf. com/ book. asp?id=DEANXS07). Upf.com. 2009-11-15. . Retrieved 2011-03-27. [15] Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology. 2006. Prentice Hall, Chapter One [16] Heider, Karl. Seeing Anthropology. 2001. Prentice Hall, Chapters One and Two. [17] cf. Ember and Ember 2006, Heider 2001 op cit. [18] Ember and Ember 2006, op cit., Chapters 7 and 8 [19] Truner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols. remainder of citation forthcoming [20] Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Culture Chapter one. [21] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010). New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pgs. 1-4 [22] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN 978-1-55111-871-0. Pg. 190 [23] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN 978-1-55111-871-0. Pgs. 190-191 [24] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010). New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pg. 12 [25] Luke E. Lassiter. 'From "Reading over the Shoulders of Natives" to "Reading alongside Natives", Literally: Toward a Collaborative and Reciprocal Ethnography'. (2001). Journal of Anthropologcal Research, 57(2):137-149 [26] Luke E. Lassiter. 'Collaborative Ethnography and Public Anthropology'. (2005). Current Anthropology, 46(1):83-106 [27] http:/ / oak. cats. ohiou. edu/ ~mv537899/ sc. htm [28] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication research: Strategies and sources. Belmont, California: Thomson Wadworth. pp. 229. [29] Bentz, V. M., and Shapiro, J. J. (1998). Mindful inquiry in social research. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. pp. 117.

Ethnography
[30] Salvador [31] Richardson,L. (2000). Evaluating ethnography. Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 253-255 [32] For postcolonial critiques of ethnography from various locations, see essays in Prem Poddar et al, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008. [33] Fine, p. 267 [34] Fine, p. 291 [35] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ issues/ policy-advocacy/ upload/ AAA-Ethics-Code-2009. pdf, p.1 [36] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1 [37] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2 [38] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1-8 [39] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2-3 [40] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.4 [41] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5 [42] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5-6 [43] Fine, p. 270-77 [44] Fine, p. 277-81 [45] Fine, p. 282-89

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Suggested Reading
Agar, Michael (1996) The Professional Stranger: An Informal Introduction to Ethnography. Academic Press. Clifford, James & George E. Marcus (Eds.). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. (1986). Berkeley: University of California Press. Douglas, Mary and Baron Isherwood (1996) The World of Goods: Toward and Anthropology of Consumption. Routledge, London. Erickson, Ken C. and Donald D. Stull (1997) Doing Team Ethnography : Warnings and Advice. Sage, Beverly Hills. Fine, G. A. (1993). Ten lies of ethnography. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 22(3), p.267-294. Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures. Heath, Shirley Brice & Brian Street, with Molly Mills. On Ethnography. Hymes, Dell. (1974). Foundations in sociolinguistics: An ethnographic approach. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2005) Window on Humanity : A Concise Introduction to General Anthropology, (pages 23, 16-17, 34-44). McGraw Hill, New York. Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Miller, Daniel (1987) Material Culture and Mass Consumption. Blackwell, London. Spradley, James P. (1979) The Ethnographic Interview. Wadsworth Group/Thomson Learning. Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management Journal. Van Maanen, John. 1988. Tales of the Field: On Writing Ethnography Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Westbrook, David A. Navigators of the Contemporary: Why Ethnography Matters. (2008). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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External links
100 of the Most Influential Ethnographies and Anthropology Texts (http://www.architectonictokyo.com/ architokyo/100_of_the_Most_Influential_Ethnographies_and_Anthropology_Texts.html) Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference (http://www.epiconference.com) Genzuk, Michael (2003) A Synthesis of Ethnographic Research (http://www-rcf.usc.edu/~genzuk/ Ethnographic_Research.html) Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/anthro.html) - Over 160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online. Ross Archive of African Images (http://raai.library.yale.edu/site/index.php) Ethnographic material collection from Northern Anatolia and Caucasus -Photo Gallery (http://www.karalahana. com/fotograflar/thumbnails.php?album=9) Ethnography.com (http://www.ethnography.com) A community based Ethnography website for academic and professional ethnographers and interested parties New Zealand Museum (http://collections.tepapa.govt.nz/) Images of objects from Pacific cultures. University of Pennsylvania's "What is Ethnography?" (http://www.sas.upenn.edu/anthro/anthro/ whatisethnography) Penn's Public Interest Anthropology Web Site American Ethnography -- Definitions: What is Ethnography? (http://www.americanethnography.com/ ethnography.php) A collection of quotes about ethnography (Malinowski, Lvi-Strauss, Geertz, ...) Doing ethnographies (http://www.qmrg.org.uk/files/2008/12/58-doing-ethnographies.pdf) (Concepts and Techniques in Modern Geography) Cornell University Library Southeast Asia Visions (http://dlxs2.library.cornell.edu/s/sea/index.php) Ethnography for the masses (http://www.2cv.co.uk/documents/19Ethnography for the Masses.pdf) 2CV's Practical Application of Ethnography in Market Research Scott Polar Research Institute (http://www.spri.cam.ac.uk/museum/catalogue/armc/) Arctic Material Culture Collection

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Ethnology
Ethnology (from the Greek , ethnos meaning "people, nation, race") is the branch of anthropology that compares and analyzes the origins, distribution, technology, religion, language, and social structure of the ethnic, racial, and/or national divisions of humanity.[1]

Scientific discipline
Compared to ethnography, the study of single groups through direct contact with the culture, ethnology takes the research that ethnographers have compiled and then compares and contrasts different cultures. The term ethnology is credited to Adam Franz Kollr who used and defined it in his Historiae ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates published in Vienna in 1783.[2] Kollr's interest in linguistic and cultural diversity was aroused by the situation in his native multi-lingual Kingdom of Hungary and his roots among its Slovaks, and by the shifts that began to emerge after the gradual retreat of the Ottoman Empire in the more distant Balkans.[3] Among the goals of ethnology have been the reconstruction of human history, and the formulation of cultural invariants, such as the incest taboo and culture change, and the formulation of generalizations about "human nature", a concept which has been criticized since the 19th century by various philosophers (Hegel, Marx, structuralism, etc.). In some parts of the world ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical doctrine, with cultural anthropology becoming dominant especially in the United States, and social anthropology in Great Britain. The distinction between the three terms is increasingly blurry. Ethnology has been considered an academic field since the late 18th century especially in Europe and is sometimes conceived of as any comparative study of human groups. The 15th century exploration of America by European explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of the Occidental, such as, the notion of the "Other". This term was used in conjunction with "savages", which was either seen as a brutal barbarian, or alternatively, as "noble savage". Thus, civilization was opposed in a dualist manner to barbary, a classic opposition constitutive of the even more commonly-shared ethnocentrism. The progress of ethnology, for example with Claude Lvi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a linear progress, or the pseudo-opposition between "societies with histories" and "societies without histories", judged too dependent on a limited view of history as constituted by accumulative growth. Lvi-Strauss often referred to Montaigne's essay on cannibalism as an early example of ethnology. Lvi-Strauss aimed, through a structural method, at discovering universal invariants in human society, chief among which he believed to be the incest taboo. However, the claims of such cultural universalism have been criticized by various 19th and 20th century social thinkers, including Marx, Nietzsche, Foucault, Althusser and Deleuze. The French school of ethnology was particularly significant for the development of the discipline since the early 1950s with Marcel Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Claude Lvi-Strauss and Jean Rouch.

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Scholars
List of scholars of ethnology

References
[1] Newman, Garfield, et al. (2008). Echoes from the past: world history to the 16th century. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Ltd. ISBN0-07-088739-X. [2] Zmago mitek and Boidar Jezernik, "The anthropological tradition in Slovenia." In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldn, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995. [3] Gheorghi Gean, "Discovering the whole of humankind: the genesis of anthropology through the Hegelian looking-glass." In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldn, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.

Bibliography
Johann Georg Adam Forster Voyage round the World in His Britannic Majestys Sloop, Resolution, Commanded by Capt. James Cook, during the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5 (2 vols), London (1777) Lvi-Strauss, Claude, The Elementary Structures of Kinship, (1949), Structural Anthropology (1958) Marcel Mauss, originally published as Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l'change dans les socits archaques in 1925, this classic text on gift economy appears in the English edition as The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. Maybury-Lewis, David, Akwe-Shavante society. (1967), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples in Latin American States (2003) (http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog/MAYPOL.html?show=contents). Clastres, Pierre, Society Against the State (1974), Pop, Mihai and Glauco Sanga, Problemi generali dell'etnologia europea (http://links.jstor.org/ sici?sici=0391-9099(198004)1<89:PGDE>2.0.CO;2-O&size=LARGE&origin=JSTOR-enlargePage) La Ricerca Folklorica, No. 1, La cultura popolare. Questioni teoriche (Apr., 1980), pp.8996

External links
Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/) Languages (http://www.ethnologue.com/) describes the languages and ethnic groups found worldwide, grouped by host nation-state. Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/anthro.html) - Over 160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online. National Museum of Ethnology (http://www.minpaku.ac.jp/english/) - Osaka, Japan Turkish Ethnology Source (in Turkish) (http://etnoloji.kl7.org)

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Human
Human[1]

Conservation status

Least Concern (IUCN 3.1)[2] Scientific classification Kingdom: Phylum: Class: Order: Family: Tribe: Genus: Species: Animalia Chordata Mammalia Primates Hominidae Hominini Homo H. sapiens Binomial name Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 Subspecies Homo sapiens idaltu Homo sapiens sapiens

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Range of Homo sapiens (green)

Synonyms Humans (known taxonomically as Homo sapiens,[3] [4] Latin for "wise man" or "knowing man")[5] are the only living species in the Homo genus. Anatomically modern humans originated in Africa about 200,000 years ago, reaching full behavioral modernity around 50,000 years ago.[6] Humans have a highly developed brain and are capable of abstract reasoning, language, introspection, and problem solving. This mental capability, combined with an erect body carriage that frees the hands for manipulating objects, has allowed humans to make far greater use of tools than any other living species on Earth. Other higher-level thought processes of humans, such as self-awareness, rationality, and sapience,[7] [8] [9] are considered to be defining features of what constitutes a "person".[10] [11] Humans are uniquely adept at utilizing systems of communication for self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization. Humans create complex social structures composed of many cooperating and competing groups, from families to nations. Social interactions between humans have established an extremely wide variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of human society. With individuals widespread in every continent except Antarctica, humans are a cosmopolitan species. As of November 2011, the human population was estimated by the United Nations Population Division to be about 7billion,[12] and by the United States Census Bureau to be about 6.97billion.[13] Humans are noted for their desire to understand and influence their environment, seeking to explain and manipulate phenomena through science, philosophy, mythology, and religion. This natural curiosity has led to the development of advanced tools and skills, which are passed down culturally; humans are the only species known to build fires, cook their food, clothe themselves, create art, and use numerous other technologies. The study of humans is the scientific discipline of anthropology.

Etymology
Further information: Man (word)andList of alternative names for the human species The English adjective human is a Middle English loanword from Old French humain, ultimately from Latin hmnus, the adjective form of hom "man". The word's use as a noun (with a plural: humans) dates to the 16th century.[14] The native English term man is now often reserved for male adults, but the term mankind is occasionally used to refer to the species generally in Modern English. This use is considered by some to be obsolete.[15] The word is from Proto-Germanic *mannaz, from a Proto-Indo-European (PIE) root *man-, a cognate to Sanskrit manu-. The generic name Homo is a learned 18th century derivation from Latin hom "man", ultimately "earthly being" (Old Latin hem, a cognate to Old English guma "man", from PIE *demon-, meaning 'earth' or 'ground').[16]

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History
Evolution
Further information: Anthropology,Homo (genus),andTimeline of human evolution Scientific study of human evolution is concerned, primarily, with the development of the genus Homo, but usually involves studying other hominids and hominines as well, such as Australopithecus. "Modern humans" are defined as the Homo sapiens species, of which the only extant subspecies is known as Homo sapiens sapiens. Homo sapiens idaltu (roughly translated as "elder wise human"), the other known subspecies, is now extinct.[17] Homo neanderthalensis, which became extinct 30,000 years ago, has sometimes been classified as a subspecies, "Homo sapiens neanderthalensis"; genetic studies now suggest that the functional DNA of modern humans and Neanderthals diverged 500,000 years ago.[18] Similarly, the discovered specimens of the Homo rhodesiensis species have been classified by some as a subspecies, but this classification is not widely accepted.

Plesiadapis

Anatomically modern humans first appear in the fossil record in Africa about 195,000 years ago, and studies of molecular biology give evidence that the approximate time of divergence from the common ancestor of all modern human populations was 200,000 Craniums years ago.[19] [20] [21] [22] [23] The broad study of 1. Gorilla 2. Australopithecus 3. Homo erectus 4. Neanderthal (La Chapelle aux Saints) 5. Steinheim Skull 6. Euhominid African genetic diversity headed by Dr. Sarah Tishkoff found the San people to express the greatest genetic diversity among the 113 distinct populations sampled, making them one of 14 "ancestral population clusters". The research also located the origin of modern human migration in south-western Africa, near the coastal border of Namibia and Angola.[24] The evolutionary history of primates can be traced back 65 million years. Primates are one of the oldest of all surviving placental mammal groups. The oldest known primate-like mammal species (those of the genus Plesiadapis) come from North America, but inhabited Eurasia and Africa on a wide scale during the tropical conditions of the Paleocene and Eocene. Molecular evidence suggests that the last common ancestor between humans and the remaining great apes diverged 48 million years ago. The orangutans were the first group to split from the line leading to the humans, then gorillas followed by chimpanzees (genus Pan). The functional portion of human DNA is approximately 98.4% identical to that of chimpanzees when comparing single nucleotide polymorphisms (see human evolutionary genetics). Some studies put that as low as 94%. Therefore, the closest living relatives of humans are gorillas and chimpanzees, as they share a relatively recent common ancestor.[25] Humans are probably most closely related to two chimpanzee species: the Common Chimpanzee and the Bonobo.[25] Full genome sequencing has resulted in the conclusion that "after 6.5 [million] years of separate evolution, the differences between chimpanzee and human are ten times greater than those between two unrelated people and ten

Human times less than those between rats and mice". Current estimates of suggested concurrence between functional human and chimpanzee DNA sequences range between 95% and 99%;[26] [27] [28] [29] Early estimates indicated that the human lineage may have diverged from that of chimpanzees about five million years ago, and from that of gorillas about eight million years ago. However, a hominid skull discovered in Chad in 2001, classified as Sahelanthropus tchadensis, is approximately seven million years old, and may be evidence of an earlier divergence.[30] Human evolution is characterised by a number of important changesmorphological, developmental, physiological, and behaviouralwhich have taken place since the split between the last common ancestor of humans and chimpanzees. The first major morphological change was the evolution of a bipedal locomotor adaptation from an arboreal or semi-arboreal one,[31] with all its attendant adaptations (a valgus knee, low intermembral index (long legs relative to the arms), reduced upper-body strength). The human species developed a much larger brain than that of other primates typically 1,400cm in modern humans, over twice the size of that of a chimpanzee or gorilla. The pattern of human postnatal brain growth differs from that of other apes (heterochrony), and allows for extended periods of social learning and language acquisition in juvenile humans. Physical anthropologists argue that the differences between the structure of human brains and those of other apes are even more significant than their differences in size. Other significant morphological changes included the evolution of a power and precision grip,[32] a reduced masticatory system, a reduction of the canine tooth, and the descent of the larynx and hyoid bone, making speech possible. An important physiological change in humans was the evolution of hidden oestrus, or concealed ovulation, which may have coincided with the evolution of important behavioural changes, such as pair bonding. Another significant behavioural change was the development of material culture, with human-made objects becoming increasingly common and diversified over time. The relationship between all these changes is the subject of ongoing debate.[33] [34] The forces of natural selection have continued to operate on human populations, with evidence that certain regions of the genome display directional selection in the past 15,000 years.[35]

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Paleolithic
Further information: Recent African Origin,Archaic Homo sapiens,Upper Paleolithic,andEarly human migrations Anatomically modern humans evolved from archaic Homo sapiens in Africa in the Middle Paleolithic, about 200,000 years ago. By the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic period (50,000 BP [Before Present]), full behavioral modernity, including language, music and other cultural universals had developed. The out of Africa migration is estimated to have occurred about 70,000 years BP. Modern humans subsequently spread to all continents, replacing earlier hominids: they inhabited Eurasia and Oceania by 40,000 years BP, and the Americas at least 14,500 years BP.[36] A popular theory is that they displaced Homo neanderthalensis and other species descended from Homo erectus[37] (which had inhabited Eurasia as early as 2 million years ago) through more successful reproduction and competition for resources.[38] The exact manner or extent of the coexistence and interaction of these species is unknown and continues to be a controversial subject. Evidence from archaeogenetics accumulating since the 1990s has lent strong support to the "out-of-Africa" scenario, and has marginalized the competing multiregional hypothesis, which proposed that modern humans evolved, at least in part, from independent hominid populations.[39] Geneticists Lynn Jorde and Henry Harpending of the University of Utah propose that the variation in human DNA is minute compared to that of other species. They also propose that during the Late Pleistocene, the human population was reduced to a small number of breeding pairs no more than 10,000, and possibly as few as 1,000 resulting in a very small residual gene pool. Various reasons for this hypothetical bottleneck have been postulated, one being the Toba catastrophe theory.[40]

Artistic expression appeared in the Upper Paleolithic: The Venus of Doln Vstonice figurine, one of the earliest known depictions of the human body, dates to approximately 29,00025,000 BP (Gravettian).

Transition to civilization
Further information: History of the world Until c.10,000 years ago, most humans lived as hunter-gatherers. They generally lived in small nomadic groups known as band societies. The advent of agriculture prompted the Neolithic Revolution, when access to food surplus led to the formation of permanent human settlements, the domestication of animals and the use of metal tools for the first time in history. Agriculture encouraged trade and cooperation, and led to complex society. Because of the significance of this date for human society, it is the epoch of the Holocene calendar or Human Era. About 6,000 years ago, the first proto-states developed in Mesopotamia, Egypt's Nile Valley and the Indus
The rise of agriculture, and domestication of animals, led to stable human settlements.

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Valleys. Military forces were formed for protection, and government bureaucracies for administration. States cooperated and competed for resources, in some cases waging wars. Around 2,0003,000 years ago, some states, such as Persia, India, China, Rome, and Greece, developed through conquest into the first expansive empires. Influential religions, such as Judaism, originating in West Asia, and Hinduism, a religious tradition that originated in South Asia, also rose to prominence at this time.

The path followed by humans in the course of history

The late Middle Ages saw the rise of revolutionary ideas and technologies. In China, an advanced and urbanized society promoted innovations and sciences, such as printing and seed drilling. In India, major advancements were made in mathematics, philosophy, religion and metallurgy. The Islamic Golden Age saw major scientific advancements in Muslim empires. In Europe, the rediscovery of classical learning and inventions such as the printing press led to the Renaissance in the 14th and 15th centuries. Over the next 500years, exploration and colonialism brought great parts of the world under European control, leading to later struggles for independence. The Scientific Revolution in the 17th century and the Industrial Revolution in the 18th19th centuries promoted major innovations in transport, such as the railway and automobile; energy development, such as coal and electricity; and government, such as representative democracy and Communism. With the advent of the Information Age at the end of the 20th century, modern humans live in a world that has become increasingly globalized and interconnected. As of 2010, almost 2 billion humans are able to communicate with each other via the Internet,[41] and 3.3 billion by mobile phone subscriptions.[42] Although interconnection between humans has encouraged the growth of science, art, discussion, and technology, it has also led to culture clashes and the development and use of weapons of mass destruction. Human civilization has led to environmental destruction and pollution significantly contributing to the ongoing mass extinction of other forms of life called the holocene extinction event,[43] that may be further accelerated by global warming in the future.[44]

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Habitat and population

Further information: Human migration,Demography,andWorld population Early human settlements were dependent on proximity to water and, depending on the lifestyle, other natural resources used for subsistence, such as populations of animal prey for hunting and arable land for growing crops and grazing livestock. But humans have a great capacity for altering their habitats by means of technology; through irrigation, urban planning, construction, transport, manufacturing goods, deforestation and desertification. Deliberate habitat alteration is often done with the goals of increasing material wealth, increasing thermal comfort, improving the amount of food available, improving aesthetics, or improving ease of access to resources or other human settlements. With the advent of large-scale trade and transport infrastructure, proximity to these resources has become unnecessary, and in many places, these factors are no longer a driving force behind the growth and decline of a population. Nonetheless, the manner in which a habitat is altered is often a major determinant in population change. Technology has allowed humans to colonize all of the continents and adapt to virtually all climates. Within the last century, humans have explored Antarctica, the ocean depths, and outer space, although large-scale colonization of these environments is not yet feasible. With a population of over six billion, humans are among the most numerous of the large mammals. Most humans (61%) live in Asia. The remainder live in the Americas (14%), Africa (14%), Europe (11%), and Oceania (0.5%). Human habitation within closed ecological systems in hostile environments, such as Antarctica and outer space, is expensive, typically limited in duration, and restricted to scientific, military, or industrial expeditions. Life in space has been very sporadic, with no more than thirteen humans in space at any given time.[45] Between 1969 and 1972, two humans at a time spent brief intervals on the Moon. As of December 2011, no other celestial body has been visited by humans, although there has been a continuous human presence in space since the launch of the initial crew to inhabit the International Space Station on October 31, 2000. However, other celestial bodies have been visited by human-made objects. Since 1800, the human population has increased from one billion to over six billion.[46] In 2004, some 2.5 billion out of 6.3 billion people (39.7%) lived in urban areas, and this percentage is expected to continue to rise throughout the 21st century. In February 2008, the U.N. estimated that half the world's population will live in urban areas by the end of the year.[47] Problems for humans living in cities include various forms of pollution and crime,[48] especially in inner city and suburban slums. Humans have had a dramatic effect on the environment. As humans are rarely preyed upon, they have been described as superpredators.[49] Currently, through land development, combustion of fossil fuels and pollution, humans are thought to be the main contributor to global climate change.[50] Human activity is believed to be a major contributor to the ongoing Holocene extinction event, a form of mass extinction. If this continues at its current rate it is predicted that it will wipe out half of all species over the next century.[51] [52]
Humans often live in family-based social structures and create artificial shelter.

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Biology
Anatomy
Further information: Human physical appearanceandAnatomically modern humans Human body types vary substantially. Although body size is largely determined by genes, it is also significantly influenced by environmental factors such as diet and exercise. The average height of an adult human is about 1.5 to 1.8 m (5 to 6feet) tall, although this varies significantly from place to place and depending on ethnic origin.[53] The average mass of an adult human is 5464kg (120140lbs) for females and 7683kg (168183lbs) for males.[54] Weight can also vary greatly (e.g. obesity). Unlike most other primates, humans are capable of fully bipedal locomotion, thus leaving their arms available for manipulating objects using their hands, aided especially by opposable thumbs.

Basic anatomical features of female and male humans. These models have had body hair and male facial hair removed and head hair trimmed.

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Although humans appear hairless compared to other primates, with notable hair growth occurring chiefly on the top of the head, underarms and pubic area, the average human has more hair follicles on his or her body than the average chimpanzee. The main distinction is that human hairs are shorter, finer, and less heavily pigmented than the average chimpanzee's, thus making them harder to see.[55] The hue of human skin and hair is determined by the presence of pigments called melanins. Human skin hues can range from very dark brown to very pale pink. Human hair ranges from white to brown to red to most commonly black.[56] This depends on the amount of melanin (an effective sun blocking pigment) in the skin and hair, with hair melanin concentrations in hair fading with increased age, leading to grey or even white hair. Most researchers believe that skin darkening was an adaptation that evolved as a protection against ultraviolet solar radiation. However, more recently it has been argued that particular skin colors are an adaptation to balance folate, which is destroyed by Vitruvian Man, Leonardo da Vinci's image is often used as an ultraviolet radiation, and vitamin D, which requires implied symbol of the essential symmetry of the human body, and by sunlight to form.[57] The skin pigmentation of extension, of the universe as a whole. contemporary humans is geographically stratified, and in general correlates with the level of ultraviolet radiation. Human skin also has a capacity to darken (sun tanning) in response to exposure to ultraviolet radiation.[58] [59] Humans tend to be physically weaker than other similarly sized primates, with young, conditioned male humans having been shown to be unable to match the strength of female orangutans which are at least three times stronger.[60] The construction of the human pelvis differs from other primates, as do the toes. As a result, humans are slower for short distances than most other animals, but are among the best long-distance runners in the animal kingdom.[61] Humans' thinner body hair and more productive sweat glands also helps avoid heat exhaustion while running for long distances. For this reason persistence hunting was most likely a very successful strategy for early humans in this method, prey is chased until it is literally exhausted. This may have also helped the early human Cro-Magnon population out-compete the Neanderthal population for food. The otherwise physically stronger Neanderthal would have much greater difficulty hunting in this way, and much more likely hunted larger game in close quarters. A trade-off for these advantages of the modern human pelvis is that childbirth is more difficult and dangerous. The construction of modern human shoulders enable throwing weapons, which also were much more difficult or even impossible for Neanderthal competitors to use effectively.[62]

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Constituents of the human body in a person weighing 60kg[63]

Constituent Oxygen Carbon Hydrogen Nitrogen Other Weight 38.8kg 10.9kg 6.0kg 1.9kg 2.4kg Percentage of atoms 25.5% 9.5% 63.0% 1.4% 0.6%

The dental formula of Humans is the following:

. Humans have proportionately shorter palates and much

smaller teeth than other primates. They are the only primates to have short, relatively flush canine teeth. Humans have characteristically crowded teeth, with gaps from lost teeth usually closing up quickly in young specimens. Humans are gradually losing their wisdom teeth, with some individuals having them congenitally absent.[64]

Physiology
Human physiology is the science of the mechanical, physical, and biochemical functions of humans in good health, their organs, and the cells of which they are composed. The principal level of focus of physiology is at the level of organs and systems. Most aspects of human physiology are closely homologous to corresponding aspects of animal physiology, and animal experimentation has provided much of the foundation of physiological knowledge. Anatomy and physiology are closely related fields of study: anatomy, the study of form, and physiology, the study of function, are intrinsically tied and are studied in tandem as part of a medical curriculum.

Genetics
Humans are a eukaryotic species. Each diploid cell has two sets of 23 chromosomes, each set received from one parent. There are 22 pairs of autosomes and one pair of sex chromosomes. By present estimates, humans have approximately 20,00025,000 genes. Like other mammals, humans have an XY sex-determination system, so that females have the sex chromosomes XX and males have XY. The X chromosome carries many genes not on the Y chromosome, which means that recessive diseases associated with X-linked genes, such as haemophilia, affect men more often than women.

Life cycle
The zygote divides inside the female's uterus to become an embryo, which over a period of thirty-eight weeks (9 months) of gestation becomes a fetus. After this span of time, the fully grown fetus is birthed from the woman's body and breathes independently as an infant for the first time. At this point, most modern cultures recognize the baby as a person entitled to the full protection of the law, though some jurisdictions extend various levels of personhood earlier to human fetuses while they remain in the uterus. Compared with other species, human childbirth is dangerous. Painful labors lasting twenty-four hours or more are not uncommon and sometimes leads to the death of A 10mm human embryo at 5 weeks the mother, or the child.[65] This is because of both the relatively large fetal head circumference (for housing the brain) and the mother's relatively narrow pelvis (a trait required for successful bipedalism, by way of natural selection).[66] [67] The chances of a successful labor increased significantly during the 20th century in wealthier countries with the advent of new medical technologies. In contrast, pregnancy and natural childbirth remain hazardous ordeals in developing regions of the world, with

Human maternal death rates approximately 100 times more common than in developed countries.[68] In developed countries, infants are typically 34kg (69pounds) in weight and 5060cm (2024inches) in height at birth.[69] However, low birth weight is common in developing countries, and contributes to the high levels of infant mortality in these regions.[70] Helpless at birth, humans continue to grow for some years, typically reaching sexual maturity at 12 to 15years of age. Females continue to develop physically until around the age of 18, whereas male development continues until around age 21. The human life span can be split into a number of stages: infancy, childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, adulthood and old age. The lengths of these stages, however, have varied across cultures and time periods. Compared to other primates, humans experience an unusually rapid growth spurt during adolescence, where the body grows 25% in size. Chimpanzees, for example, grow only 14%, with no pronounced spurt.[71] The presence of the growth spurt is probably necessary to keep children physically small until they are psychologically mature. Humans are one of the few species in which females undergo menopause. It has been proposed that menopause increases a woman's overall reproductive success by allowing her to invest more time and resources in her existing offspring and/or their children (the grandmother hypothesis), rather than by continuing to bear children into old age.[72] [73] There are significant differences in life expectancy around the world. The developed world is generally aging, with the median age around 40years. In the developing world the median age is between 15 and 20 years. Life expectancy at birth in Hong Kong is 84.8 years for a female and 78.9 for a male, while in Swaziland, primarily because of AIDS, it is 31.3 years for both sexes.[74] While one in five Europeans is 60 years of age or older, only one in twenty Africans is 60 years of age or older.[75] The number of centenarians (humans of age 100 years or older) in the world was estimated by the United Nations at 210,000 in 2002.[76] At least one person, Jeanne Calment, is known to have reached the age of 122 years; higher ages have been claimed but they are not well substantiated. Worldwide, there are 81 men aged 60 or older for every 100 women of that age group, and among the oldest, there are 53 men for every 100 women.

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A selection of different humans at various stages of the human life cycle

Girl (before puberty)

Woman of reproductive age

Older woman (after menopause)

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Boy (before puberty)

Adult man

Elderly man

Race and ethnicity

Humans often categorize themselves in terms of race or ethnicity, sometimes on the basis of differences in appearance. Human racial categories have been based on both ancestry and visible traits, especially facial features, skull shape, skin color and hair texture. Most current genetic and archaeological evidence supports a recent single origin of modern humans in East Africa[77] with first migrations placed at 60,000 years ago. Current genetic studies have demonstrated that humans on the African continent are most genetically diverse.[78] However, compared to the other great apes, A collection of head shots showing various races human gene sequences are remarkably homogeneous.[79] [80] [81] [82] The predominance of genetic variation occurs within racial groups, with only 5 to 15% of total variation occurring between groups.[83] Thus the scientific concept of variation in the human genome is largely incongruent with the cultural concept of ethnicity or race. Ethnic groups are defined by linguistic, cultural, ancestral, national or regional ties. Self-identification with an ethnic group is usually based on kinship and descent. Race and ethnicity are among major factors in social identity giving rise to various forms of identity politics, e.g., racism. There is no scientific consensus of a list of the human races, and few anthropologists endorse the notion of human "race".[84] For example, a color terminology for race includes the following in a classification of human races: Black (e.g. Sub-Saharan Africa), Red (e.g. Native Americans), Yellow (e.g. East Asians), White (e.g. Europeans) and Brown (e.g. South Asians). Referring to natural species, in general, the term "race" is obsolete, particularly if a species is uniformly distributed on a territory. In its modern scientific connotation, the term is not applicable to a species as genetically homogeneous as the human one, as stated in the declaration on race (UNESCO 1950).[85] Genetic studies have substantiated the absence of clear biological borders, thus the term "race" is rarely used in scientific terminology, both in biological anthropology and in human genetics. What in the past had been defined as "races"e.g., whites, blacks, or Asiansare now defined as "ethnic groups" or "populations", in correlation with the field (sociology, anthropology, genetics) in which they are considered.

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Diet
Humans are omnivorous, capable of consuming a wide variety of plant and animal material.[86] [87] Varying with available food sources in regions of habitation, and also varying with cultural and religious norms, human groups have adopted a range of diets, from purely vegetarian to primarily carnivorous. In some cases, dietary restrictions in humans can lead to deficiency diseases; however, stable human groups have adapted to many dietary patterns through both genetic specialization and cultural conventions to use nutritionally balanced food sources.[88] The human diet is prominently reflected in human culture, and has led to the development of food science. Until the development of agriculture approximately 10,000 years ago, Homo sapiens employed a hunter-gatherer method as their sole means of food collection. This involved combining stationary food sources (such as fruits, grains, tubers, and mushrooms, insect larvae and aquatic molluscs) with wild game, which must be hunted and killed in order to be consumed.[89] It has been proposed that members of H. sapiens have used fire to prepare and cook food since the time of their divergence from Homo rhodesiensis (which itself had previously speciated from Homo erectus).[90] Around ten thousand years ago, humans developed agriculture,[91] which substantially altered their diet. This change in diet may also have altered human biology; with the spread of dairy farming providing a new and rich source of food, leading to the evolution of the ability to digest lactose in some adults.[92] [93] Agriculture led to increased populations, the development of cities, and because of increased population density, the wider spread of infectious diseases. The types of food consumed, and the way in which they are prepared, has varied widely by time, location, and culture. In general, humans can survive for two to eight weeks without food, depending on stored body fat. Survival without water is usually limited to three or four days. About 36 million humans die every year from causes directly or indirectly related to hunger.[94] Childhood malnutrition is also common and contributes to the global burden of disease.[95] However global food distribution is not even, and obesity among some human populations has increased rapidly, leading to health complications and increased mortality in some developed, and a few developing countries. Worldwide over one billion people are obese,[96] while in the United States 35% of people are obese, leading to this being described as an "obesity epidemic".[97] Obesity is caused by consuming more calories than are expended, so excessive weight gain is usually caused by a combination of an energy-dense high fat diet and insufficient exercise.[96]

Sleep
Humans are generally diurnal. The average sleep requirement is between seven and nine hours per day for an adult and nine to ten hours per day for a child; elderly people usually sleep for six to seven hours. Experiencing less sleep than this is common in modern societies; this sleep deprivation can have negative effects. A sustained restriction of adult sleep to four hours per day has been shown to correlate with changes in physiology and mental state, including fatigue, aggression, and bodily discomfort.

Psychology
Further information: Human brainandMind The human brain, the focal point of the central nervous system in humans, controls the peripheral nervous system. In addition to controlling "lower", involuntary, or primarily autonomic activities such as respiration and digestion, it is also the locus of "higher" order functioning such as thought, reasoning, and abstraction.[98] These cognitive processes constitute the mind, and, along with their behavioral consequences, are studied in the field of psychology. Generally regarded as more capable of these higher order activities, the human brain is believed to be more "intelligent" in general than that of any other known species. While some non-human species are capable of creating structures and using simple toolsmostly through instinct and mimicryhuman technology is vastly more complex, and is constantly evolving and improving through time.

Human Although being vastly more advanced than many species in cognitive abilities, most of these abilities are known in primitive form among other species. Modern anthropology has tended to bear out Darwin's proposition that "the difference in mind between man and the higher animals, great as it is, certainly is one of degree and not of kind".[99]

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Consciousness and thought

Humans are one of only nine species known to pass the mirror testwhich tests whether an animal recognizes its reflection as an image of itselfalong with all the great apes (gorillas, chimpanzees, orangutans, bonobos), Bottlenose dolphins, Asian elephants, European Magpies, and Orcas.[100] Most human children will pass the mirror test at 18 months old.[101] However, the usefulness of this test as a true test of consciousness has been disputed, and this may be a matter of degree rather than a sharp divide. Monkeys have been trained to apply abstract rules in tasks.[102] The human brain perceives the external world through the senses, and each individual human is influenced greatly by his or her experiences, leading to subjective views of existence and the passage of time. Humans are variously said to possess consciousness, self-awareness, and a mind, which correspond roughly to the mental processes of thought. These are said to possess qualities such as self-awareness, sentience, sapience, and the ability to perceive the relationship between oneself and one's environment. The extent to which the mind constructs or experiences the outer world is a matter of debate, as are the definitions and validity of many of the terms used above. The philosopher of cognitive science Daniel Dennett, for example, argues that there is no such thing as a narrative centre called the "mind", but that instead there is simply a collection of sensory inputs and outputs: different kinds of "software" running in parallel.[103] Psychologist B.F. Skinner argued that the mind is an explanatory fiction that diverts attention from environmental causes of behavior,[104] and that what are commonly seen as mental processes may be better conceived of as forms of covert verbal behavior.[105] [106] Humans study the more physical aspects of the mind and brain, and by extension of the nervous system, in the field of neurology, the more behavioral in the field of psychology, and a sometimes loosely defined area between in the field of psychiatry, which treats mental illness and behavioral disorders. Psychology does not necessarily refer to the brain or nervous system, and can be framed purely in terms of phenomenological or information processing theories of the mind. Increasingly, however, an understanding of brain functions is being included in psychological theory and practice, particularly in areas such as artificial intelligence, neuropsychology, and cognitive neuroscience. The nature of thought is central to psychology and related fields. Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental processes' underlying behavior. It uses information processing as a framework for understanding the mind. Perception, learning, problem solving, memory, attention, language and emotion are all well researched areas as well. Cognitive psychology is associated with a school of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for an information processing model of mental function, informed by positivism and experimental psychology. Techniques and models from cognitive psychology are widely applied and form the mainstay of psychological theories in many areas of both research and applied psychology. Largely focusing on the development of the human mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive, understand, and act within the world and how these processes change as they age. This may focus on intellectual, cognitive, neural, social, or moral development. Some philosophers divide consciousness into phenomenal consciousness, which is experience itself, and access consciousness, which is the processing of the things in experience.[107] Phenomenal consciousness is the state of being conscious, such as when they say "I am conscious." Access consciousness is being conscious of something in relation to abstract concepts, such as when one says "I am conscious of these words." Various forms of access consciousness include awareness, self-awareness, conscience, stream of consciousness, Husserl's phenomenology, and intentionality. The concept of phenomenal consciousness, in modern history, according to some, is closely related to the concept of qualia. Social psychology links sociology with psychology in their shared study of the nature and causes of human social interaction, with an emphasis on how people think towards each other and how

Human they relate to each other. The behavior and mental processes, both human and non-human, can be described through animal cognition, ethology, evolutionary psychology, and comparative psychology as well. Human ecology is an academic discipline that investigates how humans and human societies interact with both their natural environment and the human social environment.

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Motivation and emotion

Motivation is the driving force of desire behind all deliberate actions of humans. Motivation is based on emotionspecifically, on the search for satisfaction (positive emotional experiences), and the avoidance of conflict. Positive and negative is defined by the individual brain state, which may be influenced by social norms: a person may be driven to self-injury or violence because his brain is conditioned to create a positive response to these actions. Motivation is important because it is involved in the performance of all learned responses. Within psychology, conflict avoidance and the libido are seen to be primary motivators. Within economics, motivation is often seen to be based on incentives; these may be financial, moral, or coercive. Religions generally posit divine or demonic influences. Happiness, or the state of being happy, is a human emotional condition. The definition of happiness is a common philosophical topic. Some people might define it as the best condition that a human can havea condition of mental and physical health. Others define it as freedom from want and distress; consciousness of the good order of things; assurance of one's place in the universe or society. Emotion has a significant influence on, or can even be said to control, human behavior, though historically many cultures and philosophers have for various reasons discouraged allowing this influence to go unchecked. Emotional experiences perceived as pleasant, such as love, admiration, or joy, contrast with those perceived as unpleasant, like hate, envy, or sorrow. There is often a distinction made between refined emotions that are socially learned and survival oriented emotions, which are thought to be innate. Human exploration of emotions as separate from other neurological phenomena is worthy of note, particularly in cultures where emotion is considered separate from physiological state. In some cultural medical theories emotion is considered so synonymous with certain forms of physical health that no difference is thought to exist. The Stoics believed excessive emotion was harmful, while some Sufi teachers felt certain extreme emotions could yield a conceptual perfection, what is often translated as ecstasy. In modern scientific thought, certain refined emotions are considered a complex neural trait innate in a variety of domesticated and non-domesticated mammals. These were commonly developed in reaction to superior survival mechanisms and intelligent interaction with each other and the environment; as such, refined emotion is not in all cases as discrete and separate from natural neural function as was once assumed. However, when humans function in civilized tandem, it has been noted that uninhibited acting on extreme emotion can lead to social disorder and crime.

Society and culture

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Human society statistics World population Population density Largest agglomerations 7billion 12.7 per km (4.9mi) by total area 43.6 per km (16.8mi) by land area Beijing, Bogot, Buenos Aires, Cairo, Delhi, Dhaka, Guangzhou, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kinshasa, Kolkata, Lagos, Lima, London, Los Angeles, Manila, Mexico City, Moscow, Mumbai, New York City, Osaka, Paris, Rio de Janeiro, So Paulo, Seoul, Shanghai, Shenzen, Tehran, Tianjin, Tokyo, Wuhan Mandarin Chinese, English, Spanish, Arabic, Hindi, Bengali, Portuguese, Russian, Japanese, German, Javanese, Punjabi, Telugu, Vietnamese, French, Marathi, Turkish, Korean, Tamil, Italian, Urdu, Indonesian Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Judaism, Baha'i

Most widely spoken [108] languages Most popular [109] religions GDP (nominal) GDP (PPP)

$36,356,240 million USD ($5,797 USD per capita) $51,656,251 million IND ($8,236 per capita)

Humans are social beings. In comparisons with animalia, humans are regarded like the primates for their social qualities. But beyond any other creature, humans are adept at utilizing systems of communication for self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization, and as such have created complex social structures composed of many cooperating and competing groups. Human groups range from families to nations. Social interactions between humans have established an extremely wide variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of human society. Culture is defined here as patterns of complex symbolic behavior, i.e. all behavior that is not innate but which has to be learned through social interaction with others; such as the use of distinctive material and symbolic systems, including language, ritual, social organization, traditions, beliefs and technology.

Sexuality and love

Human sexuality, besides ensuring biological reproduction, has important social functions: it creates physical intimacy, bonds, and hierarchies among individuals; and in a hedonistic sense to the enjoyment of activity involving sexual gratification. Sexual desire, or libido, is experienced as a bodily urge, often accompanied by strong emotions such as love, ecstasy and jealousy. The extreme importance of sexuality in the human species can be seen in a number of physical features, among them hidden ovulation, the evolution of external scrotum and penis suggesting sperm competition, the absence of an os penis, permanent secondary sexual characteristics, the forming of pair bonds based on sexual attraction as a common social structure and sexual ability in females outside of ovulation. These adaptations indicate that the importance of sexuality in humans is on a par with that found in the Bonobo, and that the complex human sexual behaviour has a long evolutionary history. Human choices in acting on sexuality are commonly influenced by cultural norms, which vary widely. Restrictions are often determined by religious beliefs or social customs. The pioneering researcher Sigmund Freud believed that humans are born polymorphously perverse, which means that any number of objects could be a source of pleasure. According to Freud, humans then pass through five stages of psychosexual development (and can fixate on any stage because of various traumas during the process). For Alfred Kinsey, another influential sex researcher, people can fall anywhere along a continuous scale of sexual orientation (with only small minorities fully heterosexual or homosexual). Recent studies of neurology and genetics suggest people may be born predisposed to various sexual tendencies.[110] [111]

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Gender roles
The sexual division of humans into male and female has been marked culturally by a corresponding division of roles, norms, practices, dress, behavior, rights, duties, privileges, status, and power. Cultural differences by gender have often been believed to have arisen naturally out of a division of reproductive labor; the biological fact that women give birth led to their further cultural responsibility for nurturing and caring for children and households. Gender roles have varied historically, and challenges to predominant gender norms have recurred in many societies.

Society, government, and politics

Society is the system of organizations and institutions arising from interaction between humans. A state is an organized political community occupying a definite territory, having an organized government, and possessing internal and external sovereignty. Recognition of the state's claim to independence by other states, enabling it to enter into international agreements, is often important to the establishment of its statehood. The "state" can also be defined in terms of domestic conditions, specifically, as conceptualized by Max Weber, "a state is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the 'legitimate' use of physical force within a given territory."[112]

The United Nations complex in New York City, which houses one of the largest political organizations in the world.

Government can be defined as the political means of creating and enforcing laws; typically via a bureaucratic hierarchy. Politics is the process by which decisions are made within groups; this process often involves conflict as well as compromise. Although the term is generally applied to behavior within governments, politics is also observed in all human group interactions, including corporate, academic, and religious institutions. Many different political systems exist, as do many different ways of understanding them, and many definitions overlap. Examples of governments include monarchy, Communist state, military dictatorship, theocracy, and liberal democracy, the last of which is considered dominant today. All of these issues have a direct relationship with economics.

Trade and economics

Trade is the voluntary exchange of goods and services, and is a form of economics. A mechanism that allows trade is called a market. The original form of trade was barter, the direct exchange of goods and services. Modern traders instead generally negotiate through a medium of exchange, such as money. As a result, buying can be separated from selling, or earning. The invention of money (and later credit, paper money and non-physical money) greatly simplified and promoted trade. Because of specialization and division of labor, most people concentrate on a small aspect of manufacturing or service, trading their labour for Buyers and sellers bargain in a market products. Trade exists between regions because different regions have an absolute or comparative advantage in the production of some tradable commodity, or because different regions' size allows for the benefits of mass production. Economics is a social science which studies the production, distribution, trade, and consumption of goods and services. Economics focuses on measurable variables, and is broadly divided into two main branches:

Human microeconomics, which deals with individual agents, such as households and businesses, and macroeconomics, which considers the economy as a whole, in which case it considers aggregate supply and demand for money, capital and commodities. Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production, distribution, trade, and competition. Economic logic is increasingly applied to any problem that involves choice under scarcity or determining economic value.

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War
War is a state of widespread conflict between states or other large groups of humans, which is characterized by the use of lethal violence between combatants and/or upon civilians. (Humans also engage in lesser conflicts, such as brawls, riots, revolts, and melees. A revolution may or may not involve warfare.) It is estimated that during the 20th century between 167 and 188 million humans died as a result of war.[113] A common perception of war is a series of military campaigns between at least two opposing sides involving a dispute over sovereignty, territory, resources, religion, or other issues. A war between internal elements of a state is a civil war. There have been a wide variety of rapidly advancing tactics throughout the history of war, ranging from conventional war to asymmetric warfare to total war and unconventional warfare. Techniques include hand to hand combat, the use of ranged weapons, Naval warfare, and, more recently, air support. Military intelligence has often played a key role in determining victory and defeat. Propaganda, which often includes information, slanted opinion and disinformation, plays a key role in maintaining unity within a warring group, and/or sowing discord among opponents. In modern warfare, soldiers and combat vehicles are used to control the land, warships the sea, and aircraft the sky. These fields have also overlapped in the forms of marines, paratroopers, naval aircraft carriers, and surface-to-air missiles, among others. Satellites in low Earth orbit have made outer space a factor in warfare as well as it is used for detailed intelligence gathering, however no known aggressive actions have been taken from space.

Material culture and technology

Stone tools were used by proto-humans at least 2.5 million years ago.[114] The controlled use of fire began around 1.5 million years ago. Since then, humans have made major advances, developing complex technology to create tools to aid their lives and allowing for other advancements in culture. Major leaps in technology include the discovery of agriculture what is known as the Neolithic Revolution; and the invention of automated machines in the Industrial Revolution. Archaeology attempts to tell the story of past or lost cultures in part by close examination of the artifacts they produced. Early humans left stone tools, pottery, and jewelry that are particular to various regions and times.

An archaic Acheulean stone tool

Language
The capacity humans have to transfer concepts, ideas and notions through speech and writing is unrivaled in known species. Unlike the call systems of other primates that are closed, human language is far more open, and gains variety in different situations. The human language has the quality of displacement, using words to represent things and happenings that are not presently or locally occurring, but elsewhere or at a different time.[64] In this way data networks are important to the continuing development of language. The faculty of speech is a defining feature of humanity, possibly predating phylogenetic separation of the modern population. Language is central to the communication between humans, as well as being central to the sense of identity that unites nations, cultures and ethnic groups. The invention of writing systems at least 5,000 years ago allowed the preservation of language on material objects, and was a major step in cultural evolution. The science of linguistics describes the structure of

Human language and the relationship between languages. There are approximately 6,000 different languages currently in use, including sign languages, and many thousands more that are considered extinct.

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Spirituality and religion

Religion is generally defined as a belief system concerning the supernatural, sacred or divine, and practices, values, institutions and rituals associated with such belief. Some religions also have a moral code. The evolution and the history of the first religions have recently become areas of active scientific investigation.[115] [116] [117] However, in the course of its development, religion has taken on many forms that Religion and spirituality are important aspects of vary by culture and individual perspective. Some of the chief questions human cultures and issues religions are concerned with include life after death (commonly involving belief in an afterlife), the origin of life, the nature of the universe (religious cosmology) and its ultimate fate (eschatology), and what is moral or immoral. A common source for answers to these questions are beliefs in transcendent divine beings such as deities or a singular God, although not all religions are theistic. Spirituality, belief or involvement in matters of the soul or spirit, is one of the many different approaches humans take in trying to answer fundamental questions about humankind's place in the universe, the meaning of life, and the ideal way to live one's life. Though these topics have also been addressed by philosophy, and to some extent by science, spirituality is unique in that it focuses on mystical or supernatural concepts such as karma and God. Although the exact level of religiosity can be hard to measure,[118] a majority of humans professes some variety of religious or spiritual belief, although some are irreligious. Other humans have no religious beliefs and are atheists, scientific skeptics, agnostics or simply non-religious. Humanism is a philosophy which seeks to include all of humanity and all issues common to humans; it is usually non-religious. Additionally, although most religions and spiritual beliefs are clearly distinct from science on both a philosophical and methodological level, the two are not generally considered mutually exclusive; a majority of humans holds a mix of both scientific and religious views. The distinction between philosophy and religion, on the other hand, is at times less clear, and the two are linked in such fields as the philosophy of religion and theology.

Philosophy and self-reflection

Philosophy is a discipline or field of study involving the investigation, analysis, and development of ideas at a general, abstract, or fundamental level. It is the discipline searching for a general understanding of reality, reasoning and values. Major fields of philosophy include logic, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy of mind, and axiology (which includes ethics and aesthetics). Philosophy covers a very wide range of approaches, and is used to refer to a worldview, to a perspective on an issue, or to the positions argued for by a particular philosopher or school of philosophy.

Science and mathematics

Scientific approach and mathematics have been unique to humans. Mathematics is connected to language, and it is argued that this special genetic trait of humans, linked to language and abstract thought is responsible for the mathematical ability.
Statue of Confucius on Chongming Island in Shanghai

Human Closely related is humans' ability to model the world and use science. Although scientific revolution is relatively recent, humans have attempted to explain their environment since the ancient times.

92

Art, music, and literature

Artistic works have existed for almost as long as humankind, from early pre-historic art to contemporary art. Art is one of the most unusual aspects of human behaviour and a key distinguishing feature of humans from other species. As a form of cultural expression by humans, art may be defined by the pursuit of diversity and the usage of narratives of liberation and exploration (i.e. art history, art criticism, and art theory) to mediate its boundaries. This distinction may be applied to objects or performances, current or historical, and its prestige extends to those who made, found, exhibit, or own them. In the modern use of the word, art is commonly understood to be the process or result of making material works that, from concept to creation, adhere to the "creative impulse" of human beings. Art is distinguished from other works by being in large part unprompted by necessity, by biological drive, or by any undisciplined pursuit of recreation.

Allegory of Music (ca. 1594), a painting of a woman writing sheet music by Lorenzo Lippi

Music is a natural intuitive phenomenon based on the three distinct and interrelated organization structures of rhythm, harmony, and melody. Listening to music is perhaps the most common and universal form of entertainment for humans, while learning and understanding it are popular disciplines. There are a wide variety of music genres and ethnic musics. Literature, the body of writtenand possibly oralworks, especially creative ones, includes prose, poetry and drama, both fiction and non-fiction. Literature includes such genres as epic, legend, myth, ballad, and folklore.

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[97] Catenacci VA, Hill JO, Wyatt HR (September 2009). "The obesity epidemic". Clin. Chest Med. 30 (3): 41544, vii. doi:10.1016/j.ccm.2009.05.001. PMID19700042. [98] 3-D Brain Anatomy (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wnet/ brain/ 3d/ index. html), The Secret Life of the Brain, Public Broadcasting Service. Retrieved April 3, 2005. [99] Jonathan Benthall (April 2007 :1). "Animal liberation and rights" (http:/ / www. blackwell-synergy. com/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1111/ j. 1467-8322. 2007. 00494. x). Anthropology Today (blackwell-synergy.com) 23 (2): 23/2. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8322.2007.00494.x. . [100] Robert W. Allan explores a few of these experiments on his webpage "?" (http:/ / ww2. lafayette. edu/ ~allanr/ mirror. html). Lafayette College. . [101] Dr. Jack Palmer. "Consciousness and the Symbolic Universe" (http:/ / www. ulm. edu/ ~palmer/ ConsciousnessandtheSymbolicUniverse. htm). . Retrieved March 17, 2006. [102] Researchers home in on how brain handles abstract thought (http:/ / web. mit. edu/ newsoffice/ 2001/ abstract-0718. html) retrieved July 29, 2006 [103] Dennett, Daniel (1991). Consciousness Explained. Little Brown & Co, 1991, ISBN 0-316-18065-3. [104] Skinner, B.F. About Behaviorism 1974, page 7475 [105] Skinner, B.F. About Behaviorism, Chapter 7: Thinking [106] A thesis against which Noam Chomsky advanced a considerable polemic. [107] Ned Block: On a Confusion about a Function of Consciousness in: The Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 1995. [108] http:/ / www. ethnologue. com/ ethno_docs/ distribution. asp?by=size [109] (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ geos/ xx. html) [110] Buss, David M. (2004) "The Evolution of Desire: Strategies of Human Mating". Revised Edition. New York: Basic Books" [111] Thornhill, R., & Palmer, C. T. (2000). A Natural History of Rape. Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion. Cambridge: MIT Press. [112] Max Weber's definition of the modern state 1918 (http:/ / www. mdx. ac. uk/ www/ study/ xweb. htm), by Max Weber, 1918. Retrieved March 17, 2006. [113] Ferguson, Niall. "The Next War of the World." Foreign Affairs, Sep/Oct 2006 [114] Clark JD, de Heinzelin J, Schick KD, et al. (June 1994). "African Homo erectus: old radiometric ages and young Oldowan assemblages in the Middle Awash Valley, Ethiopia". Science 264 (5167): 190710. doi:10.1126/science.8009220. PMID8009220. [115] "Evolutionary Religious Studies: A New Field of Scientific Inquiry" (http:/ / evolution. binghamton. edu/ religion/ ). . [116] Boyer P (October 2008). "Being human: Religion: bound to believe?". Nature 455 (7216): 10389. doi:10.1038/4551038a. PMID18948934. [117] R.F, Robert A.; Paloutzian, Raymond F. (2003). "The psychology of religion". Annual Review of Psychology 54 (1): 377402. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145024. PMID12171998. [118] Hall DE, Meador KG, Koenig HG (June 2008). "Measuring religiousness in health research: review and critique". J Relig Health 47 (2): 13463. doi:10.1007/s10943-008-9165-2. PMID19105008.

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Freeman, Scott; Jon C. Herron, Evolutionary Analysis (4th ed.) Pearson Education, Inc., 2007. ISBN 0-13-227584-8 pages 757761.

External links
MNSU (http://www.mnsu.edu/emuseum/biology/humanevolution/sapiens.html) Archaeology Info (http://www.archaeologyinfo.com/homosapiens.htm) Chororapithecus abyssinicus (http://www.breitbart.com/article.php?id=070824121653.65mgd37f) Possible human-orangutan split 20 million years ago. (Aug 26 2007) Homo sapiens (http://humanorigins.si.edu/evidence/human-fossils/species/homo-sapiens) - The Smithsonian Institution's Human Origins Program Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 (http://www.eol.org/pages/327955) at the Encyclopedia of Life

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Interpersonal relationship
An interpersonal relationship is an association between two or more people that may range from fleeting to enduring. This association may be based on limerence, love, solidarity, regular business interactions, or some other type of social commitment. Interpersonal relationships are formed in the context of social, cultural and other influences. The context can vary from family or kinship relations, friendship, marriage, relations with associates, work, clubs, neighborhoods, and places of worship. They may be regulated by law, custom, or mutual agreement, and are the basis of social groups and society as a whole. A relationship is normally viewed as a connection between two individuals, such as a romantic or intimate relationship, or a parentchild relationship. Individuals can also have relationships with groups of people, such as the relation between a pastor and his congregation, an uncle and a family, or a mayor and a town. Finally, groups or even nations may have relations with each other, though this is a much broader domain than that covered under the topic of interpersonal relationships. See such articles as international relations for more information on associations between groups. Most scholarly work on relationships focuses on the small subset of interpersonal relationships involving romantic partners in pairs or dyads. Interpersonal relationships usually involve some level of interdependence. People in a relationship tend to influence each other, share their thoughts and feelings, and engage in activities together. Because of this interdependence, most things that change or impact one member of the relationship will have some level of impact on the other member.[1] The study of interpersonal relationships involves several branches of the social sciences, including such disciplines as sociology, psychology, anthropology, and social work. The scientific study of relationships is referred to as relationship science and distinguishes itself from anecdotal evidence or pseudo-experts by basing conclusions on data and objective analysis. Interpersonal ties are also a subject in mathematical sociology.

Development
Interpersonal relationships are dynamic systems that change continuously during their existence. Like living organisms, relationships have a beginning, a lifespan, and an end. They tend to grow and improve gradually, as people get to know each other and become closer emotionally, or they gradually deteriorate as people drift apart, move on with their lives and form new relationships with others. One of the most influential models of relationship development was proposed by psychologist George Levinger.[2] This model was formulated to describe heterosexual, adult romantic relationships, but it has been applied to other kinds of interpersonal relations as well. According to the model, the natural development of a relationship follows five stages: 1. Acquaintance Becoming acquainted depends on previous relationships, physical proximity, first impressions, and a variety of other factors. If two people begin to like each other, continued interactions may lead to the next stage, but acquaintance can continue indefinitely. 2. Buildup During this stage, people begin to trust and care about each other. The need for intimacy, compatibility and such filtering agents as common background and goals will influence whether or not interaction continues. 3. Continuation This stage follows a mutual commitment to a long-term friendship, romantic relationship, or marriage. It is generally a long, relative stable period. Nevertheless, continued growth and development will occur during this time. Mutual trust is important for sustaining the relationship. 4. Deterioration Not all relationships deteriorate, but those that do tend to show signs of trouble. Boredom, resentment, and dissatisfaction may occur, and individuals may communicate less and avoid self-disclosure. Loss of trust and betrayals may take place as the downward spiral continues, eventually ending the relationship. (Alternately, the participants may find some way to resolve the problems and reestablish trust.) 5. Termination The final stage marks the end of the relationship, either by death in the case of a healthy relationship, or by separation.

Interpersonal relationship Friendships may involve some degree of transitivity. In other words, a person may become a friend of an existing friend's friend. However, if two people have a sexual relationship with the same person, they may become competitors rather than friends. Accordingly, sexual behavior with the sexual partner of a friend may damage the friendship (see love triangle). Sexual activities between two friends tend to alter that relationship, either by "taking it to the next level" or by severing it. Legal sanction reinforces and regularizes marriages and civil unions as perceived "respectable" building-blocks of society. In the United States of America, for example, the de-criminalization of homosexual sexual relations in the Supreme Court decision, Lawrence v. Texas (2003) facilitated the mainstreaming of gay long-term relationships, and broached the possibility of the legalization of same-sex marriages in that country.

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Flourishing relationships
Positive psychologists use the term "flourishing relationships" to describe interpersonal relationships that are not merely happy, but instead characterized by intimacy, growth, and resilience.[3] Flourishing relationships also allow a dynamic balance between focus on the intimate relationships and focus on other social relationships.

Background
While traditional psychologists specializing in close relationships have focused on relationship dysfunction, positive psychology argues that relationship health is not merely the absence of relationship dysfunction.[4] Healthy relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachment and are maintained with love and purposeful positive relationship behaviors. Additionally, healthy relationships can be made to "flourish." Positive psychologists are exploring what makes existing relationships flourish and what skills can be taught to partners to enhance their existing and future personal relationships. Adult attachment Healthy relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachments. Adult attachment models represent an internal set of expectations and preferences regarding relationship intimacy that guide behavior.[4] Secure adult attachment, characterized by low attachment-related avoidance and anxiety, has numerous benefits. Within the context of safe, secure attachments, people can pursue optimal human functioning and flourishing.[4] Love The capacity for love gives depth to human relationships, brings people closer to each other physically and emotionally, and makes people think expansively about themselves and the world.[4] In his triangular theory of love, psychologist Robert Sternberg theorizes that love is a mix of three components: some (1) passion, or physical attraction; (2) intimacy, or feelings of closeness; and (3) commitment, involving the decision to initiate and sustain a relationship. The presence of all three components characterizes consummate love, the most durable type of love. In addition, the presence of intimacy and passion in marital relationships predicts marital satisfaction. Also, commitment is the best predictor of relationship satisfaction, especially in long-term relationships. Positive consequences of being in love include increased self-esteem and self-efficacy.[4]

Theories and empirical research

Confucianism Confucianism is a study and theory of relationships especially within hierarchies.[5] Social harmony the central goal of Confucianism results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the social order, and playing his or her part well. Particular duties arise from each person's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to

Interpersonal relationship parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. Juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence and seniors have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. A focus on mutuality is prevalent in East Asian cultures to this day. Minding relationships The mindfulness theory of relationships shows how closeness in relationships may be enhanced. Minding is the "reciprocal knowing process involving the nonstop, interrelated thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of persons in a relationship."[6] Five components of "minding" include:[4] 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Knowing and being known: seeking to understand the partner Making relationship-enhancing attributions for behaviors: giving the benefit of the doubt Accepting and respecting: empathy and social skills Maintaining reciprocity: active participation in relationship enhancement Continuity in minding: persisting in mindfulness

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Culture of appreciation After studying married couples for many years, psychologist John Gottman has proposed the theory of the "magic ratio" for successful marriages. The theory says that for a marriage to be successful, couples must average a ratio of five positive interactions to one negative interaction. As the ratio moves to 1:1, divorce becomes more likely.[4] Interpersonal interactions associated with negative relationships include criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and stonewalling. Over time, therapy aims to turn these interpersonal strategies into more positive ones, which include complaint, appreciation, acceptance of responsibility, and self-soothing. Similarly, partners in interpersonal relationships can incorporate positive components into difficult subjects in order to avoid emotional disconnection. Knowing when to go to the next step is very important. Capitalizing on positive events People can capitalize on positive events in an interpersonal context to work toward flourishing relationships. People often turn to others to share their good news (termed "capitalization"). Studies show that both the act of telling others about good events and the response of the person with whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal consequences, including increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and relationship benefits including intimacy, commitment, trust, liking, closeness, and stability.[7] Studies show that the act of communicating positive events was associated with increased positive affect and well-being (beyond the impact of the positive event itself a). Other studies have found that relationships in which partners responded to "good news" communication enthusiastically were associated with higher relationship well-being.[8]

Other perspectives
Neurobiology of interpersonal connections There is an emerging body of research across multiple disciplines investigating the neurological basis of attachment and the prosocial emotions and behaviors that are the prerequisites for healthy adult relationships.[4] The social environment, mediated by attachment, influences the maturation of structures in a child's brain. This might explain how infant attachment affects adult emotional health. Researchers are currently investigating the link between positive caregiverchild relationships and the development of hormone systems, such as the HPA axis.

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Applications
Researchers are developing an approach to couples therapy that moves partners from patterns of repeated conflict to patterns of more positive, comfortable exchanges. Goals of therapy include development of social and interpersonal skills. Expressing gratitude and sharing appreciation for a partner is the primary means for creating a positive relationship. Positive marital counseling also emphasizes mindfulness. The further study of "flourishing relationships could shape the future of premarital and marital counseling as well."[4]

Controversies
Some researchers criticize positive psychology for studying positive processes in isolation from negative processes. Positive psychologists argue that positive and negative processes in relationships may be better understood as functionally independent, not as opposites of each other.[9]

References
[1] Berscheid, E., & Peplau, L.A. (1983). The emerging science of relationships. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 119). New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. [2] Levinger, G. (1983). Development and change. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 315359). New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. [3] Fincham, F.D., & Beach, S.R.H. (2010). Of memes and marriage: Toward a positive relationship science. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 424. [4] Snyder, C.R., & Lopez, Shane, J. (2007). "Positive psychology: the scientific and practical explorations of human strengths.", Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 297321. [5] Richey, Jeff (2011 [last update]). "Confucius" (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ confuciu/ ). iep.utm.edu. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved August 11, 2011. [6] John H. Harvey, J.H., & Pauwels, B.G. (2009). Relationship Connection: A Redux on the Role of Minding and the Quality of Feeling Special in the Enhancement of Closeness. [Eds.] Snyder, C.D., & Lopez, S.J. Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology: Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 385392. [7] Gable, S.L., & Reis, H.T. (2010). Good News! Capitalizing on Positive Events in an Interpersonal Context. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 42, 195257. [8] Gable, S.L., Reis, H.T., Impett, E.A., Asher, E.R. (2004). What Do You Do When Things Go Right? The Intrapersonal and Interpersonal Benefits of Sharing Positive Events. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87, 228245. [9] Maniaci, M.R., & Reis, H.T. (2010). The Marriage of Positive Psychology and Relationship Science: A Reply to Fincham and Beach. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 4753.

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Laughlin, Charles Matthews, CharlotteWebb, Chicocvenancio, ChildofMidnight, Chinju, Chrisjj, ChristianH, Chun-hian, Cjoshuav, Ckatz, ClaudineChionh, Cleared as filed, Cmdrjameson, Cmichael, Codetiger, Cometstyles, Conversion script, Countrytime4, Cowardly Lion, Cst17, Cwmccabe, Cybercobra, DHBoggs, DVD R W, DVdm, DWhitley, Dabigkid, Dadude3320, Dalejarvis, Dan6hell66, Danc1987, Danielscottsmith, Danny Reese, Danski14, Dardis13, Darth Panda, David Edgar, David Newton, Davriol, Dcoetzee, Debresser, Deep1979, Defenestrate, Deflective, Delta Tango, DeltaQuad, DerHexer, Descendall, Dhammaruchi, Diana LeCrois, Diannaa, Divinecomedy666, DonSiano, Dori, Douglas R. 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File:Loudspeaker.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Loudspeaker.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Bayo, Gmaxwell, Husky, Iamunknown, Mirithing, Myself488, Nethac DIU, Omegatron, Rocket000, The Evil IP address, Wouterhagens, 16 anonymous edits File:Cannibalism in Brazil ('French Antarctica') in 1555, by Andr Thevet.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cannibalism_in_Brazil_('French_Antarctica')_in_1555,_by_Andr_Thevet.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Andr Thvet (both text and picture) File:Table of Natural History, Cyclopaedia, Volume 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Table_of_Natural_History,_Cyclopaedia,_Volume_2.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Brian0918, LaosLos, Tmizuk, Wst File:Edward Burnett Tylor.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Edward_Burnett_Tylor.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Beao, MSchnitzler2000, Solon File:FranzBoas.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:FranzBoas.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: 430072, Erkan Yilmaz, Mdd, Tom, TommyBee, , 1 anonymous edits File:Ruth Benedict.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ruth_Benedict.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: World Telegram staff photographer File:Emile Durkheim.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Emile_Durkheim.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: unknown Image:Blumenbach's five races.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Blumenbach's_five_races.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Blumenbach File:Dolina-Pano-3.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Dolina-Pano-3.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Mario Modesto Mata File:Taung child (Frankfurt am Main) 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Taung_child_(Frankfurt_am_Main)_2.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Gerbil File:Archeologists sign at Lubbock Lake Monument IMG 1591.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Archeologists_sign_at_Lubbock_Lake_Monument_IMG_1591.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Contributors: Billy Hathorn File:Monte Albn archeological site, Oaxaca.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Monte_Albn_archeological_site,_Oaxaca.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 1.0 Generic Contributors: Haylli, PMG, Petrusbarbygere, Ultratomio, 1 anonymous edits File:Iowa archaeology edgewater.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Iowa_archaeology_edgewater.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Billwhittaker (talk). 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Image:Tawbuid men.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Tawbuid_men.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Derek Daniel File:Bronisaw Malinowski among Trobriand tribe.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bronisaw_Malinowski_among_Trobriand_tribe.jpg License: anonymous-EU Contributors: Unknown (maybe Stanisaw Ignacy Witkiewicz, 1885-1939) file:Akha cropped hires.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Akha_cropped_hires.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.0 Contributors: Akha_couple.JPG: Manuel Jobi Weltenbummler84. derivative work: Hartmanga (talk) file:Status iucn3.1 LC.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Status_iucn3.1_LC.svg License: unknown Contributors: Clindberg, Ismukhammed, Kelson, Pengo, 8 anonymous edits File:Red Pencil Icon.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Red_Pencil_Icon.png License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: User:Peter coxhead file:Homo Sapien range.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Homo_Sapien_range.png License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: Phoenix_B_1of3 (talk) ( Uploads) File:PlesiadapisNewZICA.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:PlesiadapisNewZICA.png License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: User:Mateuszica File:Craniums of Homo.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Craniums_of_Homo.svg License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: .. 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Image:United Nations HQ - New York City.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:United_Nations_HQ_-_New_York_City.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: AnRo0002, Empoor, Gaf.arq, Ibn Battuta, Quasipalm File:Tengeru market.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Tengeru_market.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: Fanny Schertzer Image:Bifaz abbevillense.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bifaz_abbevillense.png License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: Jos-Manuel Benito File:The Creation of Adam.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:The_Creation_of_Adam.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Barosaul, David Levy, G.dallorto, Mattes, Nard the Bard, PFHLai, PxMa, Sailko, 2 anonymous edits Image:Confuciusstatue.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Confuciusstatue.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 2.5 Contributors: Original uploader was Mamin27 at en.wikipedia Image:Lorenzo Lippi 001.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Lorenzo_Lippi_001.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: AndreasPraefcke, Aotake, Frank C. Mller, Mattes, Shakko, Wst

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