Following my recent post on the last presidential debate... Iast night’s Vice Presidential debate revealed a different approach to rhetoric, but the challenge of misinformation remained. Here’s how I think the two debates differed and what it means for public affairs: 🇺🇸 Presidential Debate: - Aggressive interruptions and chaotic exchanges. - Misinformation was buried in the noise, making it harder to address in real time. 🇺🇸 Vice Presidential Debate: - More composed and measured rhetoric. - Despite a calmer tone, misleading claims and half-truths were still prevalent. - The change in style gave the illusion of more substance but didn’t reduce the spread of misinformation. For public affairs professionals, these differences underscore the importance of tracking false narratives across all types of discourse, regardless of the tone. The calmer rhetoric may have given the illusion of more substance, but the underlying challenge remains the same: misinformation is shaping public opinion in real time.
Lucy Pieper’s Post
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THE CONSERVATIVE INSURGENCY AND PRESIDENTIAL POWER: A DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE - PDF: https://lnkd.in/gnWXfThf One thing that does seem clear is that new ideas about how to assert presidential power are now fast outpacing new ideas about how to hold that power to account. It may seem odd in such a circumstance to caution against the rush to constitutionalize the problem of control, but that is exactly what a developmental analysis does. The sequence of change alters quite profoundly the practical meaning of any return to first principles. On the one side, developmental analysis suggests that the efforts of contemporary critics of the modern presidency to get Congress to reclaim its original role and to reinvigorate checks and balances are unlikely to get very far. Ever since the rise of parties in the nineteenth century, democratic reformers have been seeking ways to ease checks and balances, and the mechanisms they have developed have so altered the operations of American government that going back hardly seems a practical option. On the other side, developmental analysis suggests that contemporary advocates who claim the Constitution as a safe, familiar, and wholly adequate ground on which to venture a further expansion of executive prerogatives are, in fact, pushing down a road that is neither restorative nor well-anchored. There may be good reasons to alter the terms and conditions under which presidential power extended its reach in the twentieth century and American government as a whole reoriented its operations. But the time has long passed when doing so in the name of reclaiming the wisdom of the Framers was a straightforward proposition.104 The more sober option for twenty-first-century governance may be the one that reckons with political development more directly and follows the example of the institution builders who transformed American government in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. They did not resist new claims of presidential power, but neither did they accept them before staking out fresh claims of their own.
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