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    Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano
    Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano
    Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano
    Ebook57 pages44 minutes

    Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano

    By Jamie Stewart Jones

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    About this ebook

    This book examines the often contentious world of early 20th-century European nationalism, focusing on the ideologies and movements of Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano. It explores how these movements emerged as reactions against the perceived failures of democracy, particularly in the wake of significant national crises such as France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War and Portugal's colonial setbacks. At the heart of the analysis is Charles Maurras, the leader of Action Française, who advocated for a return to monarchism, authoritarianism and traditional values as a remedy for France's moral and political decline. The book also examines Integralismo Lusitano, a movement that drew inspiration from Maurras' ideas and adapted them to the specific context of Portugal. The book provides a detailed comparison of these two movements, offering a nuanced exploration that will appeal to scholars of European history, political theory  and the rise of authoritarian movements in the early 20th century.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherCPHRC Editorial Services
    Release dateOct 18, 2024
    ISBN9798227523372
    Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano
    Author

    Jamie Stewart Jones

    Jamie Stewart Jones is a journalist, editor, translator and political historian who has spent the last 30 years studying the political history of the Portuguese Republic from 1910 to the present. He has contributed articles and chapters to a number of books and academic journals and has had work published in leading Portuguese newspapers. He is currently working on the translation of a number of important works of Portuguese literature.

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      Book preview

      Action Française and Integralismo Lusitano - Jamie Stewart Jones

      Introduction

      In many European nations , democracy and the regimes that were influenced, if not spawned, by its doctrines entered the 20th century in a profound crisis. For many, the early promise of equality and liberty was seen as a sham as the new democratic rulers pursued policies that benefited the few at the expense of the many. Moreover, even in those (few) situations where the mass of the national population did not experience any real deterioration in their day-to-day lives, the reaction against democracy was fuelled by its failure to deliver concrete benefits. People did not want the status quo, even with a new elite at the helm. Because of these perceived failures, a reaction set in was to challenge seriously, and in many cases undermine, the democrats’ onward march to hegemony. Democracy as a political doctrine and as institutionalised regimes had to wait until the end of the Second World War before it could continue on its path, and even then, its victory was qualified until the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

      The democratic politicians and their supporters generally acknowledged that the main threat to their ideology at that time came from the left. Indeed, it can be argued that democracy made it inevitable that this should be the case. One concomitant of democracy was a belief in laissez-faire economics—a natural extension of the democratic credo of political equality. In its promotion of political liberty, the democrats unleashed a new phenomenon which, at its best, seriously undermined man’s links with the land and encouraged them to augment their new political liberty with economic liberty. By encouraging this belief in perfectibility, the new democratic elite also encouraged (both actively and unintentionally) the old elite, the caciques of Latin Europe and the feudal landowners of northern Europe to loosen their bonds of responsibility. In the new democratic utopias that preached the rights of man, there was neither room for ancient privileges, nor the concept of noblesse oblige. Men, all being equal, had nothing to lose but their chains; however, all was not equal. Indeed, for democracy to function, all could not be equal.

      The newly liberated were either forced by circumstance or persuaded by the promise of comfort and a modicum of wealth to leave the land and enter the cities in search of work in the new industries created almost everywhere. However, the masses that flocked to the cities were ill-prepared for the realities of urban life—the problems of alienation and proletarianisation. Most contemporary observers, from Chadwick in the United Kingdom to Durkheim in France, were exercised by this new reality and sought to explain or directly alleviate its immediate causes. To varying extents, city workers were organised into bodies that advanced improvement plans. On the left, socialist, anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist movements, very rarely with large memberships, fought among themselves and against the democratic elite to promote their own views in their attempts to win the hearts and minds of the new urban proletariat, meeting varying degrees of success.

      The left’s response to the new world, however, is well documented and largely beyond the scope of this discussion. Our task is to investigate the doctrine of the anti-democratic forces that emerged from the right—forces that, in a very practical sense, were to overshadow the anti-democratic left—even stealing some of their clothes in the process. This paper will tell the story of Action Française and Portugal’s Integralismo Lusitano during the first decades of the 20th century.

      While most on the left wing of the political spectrum were attacking the worst excesses of the liberal democratic system, there was a growing unease against it from elements on the right. While the right wing, or perhaps

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