Gender Violence, 3rd Edition: Interdisciplinary Perspectives

GENDER VIOLENCE

Gender Violence

Interdisciplinary Perspectives

THIRD EDITION

Edited by

Laura L. O’Toole,

Jessica R. Schiffman, and

Rosemary Sullivan

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS

New York

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS

New York

www.nyupress.org

© 2020 by New York University

All rights reserved

References to internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the author nor New York University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: O’Toole, Laura L., editor. | Schiffman, Jessica R., editor. | Sullivan, Rosemary, 1947– editor.

Title: Gender violence : interdisciplinary perspectives / edited by Laura L. O’Toole, Jessica R. Schiffman, and Rosemary Sullivan.

Description: Third Edition. | New York : New York University Press, 2020. | Revised edition of Gender violence, c2007. | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2019033758 | ISBN 9781479843923 (cloth) | ISBN 9781479820801 (paperback) | ISBN 9781479801794 (ebook) | ISBN 9781479801817 (ebook)

Subjects: LCSH: Women—Violence against. | Family violence. | Sex crimes. | Pornography—Social aspects. | Women—Violence against—United States. | Family violence—United States. | Sex crimes—United States. | Pornography—Social aspects—United States.

Classification: LCC HV6250.4.W65 G48 2020 | DDC 362.82/92—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019033758

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DEDICATION

For Stephen Meade for your unflagging support, and to Christian Meade and Katie O’Brien for your steadfast feminism and commitment to social justice in these troubled times. And in memory of Kevin O’Toole, who lived a life of care and concern for all living things. You were the epitome of a gentleman. I miss you.

LOT

For Pat, who helped to shoulder the burden and kept me fed, with eternal thanks.

To Emma, Ethan, and Ronen, whose commitment to justice and compassion inspires and enlightens me, and to the joyful presence of Isaiah and Esther. You carry my hope and faith into the future.

JRS

To my wife, Ellen, who inspired me throughout this project through pep talks, gentle encouragement, and reminders about the big picture.

To my children, Rob, Gabe, and Alanna, for teaching me about a depth of love that I did not think was possible.

To my mother, Barbara, for role modeling resilience, compassion, and faith.

RMS

CONTENTS

Preface: Conceptualizing Gender Violence

Laura L. O’Toole, Jessica R. Schiffman, and Rosemary Sullivan

PART I: The Roots of Gendered Violence

SECTION 1: Historicizing Gender Violence

María de Jesús Mother of Weeping Rocks

Claudia Castro Luna

1. Gendered Violence in Small-Scale Societies in the Past

Debra L. Martin and Ryan P. Harrod

2. Overcoming the Religious and Sexual Legacies of Slavery: An Overview

Bernadette J. Brooten

3. Theorizing Women’s Oppression

Sharon Smith

4. Sexual Coercion in American Life

Edwin M. Schur

SECTION 2: Global Gender Violence: A Template for Exploration

Anatomy Lesson

Cherrie Moraga

5. The Socio-Cultural Context of Rape: A Cross-Cultural Study

Peggy Reeves Sanday

6. Sexual Violence as a Weapon during the Guatemalan Genocide

Victoria Sanford, Sofía Duyos Álvarez-Arenas, and Kathleen Dill

7. Situating Toxic Masculine Subcultures: Toward Disrupting Gendered Violence

Laura L. O’Toole and Jessica R. Schiffman

PART II: Manifestations of Sexual Coercion and Violence

SECTION 1: Harassment and Bullying

Agoraphobia

Natasha Sajé

8. Expanding the Conceptualization of Workplace Violence: Implications for Research, Policy, and Practice

Kristin M. Van De Griend and DeAnne K. Hilfinger Messias

9. Everything from Beautiful to Bitch: Black Women and Street Harassment

Melinda Mills

10. Gendered Harassment, Abuse, and Violence Online

Bailey Poland

11. #MeToo Has Done What the Law Could Not

Catharine A. MacKinnon

SECTION 2: Rape and Sexual Violations

Home

Warsan Shire

12. Sexual Terrorism in the Twenty-First Century

Carole J. Sheffield

13. Lessons Still Being Learned from the Comfort Women of World War II

Margaret D. Stetz

14. Forty Years after Brownmiller: Prisons for Men, Transgender Inmates, and the Rape of the Feminine

Valerie Jenness and Sarah Fenstermaker

15. Consent

Linda Martín Alcoff

SECTION 3: Intimate Partner Violence

To Judge Faolain, Dead Long Enough: A Summons

Linda McCarriston

16. Domestic Violence: The Intersection of Gender and Control

Michael P. Johnson

17. Violence in Intimate Relationships: A Feminist Perspective

bell hooks

18. Religion and Intimate Partner Violence: A Double-Edged Sword

Lee E. Ross

19. Intimate Partner Violence Survivors: The Struggles of Undocumented Latina Immigrants

Miriam G. Valdovinos

SECTION 4: Children and Gender Violence

The Second Photograph

Margaret Randall

20. Men, Masculinity, and Child Sexual Abuse: A Sex and Gender Question

Annie Cossins

21. Locating a Secret Problem: Sexual Violence in Elementary and Secondary Schools

Nan D. Stein

22. Where Are the Children?: Theorizing the Missing Piece in Gendered Sexual Violence

Nancy Whittier

23. Rape Culture in Holy Spaces: Child Sexual Abuse by Clergy

Rosemary Sullivan

SECTION 5: Commodified Bodies: Agency or Violation?

The Night Shift

technicolordust

24. Pornography and Black Women’s Bodies

Patricia Hill Collins

25. Pornographic Values: Hierarchy and Hubris

Robert Jensen

26. Making Sense of Sex Work, Prostitution, and Trafficking—in the Classroom and Beyond

Chrysanthi S. Leon and Corey Shdaimah

27. Intimate States: Policies and Their Effects on Sex Workers

Anastasia Hudgins

PART III: Toward Nonviolence and Gender Justice

SECTION 1: Thinking About Change

FromReimagining History

Marcus Amaker and Marjory Wentworth

28. Educating for Social Change: Feminist Curriculum and Community Partnerships for Advocacy Training

Jennifer Naccarelli and Susan L. Miller

29. Preventing Gender Violence, Transforming Human Relations: A Case for Coeducation

Irene Comins Mingol

30. Queer Organizing, Racial Justice, and the Reframing of Intimate Partner Violence

Elizabeth B. Erbaugh

31. Revisiting the Impact of the Sex Industry and Prostitution in Europe

Janice G. Raymond

32. Advances and Limitations of Policing and Human Security for Women: Nicaragua in Comparative Perspective

Shannon Drysdale Walsh

33. Forks in the Road of Men’s Gender Politics: Men’s Rights versus Feminist Allies

Michael A. Messner

34. Linguistic Nonviolence and Human Equality

William Gay

Copyright Acknowledgments

Bibliography

About the Editors

About the Contributors

Index

PREFACE

Conceptualizing Gender Violence

LAURA L. O’TOOLE, JESSICA R. SCHIFFMAN, AND ROSEMARY SULLIVAN

As we write this preface to our third edition, the ongoing struggle to eradicate gender violence, or at least lessen its pervasiveness, is as salient as ever. Gender violence is still integrally entwined in myriad world events and the experiences of individuals worldwide. Consider political strife and civil upheavals such as the genocidal attacks against the Rohingya people of Myanmar in which rape is a quotidian feature or the upswing of awareness about sexual harassment in workplaces including Hollywood, universities, restaurants, modeling agencies, factories, the arts, and seemingly everything in between. Acts of gender violence are ubiquitous throughout history. Rape has been a correlate of war for centuries. Working women experienced men’s coercive sexual behaviors long before the term sexual harassment was coined.

While specifics of gender violence may change, the underlying causes cry out for attention. The pervasiveness and intricacies of gendered systems and relationships, as well as our greater understanding of the intersubjective experience of cisgender and transgender men and women in various cultural contexts, all demonstrate the extent to which problems of gender are in need of continued and rigorous study. Data indicates that support for egalitarian views among US eighteen- to twenty-five-year-olds has decreased significantly in the past two decades (Coontz 2017) contributing to a climate of power differentials that increase the likelihood of violence. In a sad commentary on the normalization of gender violence, the forty-fifth president of the US was caught on video claiming that he had grabbed women’s genitals without consent, yet a sufficient number of people did not view his actions as a serious barrier to voting him into office. All paint a picture of the Sisyphean effort it requires to eliminate gender violence.

We continue to build on the stalwart efforts of generations past, while faced with new permutations that reflect increasing complexity within societies and global relationships. The urgency to address gender violence is evidenced by the many current events deemed newsworthy on an international scale given their political implications or the celebrity of perpetrators. Even so, these represent only a fraction of the violence against women, children, and the LGBTQ+ communities committed on a daily basis across the world. If you read your own local newspaper or scan televised newscasts or online news sources, you will find hundreds of similar events in any given month. These incidents, while often writ small, stand as clear testimony to the insidious problem of gender violence.

Framing the Concepts of Gender, Violence, and Gender Violence

Gender is the culturally specific constellation of personal attributes assigned to men and women and a central organizing principle among human groups. It is a primary characteristic that structures intimate relationships and provides guidelines for dividing labor, assigning social values, and granting privileges. In most contemporary societies, dualistic gender systems endure, with clearly demarcated boundaries between that which is considered masculine and that which is considered feminine—temperamentally, physically, sexually, and behaviorally—though restrictive binary categories are giving way to more fluid understandings of gender in some cultures, with implications for how we understand the topics we address in this book.

For example, Germany now requires that all public documents, including birth certificates, add either a third gender category or dispense with gender altogether. At present, eight countries recognize more than two genders on passports or national identity cards (Eddy and Bennett 2017). In the US, California, Oregon, and Washington allow a third option on birth certificates, and New York City enacted a law allowing X as a choice as of 2019 (Newman, 2018). These changes acknowledge that [y]ou can’t necessarily read from people’s bodies what their gender means to them (Appiah 2018).

Gender is simultaneously a deeply embedded aspect of individual personalities and structural social arrangements; yet, it is also contested social terrain. Gender relations are a complicated mix of congeniality and conflict; yet, in either case, they are almost always imbued with an asymmetrical distribution of power. They are the product of social and cultural dynamics, historical forces, political and economic imperatives, and interpersonal interactions. In many societies and for many individuals, however, it is the conflicted aspects of gender relations that are the most prominent.

Violence extends from individual relationships to the arrangement of power and authority in organizations to the relations among countries of the world. Broadly speaking, violence is a mainstay in the entertainment and news media, in national and international politics, in family dynamics, and in our social constructions of sexual desire. It simultaneously intrigues and repels us. Although most violence worldwide is male-on-male, the emergence of self-conscious women’s political movements, greater global attention to universal human rights and human security, and academic inquiry begs closer scrutiny of the patterns of male violence against women and children, as well as against other men, both in intimate relationships and in public expressions. It is clear, for example, that societies differ in the amount of violence tolerated and types of violence that occur, making it possible to envision successful methods to reduce its prevalence.

We understand violence as the extreme application of social control, usually understood as the use of physical force. It can take psychological forms, when manifested through direct harassment or implied terroristic threats, or symbolic forms, through interactions and advice that shape how women internalize caution and fear (e.g., the home is safe) while simultaneously increasing fear (Morgan and Björkert 2006). Violence can also be structural, as when institutional forces such as governments or medical systems impinge on individuals’ rights to bodily integrity or contribute to the deprivation of basic human needs. By our definition, gender violence is any interpersonal, organizational, or politically oriented violation perpetrated against people due to their sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, or location in the hierarchy of male-dominated social systems such as families, military organizations, or the labor force. Much of the violence in contemporary society serves to preserve asymmetrical gender systems of power. Salter (2012, 3) points to an insidious aspect of gender-based violence, what he terms invalidation, whereby the power to dismiss, trivialise or silence the perspective of another is not evenly distributed throughout society but [is] rather a specific dimension of masculine privilege …

Compulsory aggression as a central component of masculinity serves to legitimate male-on-male violence; sexual harassment is a means of controlling women’s public behavior and access to power; assaults on gay, lesbian, and transgender people serve as punishment for gender transgressions; and rape is a standard tool for domination in war, in prisons, and in too many intimate relationships. Clearly and consistently documented throughout human history, the forms that such violence assumes—rape, intimate partner violence, child abuse, and murder—constitute some of the most pressing and enduring social problems. Given the centrality of gender and the ubiquity of violence, it is no wonder that they are interwoven in our social systems. The systems in which they are embedded are complex; simplistic explanations or simple solutions will not suffice. Explicating the problem of gender violence demands a comprehensive, multifaceted framework.

The Structure of this Edition

This volume attempts to provide such an interdisciplinary framework. It is the outgrowth of our personal and collegial efforts to understand the phenomenon of gender violence to a fuller extent than discipline-specific analysis currently allows. Our own scholarly training includes degrees in clinical social work, education, and sociology. We see the value of our disciplines in explaining the significance of context in the study of gender violence. As participants in interdisciplinary gender studies throughout our careers, we have been engaged by the important analysis of our colleagues in the social sciences and humanities that has enriched the study of gender relations, in many cases preceding our disciplines in uncovering significant social facts as well as the subdued and silenced voices of women, children, and marginalized men.

The poems and chapters in this book have contributed to our own understanding of the interpersonal and structural dynamics of gender violence, as well as both the historical evolution and the contemporary manifestations of gender relations. We share that understanding here, weaving together the voices of other scholars and artists with our own thoughts on how to best interpret the vast and ever-expanding literature on gender violence. We do this while acknowledging that the literature cannot completely represent the horrifying expanse of empirical evidence and personal experiences of physical and sexual assault, harassment, and murder.

Although documenting and exploring the violation of women has been a primary focus of research and activism among feminist and pro-feminist analysts, we have chosen to include a broader set of questions that spring from the study of gender and violence. In what ways are ideas about gender and sexual identity used to legitimate violence against individuals and groups, regardless of how one identifies with their gender assigned at birth? To what extent does the social construction of gender influence male-on-male violence? Can and should men and boys be acknowledged as indirect victims of violence against women, at least in some cases, such as those who witness intimate partner violence? By widening our analytical lens, we are able to incorporate important connections among violence against children, heterosexual women and men, and lesbians, gay men, and transgender people, and we suggest important questions about structural and interpersonal violence for future analysis.

There are some victories: women elected to high office in increasing numbers around the world, the #MeToo movement and its correlates, the Women’s March on Washington and throughout the globe that continues to inspire local action to address specific problems from Austria to Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan, Japan, and many locales in between. These developments encourage us to persevere, to not lose hope in the face of the daunting effort required to create change despite grinding disappointments. We write this fully committed to reducing human suffering and in the belief that change is possible—indeed essential.

Gender Violence is organized into three parts. Part 1 contains a sociohistorical exploration of gender violence, focusing first on some foundational ideas and theoretical concepts about its construction, then more specifically on a template that allows us to analyze gender violence across the globe. Part 2 examines various forms of gendered violence. Part 3 presents inspiring insights and practices to help us transform gender relations and end gender violence. Each section of the book includes an introduction, suggested readings, and chapters that represent important contributions to the study of gender violence from a wide spectrum of academic and activist perspectives. Although many chapters address issues of gender violence in the US, we have integrated a sizeable number of international perspectives. We include research-based articles, theoretical and critical analyses, and essays.

The reader will notice that every section is prefaced by a poem. We have organized the book this way in part to set the tone for the more scholarly analysis that follows and in part to periodically break away from this analysis to hear voices unfettered by disciplinary jargon or academic theory. Understanding gender violence requires a merging of the analytical and experiential realms. Working toward a solution will ultimately require an understanding both of social dynamics and of the pain and tragedy that gender violence wreaks in the lives of women, men, and children around the world.

This volume is necessarily incomplete. There are many more insightful analyses, theoretical elaborations, and powerful voices than space permits us to include. Many have yet to speak, and our search for solutions is far from complete. We hope this book will contribute to the dialogue among students, activists, and scholars concerned about understanding and eradicating gender violence. We believe such a dialogue is crucial, and we have attempted to design the book in a way that is accessible to all these constituencies.

Many people have encouraged us to take on this project and provided helpful commentary along the way. Colleagues, friends, and family who have supported and inspired us in various, often indispensable ways include Cecile Andrews, Robin Brownstein, Carolyn Byerly, Cassandra Cupka, Jacque Ensign, Felicity Gray, Marie Laberge, Rachel Lodge, Kay McGraw, Steve Meade, Tom Menduni, James Mitchell, Kathleen O’Toole, Carol Post, Carol Rudisell, Rebecca Schachter, Carol Schouboe, Ellen Smith, Barbara Sullivan, and Pat Timmins. Ryan Cramton, Nicole Gostanian, Lily McCaughey, Deleesha Moore, and Dan Titus provided significant technical assistance in building crucial components of the manuscript. Ronen Elad, Christian Meade, Emma Timmins-Schiffman, and Ethan Timmins-Schiffman read chapter drafts and provided us with numerous helpful suggestions. We also sincerely appreciate the tenacity and courage of many current and former students at the University of Delaware, Guilford College, Roanoke College, Salve Regina University, and Westfield State University who confront the difficult questions we pose about gender and violence, often bearing the weight of great personal trauma. They have taught—and continue to teach—us a lot.

Our editor, Ilene Kalish, supported our desire to update this work. She particularly gave us great leeway to bring our vision to fruition. Assistant editor Sonia Tsuruoka was always available to answer our many questions; she helped us beyond expectations. We thank the contributors to this volume for their vision, with special gratitude to Elizabeth Erbaugh, William Gay, Ryan Harrod, Anastasia Hudgins, Chrysanthi Leon, Debra Martin, Melinda Mills, Susan Miller, Irene Comins Mingol, Jennifer Naccarelli, Bailey Poland, Janice Raymond, Corey Shdaimah, Carole Sheffield, Margaret Stetz, and Miriam Valdovinos whose original efforts immeasurably augment the value of this book. Finally, we mourn the loss of Harry Brod, whose untimely passing prevented the inclusion of his inimitable voice in this volume.

Editors’ Note

As this book goes to press in April 2020, the world has been upended in unimaginable ways. Among its effects, the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19 requires social distancing, relegating people across the globe to confined living spaces.This virtual imprisonment increases the risk of gender violence. Preliminary data from international NGOs indicates already spiraling rates of intimate partner violence and child abuse. In short, this pandemic within a pandemic is exposing the social, economic, and political fault lines that we address in this volume.

PART I

The Roots of Gendered Violence

The two sections included here explore the conditions that give rise to gendered violence, providing a framework for our subsequent analysis. Section 1 historicizes gender violence as interpersonal, community, and political-economic phenomena and spans early to contemporary settings. Section 2 takes a global perspective in analyzing the widespread cultural and historical trends that are associated with the seemingly intractable scourge of gender violence. Taken together, these sections show that understanding gender violence requires broad historical and theoretical knowledge, as well as smaller-scale case-study analysis to capture the culturally specific contours that gender violence assumes. Readings in part 1 encompass the disciplines of anthropology, bioarchaeology, economics, gender studies, history, political science, theological studies, and sociology.

SECTION 1

Historicizing Gender Violence

The roots of gender violence run deep in human history, making attempts to trace them difficult. Male violence, specifically, is so widespread that biological determinism has often dominated debates about its origins. As such, gendered violence is often explained as a natural and universal consequence of the biological differences between men and women. Age-old theories posit that superior strength and a variety of hormonal stimuli predispose men toward violent, controlling behavior. Such an amalgam of traits juxtaposed against the purported natural passivity and compliance of the weaker female, it has been argued, will likely produce violence in men, against women, in certain situations. One form of this argument suggests that males’ innate drive to reproduce stimulates behavioral responses that lead to what we now define as rape.

Despite the longevity of such explanations, other compelling theories exist. The influence of the contemporary feminist movement on academic inquiry contributes to the reframing of central questions about gender relations, challenging deeply embedded intellectual traditions. A social constructionist framework suggests that patriarchy—the system of male control over women—is a human invention, not the inevitable outcome of biological characteristics. In order to denaturalize gender violence, then, one must uncover the social roots of male dominance and other institutionalized systems of power to understand the extent to which power, control, and violation become valued attributes in human communities. This argument has important implications; if patriarchy is a social construction, then the violence that results from it becomes more problematic and less easy to dismiss as human nature. More recently, intersectional approaches extend theories of patriarchy to situate gender violence within multiple sites of dominance and oppression including class, race, and sexuality systems. Through these analytical frames, gender violence in all of its manifestations becomes a social problem with a beginning and, ostensibly, an end, rather than a taken-for-granted aspect of the human condition. In order to bring about its demise, however, we must take on the difficult challenge of uncovering its origins.

The Contributions of Marx and Engels

Although the patriarchal family was not a central concern of Karl Marx’s social theory, he did suggest that its modern form was a microcosm of class antagonisms that later developed on a grand scale in society (Marx 1978). This foreshadows recognition of the family as a site of social stratification and inequality. Applying the logic of Marxian economic theory more systematically to the condition of women, Friedrich Engels theorized the legal, monogamous family, in which women exchange sexual and domestic services for economic security and men retain sexual control of women in marriage, as the equivalent of slave ownership (see Smith, this volume).

Further, the emergence of the concept of private property and its appropriation by men, according to Engels (1884), are the central historical events from which the modern social order, and systematic gender violence, have emerged. In this model, women are economic dependents; eventually defined as the property of fathers or husbands, they are subject to the violence that accompanies the status of slaves.

The Marx-Engels theory was the first to attribute women’s deteriorated status to a sociological, rather than biological, source. More than 130 years of social and economic analysis have not diminished the significance of theorizing economic arrangements in gender systems of power; however, economic determinism is no more satisfactory than biological determinism in explaining the origins of patriarchal domination. Given the complexity of human social life, any singular statement of cause and effect is doomed to fail. Anthropologists, political theorists, sociologists, and historians studying gender have built on the Marxian-Engelsian framework, though in different applications; each discipline contributes significant analyses to our project.

The Significance of Sex/Gender Systems

Anthropological research provides most of the early evidence supporting a social, rather than biological, theory of gender. Studies such as those that Margaret Mead (1935) conducted among peoples of New Guinea showed gendered behavior to be a relative concept: different cultures define masculinity and femininity according to their own social needs; indeed, cultures may have more than two gender categories. Men are not inherently aggressive, and women not inherently passive and subordinate. The gender-based division of labor, although apparently universal, takes many shapes and forms. Such findings have enabled social theorists to define sex (nature) and gender (culture) as mutually exclusive, though interrelated, phenomena.

Studies of kinship systems in tribal social life provide a foundation for understanding early cultural definitions of gender, since all early human social life was organized through these systems. The incest taboo is a particularly significant human invention, in that it allows for the exchange of women among men of different kin groups, which in turn facilitates trade and alliances. Eventually, however, it also contributes to the ascension of men into roles of social power (Lévi-Strauss 1969). Some analysts suggest that the practice of exchanging women transforms them over time into tribal resources—commodities, rather than self-determined individuals.

Gayle Rubin’s classic essay The Traffic in Women: Notes on the Political Economy of Sex (1976) called into question many of the key assumptions about kinship and gender that had dominated anthropology prior to the modern feminist movement. Rubin uses the works of Marx, Engels, and Lévi-Strauss in a fundamentally different frame of analysis: a feminist critique that reconceptualizes the essence of early kinship systems and links them to contemporary gender relations of power.

The crux of Rubin’s argument is that the construction of sexual meaning, not the commodification of women per se, is the hallmark of early kinship structures. Given the elaborate differences among kinship systems historically and cross-culturally, Rubin replaces the notion of emergent patriarchy with the concept of sex/gender systems. All cultures have sex/gender systems in which a socially constructed set of relations that define and regulate sexuality, masculinity, and femininity emerge. These relations, though initially kin-centered, also serve as the framework for creating increasingly elaborate economic and political systems. In contemporary cultures, kinship exists within such a complex of institutional structures. What was crucial for early feminist scholarship is this: in the earliest human groups, the exchange (and oppression) of women did not exist for its own sake. It fulfilled central functions for group survival.

Contemporary sex/gender systems, still replete with oppressive sexual meaning and regulation, do not fulfill the same economic and political functions that kinship once did. Kinship has been stripped of all its early functions, save for reproduction and the socialization of individuals. Following this logic, according to Rubin, the contemporary sex/gender system seems to exist only to organize and reproduce itself (1976, 199) rather than all of human activity. Contemporary sex/gender systems, therefore, serve no clear functions other than reproducing oppressive and repressive gender relations. More recent analyses of binary gender systems and heteronormativity extend the critique by more fully fleshing out the social constructions of gender and sexuality. These power analyses shed ever more light on gendered violence, as this volume illustrates.

Patriarchy and Women’s Agency

Until recently, scholarly writing viewed sex/gender systems as restrictions imposed on women by men. Given that patriarchy predates recorded history, of course, it is difficult to trace its origins to a single causal factor, such as physical force or economic exchange. What if its origins were relatively benign?

Historian Gerda Lerner (1986) developed a theory that uses a materialist conceptualization of history (in the tradition of Marx) as a starting point for understanding the origins of patriarchy. Combining her own exhaustive study of historical artifacts from the earliest human communities and a fresh interpretation of the academic literature from the mid-twentieth century, Lerner built a scenario that centralizes women’s agency, and hence depicts them as cocreators of history. According to Lerner, patriarchy is initially the unintended consequence of human social organization, a process that most probably emerged out of the negotiated labor of males and females interested in mutual survival and the continuation of the species.

Human biological difference does not predict or determine male dominance, but it is certainly a major factor in the elaboration of a rudimentary division of labor. Given extremely short life spans and the vulnerability of human infants, women would probably choose to engage in labor that involves less risk in order to heighten the chances that their offspring would survive. The gathering and child-rearing work that was predominantly, although not exclusively, performed by women was highly valued and central to early cultural production. It is only through the lens of modern, predominantly male interpreters that such work is devalued relative to men’s hunting.

According to Lerner (1986, 53), Sometime during the agricultural revolution, relatively egalitarian societies with a sexual division of labor based on biological necessity gave way to more highly structured societies in which both private property and the exchange of women based on incest taboos and exogamy were common. In Lerner’s formulation, women may have initially viewed their procreative abilities as tribal resources independent of coercion on the part of male kin. A complex combination of ecological, climatic, and demographic changes probably intervened to produce a scarcity of women in some kin groups that eventually gave rise to the idea and practice of exchange.

Although patriarchy was formally established by the beginning of recorded history, it probably took centuries for patriarchy to emerge as a concise system. By the time women became consciously aware of the emergent power relations that formed early patriarchal systems, they were hardly in position to do much about it. Once male control was identified, Lerner’s research suggests, individual women chafed under its bonds and used various forms of resistance to secure status for themselves and their children. Although women may have been active agents in the creation of cultural arrangements that eventually limited their freedom, and may even be complicit in maintaining their personal power rather than pursuing collective rights for women, there is also a long historical record of active agents in proto feminist resistance to patriarchal control.

Violence and Male Power

The use of force to maintain privilege is the significant characteristic of male behavior in patriarchal societies. It contributes to the development of the elaborate systems of economic and social inequality within and across gender. A central fact acknowledged but generally underanalyzed by historians is that women were the first slaves (Lerner 1986). Slavery is a significant institution through which male violence against women is exercised and racial hierarchies are invented (see Brooten, this volume). In the quest for women, invading clans would kill adult males on the spot and enslave women and their children. Rape and other forms of physical and psychological violence were used to control women in their new communities. It was through mastering techniques of violent coercion on female captives that men eventually learned how to dominate and control other men without simply killing them. Martin and Harrod (see this volume) extend early theories about men’s violence to include the complicity of women. Both violence toward women and the elaborate social structures that developed around such practices serve to appropriate key aspects of women’s independence and institutionalize patriarchy. Over time, overt and covert forms of violence come to characterize normal gender relations, the enforcement of heteronormativity, and systems of racial control institutionally and interpersonally.

Male control of women in families, which has endured the progress of centuries, is certainly not the only manifestation of androcentric sex/gender systems. Just as the construction of gender differs cross-culturally, gender violence takes many cultural forms: ten centuries of foot binding in China; witch burning in sixteenth-century Europe; female genital cutting in Africa; female castration by physicians in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century US; and honor-based killings in the Middle East. Indeed, discrimination, which underlies gender violence, begins before birth where preference for boys, often due to the burdens of dowry expectations, leads to high rates of pregnancy terminations and infanticide, particularly in India, the Republic of Korea, China (Advocates for Youth 2012), and Eastern Europe. This has produced skewed populations of missing women—approximately 117 million fewer than estimates predict would have been born (United Nations Population Fund n.d.). Similarly, the long history of marginalization of, and violence against, LGBTQ+ individuals and communities is an outgrowth of binary gender systems and social relations of power.

As these examples illustrate, gender violence and physical security are not merely a feature of micro-level interactions among intimates but are deeply embedded at the levels of community and nation state (see Table P1.1 and Figure P1.1). So universal and widespread are the institutionalized forms of violence against women, for example, that Caputi and Russell (1990) developed the concept of femicide to describe the systematic and global destruction of women.

Although males are the primary perpetrators of violence against women, women are not only victims but are often collusive in the creation and preservation of violent or harmful traditions. Such is the case for genital cutting, carried out by older women; female relatives’ protection of men involved in incestuous relationships; dowry deaths, which are sometimes facilitated by female relatives; the perpetuation of rape myths; and body-altering surgeries, diets, and fashions (think of the clear-cut damage of high heels). Far from blaming women for their complicity, it is important to understand how such actions provide some modicum of power within social systems where women are devalued. Similarly, men may also be victims of gender violence, in ways that we explore more fully throughout this volume.

Figure P1.1. World Map. Only five of the six shaded areas in the key to the map are represented. There is no place designated as Women physically secure in the world. Source: Valerie M. Hudson et al., Sex & World Peace (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).

The Social Reproduction of Gender Violence

Gender relations and expectations are situated in the various social structures of societies: labor markets, political systems, families, schools, health-care systems, and so on. We have thus far theorized gender as a set of social relationships, and sexuality as a social construction that is enforced by institutionalized sex/gender systems. But it is also important to underscore the centrality of gender and sexuality as deeply felt aspects of a person’s identity. Our awareness of what constitutes appropriate behavior, the patterns of interaction in our families and peer groups, our selection and observation of reference groups, and the structure of opportunities available to us all contribute to our evolution as gendered and sexual beings. The extent to which violence becomes embedded in our repertoire of behaviors is, in part, related to our individual propensities to accept and internalize aspects of socially prescribed gender roles and relationships and whether or not we subscribe to the tenets of heteronormative cultures.

Connell (1987) developed the critical concepts of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity to refer to the dominant, idealized notions of sexual character that exist in a society. These idealizations are accepted as normal by society, although they always exist in opposition to quite a range of real human personalities and behaviors. For example, the hegemonic—or controlling—form of masculinity in the early twenty-first-century US requires the ability to be powerful, aggressive, rational, and invulnerable, to control oneself and others in a variety of social situations. This usually implies athleticism, financial success, and the heterosexual domination of women, as well as a sufficient distance from characteristics deemed feminine by the culture. The extent to which men and boys in the US comply with this set of characteristics varies widely, but the manliness of most will be judged by their ability to measure up to this standard of masculinity.

For women, the ideal standard is clearly articulated but not as restrictive as the one prescribed for men. Emphasized femininity is constructed as a counterpoint to masculinity: emotional, nurturing, vulnerable, dependent, sexually desirable, and malleable, rather than controlling. There is a certain amount of ambivalence built into contemporary femininity, however, because these behaviors are idealized but at the same time are not highly valued by the culture. Women acting in stereotypically masculine ways have received a certain amount of social acceptance in some arenas (such as in corporate boardrooms, where the most successful women act like men, or in sporting events such as women’s boxing), but the drumbeat of popular culture continually presents the traditional roles of wife, mother, and sexual ornament as of primary importance.

At various points in human history, and particularly in the present, hegemonic masculinity becomes a breeding ground for gender violence. It is reproduced generally through the early socialization of boys in families and schools, through mass media images, and in male-dominated institutions such as the military, sports teams, politics, and science. Adherence to traditional femininity can be, quite literally, a health hazard for women, as socially prescribed acquiescence to male dominance may be an open invitation to male aggression. These constructions are further complicated when individuals and communities express gender and sexuality in nonbinary ways. The roots of male dominance and heteronormative cultures may be relatively simple, but the elaborate psychological and institutional systems that have evolved and sustained it over time are exceedingly complex.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Wendy Brown, Undoing the Demos, 2015

R. W. Connell, Gender and Power: Society, The Person, and Sexual Politics, 1987

Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, 1986

Valerie M. Hudson, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli, and Chad F. Emmett, Sex & World Peace, 2012

Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011

María de Jesús Mother of Weeping Rocks

Claudia Castro Luna

It starts early

before you learn to speak

even before

you leave the hospital

in your mother’s arms

that your body is not your own

that women’s paychecks are cut short

that women’s wombs remain law controlled

you’d think after all these years

things would be different

the pink that casts your gender

a diaphanous cage

passing as rosy charm

a fine chainmail

to be worn at all times

1

Gendered Violence in Small-Scale Societies in the Past

DEBRA L. MARTIN AND RYAN P. HARROD

Rock art depicting decapitated heads (see Schaafsma 2007) or the actual act of cutting off the head painted on ceramic vessels (Brody 1983, 115) is hard to ignore. Such iconography is often used by archaeologists to identify the presence or absence of violence in small-scale societies of the past. Given issues of preservation, the relative scarcity of elaborately designed artwork, and the more mobile nature of small-scale societies, however, iconography is rarely available to identify violence in the past for most cultural groups. The presence of weapon-like tools (Blitz 1988; Taylor 2001) and structures that appear to be fortifications (Wilcox 1979) are also typically cited as an indication of the presence or threat of intergroup conflict. However, the cultural symbols and rhetoric around violence today in our own lives is indicative of how rapidly changing human behavior can be. While useful for framing the potential role for violence, violent imagery, fortified habitation areas, and weapons do not tell the whole story.

Bioarchaeology is the study of human skeletonized bodies from burials in the past. The skeletonized bodies of people provide an additional line of evidence about the ways that violence was used and who was most at risk for dying a violent death. While not all traumatic injuries are the result of violent conflict, there are often clear markers on the bone that are indicative of interpersonal violence (Brink 2009; Galloway 1999; Spencer 2012). Reconstruction of the mortuary context and the demographic structure, or the age and sex distribution of those who died, can also reveal patterns of violence in the past. For example, two sites in East Africa near the beginning of the Holocene are identified as some of the earliest evidence of violence among humans, based on the types of injuries on the bodies (Lahr et al. 2016; Wendorf 1968).

By adopting a bioarchaeological approach, we seek to explain human behavior within an evolutionary and biocultural framework. Studies that integrate human skeletal remains, archaeological context, landscape, and ethnohistoric information can fill in the gaps in our knowledge about ancient people and help us understand the history of violence. Many small-scale early societies did not leave written records and so reconstructing behavior from human remains is a very valuable source of information.

Bioarchaeological studies have the potential to situate modern-day problems within a larger temporal and spatial framework. Using these cross-cultural and temporal analyses, bioarchaeology contributes to understanding human variation within and across different cultures as well as non-Western ways of dealing with and adapting to challenges. Building on a prior publication (Martin and Harrod 2015) that assessed the evidence for violence in past societies, we focus specifically on the presence of violence against women in small-scale societies in North America with comparisons to extant small-scale societies in other parts of the world.

Gendered Violence

Violence, especially gender-specific violence, was highlighted on an international scale in 2017 with the #MeToo campaign and the #TimesUp legal fund. The goal of these two social movements in the US is to give a voice to women who are most at risk for sexual harassment and violence and to provide assistance to those who lack financial resources to speak out against their harassers and rapists. Beyond sexual harassment, these highly politicized actions help to remind us that women are at as high a risk of violence today (Garcia-Moreno et al. 2005; Garcia-Moreno et al. 2015) as they were in the past (Barr 2005; Martin et al. 2010; Tung 2012; Wilkinson 1997). Additionally, besides being at a higher risk, the prevalence of violence against women is underreported and overlooked because, in many ways, abuse of females has a long history of being illegal but almost universally promoted and sanctioned by those in power, who tend to be male.

As well, much of the violence discussed publicly tends to focus on culturally sanctioned forms of violence such as warfare and other patterns of male-centered violence. An example of how this works was presented in stark relief by the study conducted by Sylvia Walby and colleagues (2016). They found that violence against women increased in most of the United Kingdom based on the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) data for 1994 through 2014. Although public officials reported that the CSEW data indicated that overall violence was declining, they failed to mention that the larger population database indicated there was an increase in violence against women (Walby et al. 2016, 1227). Such statistical manipulations of data on violence can often mask gendered violence and violence against women.

Given the difficulty of accurately reporting violence that specifically targets women in contemporary times, revealing and uncovering gendered violence and violence against women in the past, when there are no written records, is challenging. Anthropologists are trained to assess social phenomena like violence in a broader context, applying a wider lens and considering not only violent encounters but also the cultural beliefs and social structures that underlie the evidence of these events. Applying evolutionary theory and a mix of cultural, temporal, and cross-cultural approaches, and informed by an integrative biocultural model, we can look beyond proximate and ultimate causes and identify how and why gendered violence changes.

Small-Scale Societies versus Socially Complex Societies

The majority of research on ancient violence is most often conducted on what anthropologists refer to as socially complex societies. These include the large, hierarchical city-states that emerged at different times in multiple places such as Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Mexico. From these kinds of large city-states there are written records in addition to a great deal of archaeological evidence on practices such as warfare, raiding, taking captives, and other forms of violence. However, the question we are trying to answer is, What can be known about violence in small-scale societies for which we have no written records? For North America, archaeologists have dominated the literature with a focus on the qualities we mentioned above, iconography, weaponry, and defensive architecture, which tends to focus on the roles of men and the evidence of warfare. Additionally, early ethnographic literature of indigenous groups living in the Americas historically focused on either the violence of the colonial experience in the 1500s or on oral tradition and ethnohistoric documents that detailed indigenous forms of warfare.

John Bodley (2015, 5–6) differentiates what he calls small-scale autonomous societies from large-scale imperial societies based on a number of factors, including political organization, economic activities, and how much surplus their subsistence strategy produces. Differences in these factors specifically influence the type and prevalence of violence in small-scale societies. For example, this would include closer relations among individuals within the group, the tendency of spaces to be occupied by multiple members of the community, and greater importance placed on avoiding social stigma and violations of normative behavior. This is crucial for determining the prevalence of different types of violence. Research has shown, for example, that domestic violence or intimate partner violence is higher in small-scale communities where women have lost social support structures or kinship ties (Leyaro et al. 2017; Sedziafa et al. 2016).

Small-scale societies in the past have unique and rich cultural patterns that provide some insight into thinking about the origins and pathways of violence as a behavior that is culturally learned and supported by ideology and social organizational structures. We know that violent behaviors are deeply embedded within the cultural matrix of societies, and to be able to imagine what gendered violence is in these early smaller societies provides insight into understanding what it means to be human. Our earliest ancestors started out in these kinds of small-scale societies, although there is no one cookie-cutter pattern for what they look like cross-culturally. In fact, it is focusing on the range of variability in violent practices that is most illuminative of how humans have used, and continue to use, violence in everyday life.

Violence from an Anthropological Perspective

Anthropologists have produced an enormous database on patterns in gendered violence both cross-culturally as well as going back to the Paleolithic and forward to today. Taking a broad view of anthropological studies on violence in human groups demonstrates that it is universally related to ideologies, inequality, sex/gender, and power. This is best illustrated by the online collection of anthropological studies focused on violence.¹ Even with this rich possibility of intersecting cultural factors, the question of violence as a human universal continues to be debated among scholars. Beginning with Hobbes ([1651] 2003) and Rousseau ([1762] 2008), the argument has been about whether or not violence is innate or learned. Early on, the debate was won by Rousseau and his blank slate followers, but beginning in the 1950s, there was a reemergence of scholars who were arguing for the propensity for violence being a human universal that is intimately tied to our biology (Ardrey 1961, 1966; Dart 1953; Lorenz 1966).

As a result of a long-standing tradition of nurture over nature in anthropology, this early work was often rejected. An international symposium was held in 1986 and a document called the Seville Statement (Adams 1989; Adams et al. 1990) was put forth. The intent was to state without reservation that there was no scientific support for a biological propensity for violence. The importance of this document is that it hindered research that explored the more nuanced and complex intersections of culture and biology as a component to understanding violence. Yet, while some say violence is a cultural construct, research studying chimpanzee behavior has offered scientific support for violence having a mix of biological underpinnings and behavioral and social conditioning (Crofoot and Wrangham 2009; Goodall 1979; Goodall 1986; Nishida et al. 1985; Watts et al. 2006; Wrangham and Peterson 1996).

It has been difficult to say exactly when forms of violence we associate with early humans (raiding, low-level warfare, captivity/enslavement, interpersonal fighting, and ambushes) take hold. Many of these activities are associated with male coalitions, not lone individuals. Early humans were foragers and hunters for millions of years before the adoption of agricultural practices that led to the domestication of plants and animals around ten thousand years ago. From three million years ago to the agricultural period, humans practiced big-game hunting, and that is less dangerous and most productive if done as a group. We assume that these early male coalitions that formed to hunt large game were the same kinds of arrangements that were used for raiding, ambushes, and small-scale warfare (Martin and Harrod 2015). If this is correct, then biology need not enter into the understanding of the proliferation of male behaviors related to the formation of coalitions that use weapons formerly used in subsistence activities to the use of weapons and the safety of numbers to attack other humans. Understanding the relative contributions of aggressive behaviors and cultural conditioning has not gotten us very far in understanding anything universal about violence.

The notion of forms of hunting underlying forms of conspecific (same species) violence is supported by the research findings of primatologists Nishida and colleagues (1985) and Goodall (1979) who observed and recorded chimpanzee violence. They showed that chimp violence is different from other mammals’ practice of conspecific killings. Chimpanzee violence is organized and it is a cooperative venture that is carried out against premeditated victims. In fact, chimps are the only nonhuman primate species that form male coalitions to attack and kill individuals from other groups. These studies illustrate the evolutionary trajectory of violence in humans, showing that it is quite distinctive, that it grows out of male coalitions where there is safety in numbers, and that it was likely a fundamental aspect of early human behavior.

Violent encounters that result from cooperation strengthen in-group bonds while creating distrust and antagonism for those outside the group. Male chimps may compete within their group for access to females and this, too, is a behavior that favors aggressive action as an expedient way to solve a problem. However, male chimps still form coalitions that collaborate to keep out males from other groups even as they compete against each other for females within the group. Research shows that both conflict and cooperation are part of the lives of female chimpanzees too (Boesch et al. 2008; Muller 2007). For females who do not have to compete for access to males, they do often compete for access to food resources and they have been known to form coalitions (Goodall 1986; Nishida 1989). Unlike males, the female coalitions are often made up of mother-daughter dyads (Goodall 1979; Hiraiwa-Hasegawa 1988). Female-on-female violence, then, is much rarer and it is also less lethal than male violence. Thus, evolutionary forces that shape human behaviors have selected for both inter- and intragroup cooperation, competition, and conflict; however, it is a complex balance showing that cooperation and violence are not simply opposite expressions of the same behavior.

While chimp studies offer one perspective for how we might begin to imagine the origins and evolution of gendered violence in the last common ancestor, we must recognize that the human trajectory has been quite different from that of chimps. With at least four million years of independent behavioral evolution, the violence we study today is not the same as violence among chimpanzees. Yet, we gain some perspective by thinking about the uses of violence in our deep past and it opens up a path to imagine the role of gendered violence in that past.

Biocultural Approaches to Gendered Violence

Over the last few decades, a growing number of researchers have begun to look beyond particular violent events and to focus not only on social, political, and environmental factors but also on historic factors as well. One of the challenging aspects of studying violence is that it is difficult to define it specifically for ancient cultures. Also, cross-cultural comparisons are difficult because, as this volume demonstrates, violence plays out in very different ways dependent upon cultural ideologies and customs. Utilizing definitions that are shaped by world events in the present are problematic because they are influenced by current political and social events that may not have relevance for other times and places. Today violence is almost always defined as something aberrant and outside of the norms of the culture, but this may or may not hold true for some cultures. At best, studies focused on past small-scale societies that did not leave written records provide a historically situated snapshot for expanding how violence is understood in cross-cultural perspectives.

By the time we see the rise of Homo erectus and Homo ergaster, our ancestors had begun a journey that would move them away from being bound by biology alone. Marks (2015) argues that somewhere along this journey we moved beyond apelike ancestors to become Ex-Apes. Goodman and Leatherman (1998) argue for a paradigm shift away from notions of the genetic basis for behavior to one where humans are seen as a product of the complex interaction between biology and culture. This is important for violence research because it means that neither an evolutionary perspective (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1979; Liddle et al. 2012; Wilson and Daly 1995; Wrangham 1999) nor a purely cultural perspective can explain the full range of variability in violent behaviors that are documented for small-scale societies in the past. It cannot be captured by the nature versus nurture debate perpetuated by Hobbes and Rousseau several centuries ago or the typological and racist science that dominated prior to World War II. When we attempt to explain the human capacity, motivation, and allowance for violence, it is apparent that there is no single cause for the use of violence.

Pinker (2011) argues that we are now living in the most peaceful times in human history based on dramatic declines in homicide rates and war-related deaths. However, there are problems with this interpretation that times are better and violence is declining. As stated above with the example from the United Kingdom and the CSEW database, not all violence is declining, as the analysis shows there has been an increase in violence against women (Walby et al. 2016). While their study was looking at changes in the prevalence of violence over the last few decades, Pinker has tried to argue that it has declined over the last few centuries. The problem is that he compares data from populations that are not truly comparable. The assertion that the apparent trend is not a decline is based on an explosion in the world population and a focus on periodic episodes of lethal violence in small-scale societies (see Falk and Hildebolt 2017; Ferguson 2013).

A focus on these manifestations of violence is misleading, as it ignores a suite of other violent encounters that are higher among states compared to small-scale societies, including violence against women. Evaluating regional trends in violence in Tanzania using the country’s 2010 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), Vincent Leyaro and colleagues (2017) found that violence against women differed based on the involvement of women in subsistence and economic activities. Comparing agricultural activities and fishing based economies they came to the conclusion that it is likely that regions and societies with cultures shaped by values related to a more visible and valuable role for women in the household will also exhibit fewer inequalities within the household in general, and less domestic violence in particular (Leyaro et al. 2017, 25).

Violence against and among Women

Although males are by far more likely to die from violence, both in the past as well as today, female mortality from violence is an understudied area that can contribute to better understanding the complete picture of violence in human evolution. Female-directed violence within a group is typically inter-household (i.e., domestic abuse or intimate partner violence and child abuse). Women should be more aggressive in situations in which their role performance requires control over others’ behavior and they have relatively more power—namely, in the domestic sphere (Campbell 1999, 224).

There is an extensive literature on the history of domestic abuse and intimate partner violence as it has developed in historic and contemporary times, but our goal is to examine skeletal remains to reveal possible patterns of violence against and among females living in ancient populations. As such, it is important to understand that females may not only be victims of violence but may also in some cases be active aggressors as well. These contexts include polygamous head wives who often beat younger wives, situations where females lord over household captives/slaves, and social settings where there are women in competition for resources (Burbank 1994; Harrod et al. 2012; Jankowiak et al. 2005; Rassam 1980). There may also be violence among various clans within matrilineal societies. These kinds of patterned behaviors offer a more nuanced and full accounting for violence in human groups in the past and demonstrate the complexity in the ways that violence is used.

Women as Captives and Slaves

For most Americans, the notion of slavery likely brings to mind Africans being exploited by plantation owners in the Southern States. They are often surprised to discover the role of the Spanish and slavery in the Americas and that slavery is not simply a product of colonial expansion but has been around for far longer and is found throughout the world (Brooks 2002; Gutiérrez 1991; Larsen 2001). In general, the most common type of enslavement in the past was of women and children who were abducted during an ambush during which the males of the community were murdered (Barr 2005; Brooks 2002; Cameron 2011; Marshall 2015; Patterson 1982). This is supported by research that indicates violence against females in the form of raiding and taking captives was a common practice that has been documented in many early prestate populations (see Cameron 2008; Carocci and Pratt 2012; Marshall 2015).

Several researchers have highlighted the presence of captive taking in North America (Cameron 2015; Carocci and Pratt 2012). For example, there are ethnographic accounts of slaves among the Northwest Coast cultures like the Tsimshian, Tlingit, Haida, and Kwakiutl or Kwakwaka’wakw (Ames 2001; Boxberger 1997; Donald 1997; Ruby and Brown 1993) or the Northern Iroquoian cultures like the Iroquois and Huron (Starna and Watkins 1991; Tooker 1991). People taken captive and held as slaves are an important trade resource found prior to contact, for example, along the Northwest Coast where they were an integral part of the potlatch exchange (Boas 1967; Ruby and Brown 1993). The majority of slaves appear to be female but despite this disparity, the society as a whole was egalitarian in terms of