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    The Lives of the Caesars (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading)
    The Lives of the Caesars (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading)
    The Lives of the Caesars (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading)
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    The Lives of the Caesars (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading)

    By Suetonius and Molly Dauster

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    The Lives of the Caesars quite often resembles a modern sensationalized tabloid, stuffed with insinuations, scandal, and royal shenanigans, but it is really much more. Written by a "palace insider" and published at the height of the Roman Empire, it gives a unique, intense, and individual portrait of each emperor. Despite its antiquity, The Lives of the Caesars is neither remote nor obscure; it remains the most readable and most significant biography of the ruling families of the early Roman Empire ever written. Suetonius animated and assured account of the emperors of Rome brings the mundane, tragic, humorous, and scandalous activities of Romes elite - the emperors, their families, friends, enemies, successes, failures, loves, and ambitions - to vivid life.
    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherBarnes & Noble
    Release dateSep 1, 2009
    ISBN9781411429307
    The Lives of the Caesars (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading)

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      The Lives of the Caesars (Barnes & Noble Library of Essential Reading) - Suetonius

      Table of Contents

      Title Page

      Copyright Page

      Introduction

      PREFACE

      PART I - THE LIVES OF THE CAESARS

      GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

      THE MANUSCRIPTS

      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

      SIGLA

      BOOK ONE - THE DEIFIED JULIUS

      BOOK TWO - THE DEIFIED AUGUSTUS

      BOOK THREE - TIBERIUS

      BOOK FOUR - GAIUS CALIGULA

      BOOK FIVE - THE DEIFIED CLAUDIUS

      BOOK SIX - NERO

      BOOK SEVEN - GALBA, OTHO, AND VITELLIUS

      GALBA

      OTHO

      VITELLIUS

      BOOK EIGHT - THE DEIFIED VESPASIAN, THE DEIFIED TITUS, DOMITIAN

      THE DEIFIED VESPASIAN

      THE DEIFIED TITUS

      DOMITIAN

      PART II - THE LIVES OF ILLUSTRIOUS MEN

      PREFATORY NOTE

      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

      DE GRAMMATICIS ET RHETORIBUS

      ON GRAMMARIANS

      ON RHETORICIANS

      DE POETIS

      ON POETS

      THE LIFE OF TERENCE

      THE LIFE OF VERGIL

      LIFE OF HORACE

      THE LIFE OF TIBULLUS

      THE LIFE OF AULUS PERSIUS FLACCUS

      THE LIFE OF LUCAN

      THE LIFE OF PLINY THE ELDER

      THE LIFE OF PASSIENUS CRISPUS

      ENDNOTES

      INDEX

      SUGGESTED READING

      001002

      Introduction and Suggested Reading

      © 2004 by Barnes & Noble, Inc.

      Originally published circa AD 117

      This 2004 edition published by Barnes & Noble, Inc.

      All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored

      in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any

      means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or

      otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

      ISBN-13: 978-0-7607-5758-1

      ISBN-10: 0-7607-5758-5

      eISBN : 978-1-411-42930-7

      Printed and bound in the United States of America

      5 7 9 10 8 6 4

      INTRODUCTION

      SUETONIUS’ THE LIVES OF THE CAESARS QUITE OFTEN RESEMBLES A MODERN sensationalized tabloid, stuffed with insinuations, scandal, and royal shenanigans, but it is really much more. Written by a palace insider and published during the reign of Hadrian (ca. AD 117) at the height of the Roman Empire, The Lives of the Caesars is a unique, intense, and individual portrait of each emperor. Despite its antiquity, The Lives of the Caesars is neither remote nor obscure; it remains the most readable and most significant biography of the ruling families of the early Roman Empire ever written. A bestseller in its own day, it has been in almost continual reprint since its first publication, and the passage of nearly two thousand years has dimmed neither its appeal to historically minded readers nor its importance to scholars. The Lives of the Caesars was both the inspiration and major source for Robert Graves’ I, Claudius, as well as the award-winning BBC/PBS dramatization of the same name. Suetonius’ animated and assured account of the emperors of Rome brings the mundane, tragic, humorous, and scandalous activities of Rome’s elite—the emperors, their families, friends, enemies, successes, failures, loves, and ambitions—to vivid life.

      Modern scholars and readers generally refer to Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, the author of The Lives of the Caesars, as Suetonius, but his fellow Romans most often called him Tranquillus. We know very little about his life. The most widely accepted birth date for Suetonius is around AD 70, and he probably died sometime before AD 130 or 140. He may have been born in Betriacum (near modern Modena, Italy) while his father was serving as an officer under Vespasian. Where he spent his boyhood is unknown; claims have been made for Pisarum in Umbrian Italy, although a commemorative tablet found in 1952 in northern Africa (the Roman province of Numidia) speaks of him as if he were a home-town boy. It is clear that Suetonius spent at least some of his early years in Rome in the emperor’s palace, since he displays an easy familiarity with the education and daily life of young people in that setting. Suetonius practiced law very briefly, but found that he was more suited to a life of letters than to the politically charged atmosphere of the law courts of ancient Rome. This phase of Suetonius’ life is documented in the collected letters of the Younger Pliny, with whom Suetonius enjoyed a long friendship. Pliny acted as a mentor to Suetonius’ literary ambitions and aided his efforts to obtain official positions at court. He supported Suetonius’ decision to leave law, and, most important, he persistently urged Suetonius to continue his work on The Lives of the Caesars.

      Pliny’s recommendations to the emperors resulted in several key appointments for Suetonius, including the official court posts of a studiis, a bibliotheca, and ab epistulis under the emperors Trajan and Hadrian. These positions have no precise counterparts in today’s bureaucracy, but an a studiis can be thought of as an expert advisor to the emperor, an ab epistulis was a more responsible and demanding version of a personal executive secretary, and an a bibliotheca was a sort of combination acquisitions librarian, archivist, and government documents librarian. It is clear that in all of his works Suetonius not only relied on his court background and contacts but also drew heavily on his ready access to official sources, archives, and expert texts.

      The Lives of the Caesars is historical in its chronological arrangement, and covers a period of nearly one hundred twenty years, from the founder of the Julian-Claudian dynasty, Julius Caesar (49-44 BC), to the Flavian Emperor Domitian (AD 81-96). This period saw the final dissolution of the Republic and the institution of the Empire. While many factors led to the end of the Republic, the key factors were control of the army, new wealth from far-f lung provinces, and unchecked ambition among Rome’s powerful families. By the time of Julius Caesar it was clear that elected officials could no longer hold the Roman state together. Citizens gradually lost the power to vote on issues and senators eventually lost the power to decide the issues on which to vote. While Republican Rome had been at least nominally flexible, all classes of society in the Empire became more established, hierarchical, and separate. The one theme that is a constant throughout the Empire, although it is not always clear in Suetonius, is that most emperors came to the throne on tides of blood—civil wars, mutinies, and rebellions in the provinces were common ways to gain the palace. After an emperor gained power there were often purges, sometimes on a huge scale, of known and suspected enemies. Rome became a great city, home to millions, but life there was not always easy, especially for those in the public eye.

      Because Suetonius not only wrote in a new style of personal history but also evidently assumed his audience had a background in the basics of Roman history, the historical context of The Lives of the Caesars is somewhat sketchy. Two dynasties ruled during the period about which he wrote; the Julio-Claudian and the Flavian. The Julio-Claudian line began with Julius Caesar (born July 12, 100 BC), who, strictly speaking, was not an emperor. In fact, it was the fear that he might become one that led to his assassination in 44 BC. Caesar began the process of consolidating all state power in the hands of one man, but he did it within the guidelines and traditions of the Republic. Before he died Caesar had already named Octavian (born September 23, 63 BC), his great-nephew and adoptive son, as his heir. In 27 BC, Octavian emerged the victor in the civil war that followed Caesar’s murder, and he set about restructuring the entire administration of the Roman state. Renamed Augustus by the Senate, Octavian apparently retained many features of the Republic, but the army and the finances were now both in the control of the emperor. The one problem Augustus did not solve was succession—in too many future cases the army would decide. He himself adopted Tiberius (born 42 BC), his wife’s son, as his successor. While Augustus showed a positive genius for administration and self-promotion, Tiberius seemed both bitter and withdrawn. He eventually left Rome for the isle of Capri, abandoning administration of the state to underlings. Tiberius died of natural causes in AD 37 and was followed by Gaius (born August 31, AD 12), nicknamed Caligula—or little boot—from the miniature army boots he wore while on campaign with his father in Germany. After four years of perfectly wretched administration, with murders, confiscations, scandals, and exiles the norm, Gaius was assassinated by a tribune of the guard in AD 41. Claudius (born August 10 BC), the hero of Robert Graves’ novel, was declared emperor by the same guardsmen who murdered Gaius. Claudius had been kept out of public life by his family because of physical infirmities. Although Graves thought Claudius was not as mentally negligent as was assumed, the verdict of history is still out on that point. Claudius was the last adult male of the Julio-Claudian line; he was succeeded by Nero, his nephew and stepson. It is likely that Nero and his mother, the appalling Agrippina, murdered Claudius. Nero (born December 15, AD 37) left much to be desired as an emperor. Even though he was emperor, what Nero really desired was to be the ancient equivalent of a pop-star. His failure to placate—and pay—the army led to his forced suicide in AD 68.

      A period of civil war followed Nero’s death during which rival generals fought for the throne in AD 68-69. Galba, Otho, and Vitellius each held power briefly, but in the end the winner was Vespasian (born AD 9), the founder of the Flavian dynasty. Vespasian was a tough old soldier, without many pretenses or much polish. The army adored him and he ruled for ten years, dying of natural causes in AD 79. While his sons and heirs were more sophisticated, they also displayed his practical and efficient approach to administration. Vespasian’s son Titus (born December 30, AD 39), followed him as emperor and ruled from AD 79 to 81. It is possible that Titus was killed by his brother Domitian. Of all the emperors profiled in The Lives of the Caesars, Domitian is the most hated by Suetonius, probably because he had direct contact with his eccentricities. Domitian (born October 31, AD 51), ruled autocratically and very badly for fifteen years, until his wife led a palace coup against him.

      Trajan (born AD 53, ruled AD 98-117) and Hadrian (born January 24, AD 76, ruled AD 138) were the emperors under whom Suetonius served. Hadrian dismissed Suetonius for alleged improprieties toward the empress around AD 122; these charges are obscure but probably represent only some lapse on Suetonius’ part in the increasingly strict and ritualized palace protocol. Suetonius put his newfound leisure and expert knowledge to use and finished his monumental biography on the ruling families of Rome.

      From the few surviving references by other ancient authors that have come down to us—quotes, attributions, and fragments—we know that Suetonius wrote a number of well-received little books in both Latin and Greek on a large number of popular topics. The audience for any of his works, especially The Lives of the Caesars, is a source of evergreen disputation among Classical scholars, but most likely included people from much of the top strata of Roman society—a society which was literate at a level unmatched for centuries. Evidently his audience, whatever its composition, had a wide range of interests because his most successful works covered such topics as famous courtesans, games and sports, the Roman calendar and year, public spectacles and shows, clothes and fashion, human physical defects—both as curiosities and as a sign of character, names and omens of winds, the derivation of names of rivers and seas, public offices, and a few more serious and technical commentaries on grammar. He wrote at least one other long, scholarly and very important study on the lives of the Roman poets, orators and historians, a few fragments of which have come down to us as the De viris illustribus (On the lives of the famous). It is clear that he recycled some of his previous writings, especially on games and public offices, in composing his most famous and most complete work, The Lives of the Caesars.

      Even before he wrote The Lives of the Caesars or the other, smaller works, Suetonius was a noted philologist and a recognized antiquarian among Rome’s Greco-Roman literary circle—a circle that included the emperors. The extant writings of Roman antiquarians display a fondness for puns, wordplay, often dubious or superficial derivations of place-names, and an extraordinary passion for hunting out recognizably old forms of words and grammatical construction (as if someone today insisted on writing and speaking like Chaucer’s characters). As a group, they seemed to share a somewhat uncritical acceptance of the absolute truthfulness of folklore and fable, and had a rather sentimental attraction to obscure rituals and quaint customs. Many antiquarian authors of the early Empire, such as Aulus Gellius and the Elder Pliny, wrote in a sort of grab-bag fashion, with information about diverse subjects thrown in wherever and whenever the author happened to remember them. Suetonius, however, brought his remarkable memory and notable talent for arranging information—invaluable in a librarian—to all of his works. His simple, direct style of presentation (based in part on Cato the Censor ca. 234-149 BC) as well as his precision in arrangement had a great effect on other authors, especially biographers. For example, St. Jerome used Suetonius’ biographies as a model and source when he compiled his own Chronicle.

      In Suetonius’ hands, biography focuses on personal and, especially, moral character as demonstrated in various situations, rather than how individual character either shaped events in history or was shaped by them. Suetonius seems more concerned with the operations of chance than with the cause and effects of history. He appears to have deliberately set out to create personal, rather than historical, biography as a Roman literary genre; no earlier examples of his particular style of biography are known. History was a well-established literary genre in Rome, and Tacitus had published his monumental Histories and Annales, which cover more or less the same period and people as The Lives of the Caesars only about thirty years earlier; but Suetonius deliberately avoids history as it was understood by the Romans. In some respects this is a positive gain for modern readers, since it was common and accepted practice for historians of that time to construct speeches and letters of great men to be more in accord with what was considered they ought to have said or written. Suetonius, however, had direct access to the letters of the emperors themselves, as well as eyewitness accounts, court gossip, court connections, and traditional palace lore, and he often uses these sources to correct popular impressions or to fill gaps in contemporary histories. The result is that Suetonius is often the only ancient source for the actual words of the emperors and their families. Suetonius’ quotation of actual speech and letters redirected biography into a new, and uniquely Roman, form of literature.

      The major criticism of Suetonius in his own day came from those who considered him not an artist but merely a reporter because he did not embellish speeches. Most modern complaints come from scholars and readers who are dismayed by his cavalier approach to history and his lack of interest in the politics of his day. Suetonius’ avoidance of history may stem from a number of causes beside a conscious decision to create a new genre of literature, including personal preference, the sources to which he had access, and even self-protection—it was seldom prudent to be involved in politics in imperial Rome. Suetonius, however, carries his avoidance of history to extremes, and his focus on the individual and his personal motivation often result in weak or doubtful explanations for major national events. In a few cases, Suetonius merely seems to repeat what today we would call urban legends. A prime example is the still widely accepted story of how Nero fiddled (or played the lyre) while Rome burned; because of convincing contradictory evidence, most modern scholars have rejected this appealing tableau. Nevertheless, Suetonius’ lack of historical precision in The Lives of the Caesars should seriously affect no one but a professional scholar, and it has little or no bearing on the overall importance of the text or the undeniable enjoyment of his portraits as a whole.

      Because life and success in ancient times were so uncertain, Suetonius’ major theme is the role of chance in human affairs. The aspect of The Lives of the Caesars that causes the most consternation among modern scholars is Suetonius’ belief in astrology and its ability to predict character and events. Since there is still no reliable, external means of judging character, and since Suetonius and his fellow Romans had no way to show the falsity of astrology’s astronomical basis, perhaps he should be forgiven this lapse.

      Suetonius also seems to have been attracted to the idea of reading peoples’ fortunes and character in the shape of their faces. Even at the time, this was most often seen as a sort of parlor game, but one that could have far-reaching consequences. The major point about chance and its role in Roman life is that most Romans believed the gods revealed their desires, favors, and intentions through signs, omens, and portents—and nothing was too large or too small to ignore. Although it is often claimed that emperors among others cynically used any sign for personal gain or advancement, Suetonius makes it clear that they just as often believed the signs themselves. If advancement could be, might be, or was influenced by chance, no one could afford to disdain any premonition, fail to use any good luck charm, or laugh off any warning.

      Notables in both the Republic and the Empire were also very much concerned with their reputations. In an age without credit bureaus, identification cards, or extensive public records, a man was literally who his friends and family said he was. This individual anxiety about reputation, or dignitas, is another persistent theme in Suetonius’ The Lives of the Caesars. Dignitas meant much more in ancient Rome than mere dignity: it encompassed a whole family’s reputation, and affected all political, social, and financial transactions. Dignitas was revealed in dress, bearing, mannerisms, positions, and associates. It was something deserved because of personal character. The closest modern counterpart might be the concept of face; loss or gain in dignitas can be viewed as similar to loss of face or gain of face. Personal dignity had to be protected, gained, vindicated, and proven in every interaction between public men. As an example of how dignitas affected actions, Suetonius advances the convincing hypothesis that Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon and plunged Rome into civil war because the alternative would have been to submit to an unrecoverable loss of dignitas.

      Chance, personal dignity, and the desire for honor all played a role in the rise and fall of personal character as shown by each emperor in The Lives of the Caesars. Occasionally Suetonius’ lack of historicity forces him into simplistic, and mistaken, positions, but taking each portrait as an exposition of character rather than as a judgement of history, he at least displays a fresh and unique viewpoint. Suetonius was not concerned with wars, politics, law, or the sweep of history. As an antiquarian and an archivist, he consistently shows a preference for the maintenance, or even reinstatement, of old customs, practices, and rituals. It is on the basis of whether a given emperor built on or destroyed established Roman customs that Suetonius awards marks and states which emperor was good or bad. Above all else he asks the question, What sort of man was he? It is Suetonius’ concern with the life of the individual, his petty as well as great actions, that has kept The Lives of the Caesars fresh, absorbing, and entertaining for nearly two thousand years.

      Molly Dauster holds a Ph.D. in Ancient History from Texas Tech University. Her area of specialization is Republican Rome, and she has taught at Ohio University and Texas Tech University.

      PREFACE

      THE TRANSLATION OF THE LIVES OF THE CAESARS IS BASED UPON THE TEXT of Maximilian Ihm, Leipzig, 1907 (editio minor, 1909) with some slight changes in punctuation, capitalisation, and orthography, to conform more nearly with English and American usage. Where Ihm does not offer a readable text, conjectures have been admitted and mentioned in the footnotes, and in a few other cases a different reading from his has been adopted.

      The aim has been a translation, rather than the easier task of a paraphrase. The version of Philemon Holland (London, 1606) cannot be surpassed in style and spirit, and it is more accurate than any other English translation. An attempt has been made to compete with it in the only possible way, namely in greater fidelity to a better text than was available in his day, and in a nearer approach to the manner of Suetonius. The text and interpretation of Suetonius offer many difficulties, all of which have received careful consideration; but it is hardly to be hoped that the results have been satisfactory in all cases.

      I am indebted for many valuable suggestions to the excellent German translation of Adolf Stahr, Stuttgart, 1857, in the new edition published at Munich in 1912.

      To The Lives of the Caesars have been added those extracts from the Lives of Illustrious Men which afford a continuous text and are generally regarded as authentic. See the prefatory note to part 2.

      A complete index to the whole work will be found at the end of part 2.

      JOHN C. ROLFE

      PHILADELPHIA, April 1913

      PART I

      THE LIVES OF THE CAESARS

      GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

      THE BIOGRAPHIES OF SUETONIUS ARE INTERESTING BOTH FOR THEIR contents and as a form of literature. Strictly speaking they are neither history nor biography. Great historical events, such as Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul, are dismissed in a brief chapter, or with a casual allusion, like the defeat of Varus. The acts of the senate and people, and the edicts of the emperors, receive fuller attention, but are wholly subordinate to the personal element. On the other hand no ideal life is presented, to inspire imitation and point a moral, and no attempt is made to trace the development of character as influenced by heredity, education, and environment. The Lives, as Leo has shown,¹ are of the grammatical type,² and they furnish material for biographies in the true sense of the word, giving the thoughtful reader abundant opportunity for the reflexions and deductions which the writer has omitted.

      Suetonius was rather a student and a searcher of records than an observer or inquirer, and his interests lay in the past rather than in the present. The Lives become shorter as he approaches his own time, when the written sources were fewer and the opportunities for obtaining personal information greater. He had at his disposal a great amount of material in the form of histories and memoirs which are now lost; he had access either directly or indirectly through his colleague Ab studiis, to the imperial archives while he was Hadrian’s secretary; and his intimacy with Pliny must have made him familiar with senatorial records and opinions. Occasionally he made use of hearsay evidence³ and of personal observation.⁴ That he seems to have made little use of inscriptions⁵ is doubtless due in large measure to his possession of other material which is not available today.

      On the rare occasions when he gives us an insight into his method of handling his sources, as in Calig. viii, it seems clear that he examined conflicting statements with care and intelligence, whenever he thought it necessary to do so; but the plan of his work does not often call for such an investigation. Although he aims to be strictly impartial, scrupulously recounting the virtues and vices of the emperors in separate lists,⁶ he seems as a rule to pay little regard to the source from which his information comes, and rarely makes any personal comment.⁷

      This apparent impartiality does not give us a fair and unbiassed estimate of the emperors. To be convinced of this we have only to imagine a biography of some prominent man of our own day, made up of praise and blame drawn indiscriminately from the organs of his own party and of the opposition, and presented without comment. Just as such a method would yield a considerable number of absolute falsehoods, so many of the statements of Suetonius must be rejected for one reason or another.

      He is often, perhaps generally, regarded as a scandal-monger and a man of prurient mind, but neither of these charges seems justified. The details which give rise to the latter are relatively few in number and are presented with the same judicial coldness which characterises his work in general; while the so-called scandal-mongery is in reality a feature of the development of realism⁸ in the writing of the early Empire and of the prevailing interest in the personality and private life of prominent men.

      The style of Suetonius is rather that of the scholar and investigator than of the man of letters. It is plain and concise, with no attempt at fine writing or rhetorical embellishment, and has been well characterised as businesslike. His brevity is rarely obscure, and when it is, the obscurity is generally the result of our imperfect knowledge. At times his conciseness yields sentences worthy of Tacitus, but these, like his intensely dramatic passages, are due rather to the subject matter than to any departure from his usual style. He has the grammarian’s feeling for language, and his words are always well chosen and effective. While at times the catalogues of crimes and of petty personal details are somewhat monotonous, the Lives as a whole are of absorbing interest, and give us a wealth of anecdotes, witticisms, and curious information of great variety.

      THE MANUSCRIPTS

      TWO CRITICAL EDITIONS OF THE LIVES OF THE CAESARS HAVE APPEARED within the past few years, those of M. Ihm, Leipzig, 1907, and of L. Preud’homme, Groningen, 1906, each based on a painstaking and independent study of the manuscripts. These show remarkably few deviations from the work of Roth (1858) and from each other. The text therefore may be regarded as practically settled, at least until the independent value of the fifteenth-century codices has been demonstrated. (See p. xxiii.)

      It is generally agreed that all our existing manuscripts are derived from one at Fulda, written in rustic capitals (Ihm) or uncials (Preud’homme). This seems to have been the only one in existence at the time, and it is known to us from a letter of Servatus Lupus, abbot of Ferrières, of the year 884. This codex and a copy of it in minuscules, which was sent to Servatus Lupus at his request, are now lost; but the latter was extensively copied, and the number of manuscripts at present existing is very large. The Fulda codex (Ω, Ihm; P, Preud’homme¹) lacked the beginning of the Life of Julius Caesar and had other lesser lacunae and numerous errors, but seems to have been free from interpolation. The copies however were extensively emended, so that by the twelfth century the text was in bad condition.

      The manuscripts used by Ihm, with the sigla which he employs, are the following; the sigla of Preud’homme are given in parentheses:

      M (A). The codex Memmianus of the ninth century. Our oldest and best manuscript, either a copy of the one sent to Servatus Lupus or closely related to it, apparently free from interpolations, though not without errors and lacunae. None of our other manuscripts is derived from it. It contains corrections made by another hand, not later than the twelfth century (M²).

      This codex came originally from the monastery of St. Martin of Tours, was later in the possession of Henri de Mesmes, and is now in the National Library in Paris. It is commonly called Memmianus, from de Mesmes, but was formerly called Turonensis; its present designation is Codex Parisinus, 6115, formerly 5984.

      G (C). The codex Gudianus of the eleventh century, now at Wölffenbuttel (Gudianus, 268). Closely related to M and derived from a similar original, but inferior to it. It has numerous corrections, made in part by the scribe (M²) and in part in the fifteenth century (M³).

      V (B). The codex Vaticanus, 1904, of the eleventh century, a little younger than G but more trustworthy. It frequently agrees with M, and is of almost equal value; but it comes to an end at Calig. iii, delecta sua re. It was used by Lipsius in 1574. It contains glosses of the same general character as M².

      Preud’homme regards his D (Parisinus, 5804), of the fourteenth century, as in the same class with the above; Ihm, who assigns it to the fifteenth century, rates it much less highly.

      The other important manuscripts fall into two classes, each represented by a large number of examples. The first class is represented by the following:

      L (a). The codex Laurentianus, 68. 7, of the twelfth century, in the Medicean Library at Florence, the Mediceus Tertius of Oudendorp. It also contains Caesar, De Bello Gallico, and has corrections by an earlier (L²) and a later hand (L³).

      P (b). The codex Parisinus, 5801, of the twelfth century, with corrections from a manuscript of the second class (P²), according to Ihm.

      O (c). The codex Laurentianus, 66. 39, of the twelfth century, in the Medicean Library at Florence. Has corrections similar to those in P (O²).

      S (f). The codex Montepessulanus, 117, of the twelfth century, at Montpelier. Corrected in the same manner as P and O.

      T. The codex Berolinensis, Lat. 337, of the fourteenth century, formerly Hulsianus or Hagianus Frequently agrees with V and L. Corrected by a hand of about the same date as the original scribe.

      From the agreement of L, P, O, S, and T, the readings of their archetype are recovered, a lost manuscript from the same original as V, but inferior to V, designated by X (Xʹ). The agreement of X and V gives the readings of Xʹ, a lost codex of the class of M and V.

      The second class contains more errors and interpolations than the first. It is represented by a very large number of manuscripts, of which Ihm uses the following:

      II (β). The codex Parisinus, 6116, of the twelfth century, corrected from a manuscript of the variety represented by R.

      Q (g). The codex Parisinus, 5802, of the twelfth century, corrected in the fifteenth.

      R (a). The codex Regius of the twelfth century, in the British Museum (15. C. iii), and rated high by Bentley. It comes to an end with Dom. xiv, non alias magis, but seems to have been complete in the sixteenth century.

      The agreement of these codices gives the readings of their archetype (Υ), a lost codex of about the same date as X, but inferior to it; and since P, O, S, and T were corrected from a manuscript of this class, their agreement with Υ gives the readings of another lost manuscript Υʹ.

      Besides the manuscripts of the whole work we have two collections of selections, which have some critical value. The earliest of these was made by Heiric of Auxerre between 871 and 876 and based on Lupus’ copy of the codex Fuldensis. It is of considerable value, but has suffered from emendation; H (Y). A fuller epitome of the thirteenth century, of comparatively little value, is preserved in codex Parisinus, 17903, formerly Notre-Dame, 188; N.

      Ihm and Preud’homme are in substantial agreement in their classification of the manuscripts. The latter divides them into two classes, X and Z, the first including M, V, X, G, δ, and H (or in his nomenclature, A, B, Xʹ, C, D, and Y); the second, R, Π, Q, and Suessionensis, 119 (in his nomenclature, a, β, g, ε).

      The only important difference of opinion is as to the independent value of the fifteenth-century manuscripts, which frequently offer good readings not found in the earlier codices. Roth came to the conclusion that these were mere conjectures, without value in determining the readings of the archetype, and the careful and independent investigations of Ihm and Preud’homme led them to the same opinion. The contrary view is held by some scholars,² but cannot be regarded as sufficiently established.³

      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

      THE EARLIEST EDITIONS ARE TWO PUBLISHED IN ROME IN 1470, ONE in July by Johannes Campanus, and the other in December by Johannes Aleriensis; these were immediately followed by a Venetian edition of 1471, and all three are regarded as editiones principes. Among other early editions are those of Beroaldus, Bologna, 1493 and 1506, the latter with a valuable commentary; Erasmus, Basle, 1518; R. Stephanus (Robert Étienne), Paris, 1543; and Casaubon, Geneva, 1595, and Paris, 1610.

      Down to 1820 more than forty editions were issued, including some second editions, among them those of Gronovius, Leyden, 1698; Bur-man, Amsterdam, 1763, with the full commentary of a number of his predecessors and selections from those of others; Ernesti, Leipzig, 1748 and 1775; Oudendorp, Leyden, 1751; Baumgarten-Crusius, Leipzig, 1816, with a commentary and very full indices (Clavis Suetoniana). This is still the standard annotated edition. It was issued with some additions by C. B. Hase at Paris in 1828. Bentley planned an edition which was never finished, but his material is preserved in the British Museum.

      In later times the editions have been few in number. That of C. L. Roth, Leipzig, 1858, was the standard text until the appearance of those of Ihm and Preud’homme.

      The Lives of the Caesars still lacks a commentary in English and a full and satisfactory one in any language. There are annotated editions of separate lives by H. T. Peck, Julius and Augustus, New York, 1893;² E. S. Shuckburgh, Augustus, Cambridge, 1896; and J. B. Pike, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, Boston, 1903; to these maybe added H. Smilda, Claudius, Groningen, 1896, and C. Hofstee, Galba, Otho and Vitellius, Groningen, 1898.

      The Caesars have been translated into English by Philemon Holland, London, 1606; John Clarke, London, 1732, with the Latin text; and by Alexander Thomson, London, 1796. A revision of Thomson’s translation was made by T. Forester, and published in the Bohn Library (London) without a date.

      Of books and monographs dealing with Suetonius the following may be mentioned: A. Macé, Essai sur Suétone, Paris, 1900; Fr. Leo, Die griechisch-römischen Biographie, Leipzig, 1901; L. Preud’homme, Première, deuxième, troisième étude sur l’histoire du texte de Suétone de vita Caesarum, Bulletins de l’Académie royale de Belgique, 1902 and 1904; Ihm, Hermes, 36, 37 and 40; H. R. Thimm, De usu atque elocutione C. Suet. Tranq., Regimonti, 1867; P. Bagge, De elocutione C. Suet. Tranq., Upsala, 1875; I. W. Freund, De Suetonii usu atque genere dicendi, Breslau, 1901; W. Dennison, The Epigraphic Sources of Suetonius, Amer. Jour. of Archœology, Second Series, II, pp. 26 ff.; L. Damasso, La Grammatica di C. Suet. Tranq., Turin, 1906; C. L. Smith, Harvard Studies in Class. Phil., xii. pp. 54 ff; A. A. Howard, idem, vii, 210 ff., x. pp. 23 ff., and xii. pp. 261 ff.; J. C. Rolfe, Suetonius and his Biographies, Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc. lii, pp. 206 ff.

      The reader may be reminded of S. Baring-Gould’s Tragedy of the Caesars, London, 1902; Sienkiewicz’s Quo Vadis; Gardthausen’s Augustus und seine Zeit, Leipzig, 1891; Shuckburgh’s Augustus, London, 1903; and of other general and special works dealing with the period.

      SIGLA

      Ω=THE ARCHETYPE OF OUR EXISTING CODICES, RESTORED BY THE agreement of Xʹ and Yʹ.

      M= Codex Memmianus.

      G = Codex Gudianus.

      Xʹ=the archetype of V and X.

      V= Codex Vaticanus.

      X=the archetype of

      L = Codex Laurentianus, 68.7.

      P= Codex Parisinus, 5801.

      O = Codex Laurentianus, 66.39.

      S = Codex Montepessulanus.

      T= Codex Berolinensis.

      ϒ=the archetype of

      P= Codex Parisinus, 6116.

      Q = Codex Parisinus, 5802.

      R= Codex Regius.

      Υʹ=the agreement of Υ with S and T, usually accompanied by that of P² and O (O²).

      ζ=all the codices not included in the above list.

      BOOK ONE

      THE DEIFIED JULIUS

      I. IN THE COURSE OF HIS SIXTEENTH YEAR¹ HE LOST HIS FATHER. IN THE next consulate, having previously been nominated priest of Jupiter,² he broke his engagement with Cossutia, a lady of only equestrian rank, but very wealthy, who had been betrothed to him before he assumed the gown of manhood, and married Cornelia, daughter of that Cinna who was four times consul, by whom he afterwards had a daughter Julia; and the dictator Sulla could by no means force him to put away his wife. Therefore besides being punished by the loss of his priesthood, his wife’s dowry, and his family inheritances, Caesar was held to be one of the opposite party. He was accordingly forced to go into hiding, and though suffering from a severe attack of quartan ague, to change from one covert to another almost every night, and save himself from Sulla’s detectives by bribes. But at last, through the good offices of the Vestal virgins and of his near kinsmen, Aemilius Mamercus and Aurelius Cotta, he obtained forgiveness. Everyone knows that when Sulla had long held out against the most devoted and eminent men of his party who interceded for Caesar, and they obstinately persisted, he at last gave way and cried, either by divine inspiration or a shrewd forecast: Have your way and take him; only bear in mind that the man you are so eager to save will one day deal the death blow to the cause of the aristocracy, which you have joined with me in upholding; for in this Caesar there is more than one Marius.

      II. He served his first campaign in Asia on the personal staff of Marcus 81 BC Thermus, governor of the province. Being sent by Thermus to Bithynia, to fetch a fleet, he dawdled so long at the court of Nicomedes that he was suspected of improper relations with the king; and he lent colour to this scandal by going back to Bithynia a few days after his return, with the alleged purpose of collecting a debt for a freedman, one of his dependents. During the rest of the campaign he enjoyed a better reputation, and at the storming of Mytilene Thermus awarded him the civic crown.³

      80 BC

      III. He served too under Servilius Isauricus in Cilicia, but only for a short time; for learning of the death of Sulla, and at the same time hoping to profit by a counter revolution which Marcus Lepidus was setting on foot, he hurriedly returned to Rome. But he did not make common cause with Lepidus, although he was offered highly favourable terms, through lack of confidence both in that leader’s capacity and in the outlook, which he found less promising than he had expected.

      78 BC

      IV. Then, after the civil disturbance had been quieted, he brought a charge of extortion against Cornelius Dolabella, an ex-consul who had been honoured with a triumph. On the acquittal of Dolabella Caesar determined to withdraw to Rhodes, to escape from the ill-will which he had incurred, and at the same time to rest and have leisure to study under Apollonius Molo, the most eminent teacher of oratory of that time. While crossing to Rhodes, after the winter season had already begun, he was taken by pirates near the island of Pharmacussa and remained in their custody for nearly forty days in a state of intense vexation, attended only by a single physician and two body-servants; for he had sent off his travelling companions and the rest of his attendants at the outset, to raise money for his ransom. Once he was set on shore on payment of fifty talents, he did not delay then and there to launch a fleet and pursue the departing pirates, and the moment they were in his power to inflict on them the punishment which he had often threatened when joking with them.⁴ He then proceeded to Rhodes, but as Mithridates was devastating the neighbouring regions, he crossed over into Asia, to avoid the appearance of inaction when the allies of the Roman people were in danger. There he levied a band of auxiliaries and drove the king’s prefect from the province, thus holding the wavering and irresolute states to their allegiance.

      77 BC

      74 BC

      V. While serving as military tribune, the first office which was conferred on him by vote of the people after his return to Rome, he ardently supported the leaders in the attempt to reestablish the authority of the tribunes of the commons, the extent of which Sulla had curtailed. Furthermore, through a bill proposed by one Plotius, he effected the recall

      70 BC

      of his wife’s brother Lucius Cinna, as well as of the others who had taken part with Lepidus in his revolution and after the consul’s death had fled to Sertorius; and he personally spoke in favour of the measure.

      VI. When quaestor, he pronounced the customary orations from the rostra in praise of his aunt Julia and his wife Cornelia, who had both died. And in the eulogy of his aunt he spoke in the following terms of her paternal and maternal ancestry and that of his own father: The family of my aunt Julia is descended by her mother from the kings, and on her father’s side is akin to the immortal gods; for the Marcii Reges (her mother’s family name) go back to Ancus Marcius, and the Julii, the family of which ours is a branch, to Venus. Our stock therefore has at once the sanctity of kings, whose power is supreme among mortal men, and the claim to reverence which attaches to the Gods, who hold sway over kings themselves.

      67 BC

      In place of Cornelia he took to wife Pompeia, daughter of Quintus Pompeius and granddaughter of Lucius Sulla. But he afterward divorced her, suspecting her of adultery with Publius Clodius; and in fact the report that Clodius had gained access to her in woman’s garb during a public religious ceremony⁵ was so persistent, that the senate decreed that the pollution of the sacred rites be judicially investigated.

      62 BC

      VII. As quaestor it fell to his lot to serve in Farther Spain. When he was there, while making the circuit of the assize-towns, to hold court under commission from the praetor, he came to Gades, and noticing a statue of Alexander the Great in the temple of Hercules, he heaved a sigh, and as if out of patience with his own incapacity in having as yet done nothing noteworthy at a time of life when Alexander had already brought the world to his feet, he straightway asked for his discharge, to grasp the first opportunity for greater enterprises at Rome. Furthermore, when he was dismayed by a dream the following night (for he thought that he had offered violence to his mother) the soothsayers inspired him with high hopes by their interpretation, which was: that he was destined to rule the world, since the mother whom he had seen in his power was none other than the earth, which is regarded as the common parent of all mankind.

      VIII. Departing therefore before his term was over, he went to the Latin colonies which were in a state of unrest and meditating a demand for citizenship;⁶ and he might have spurred them on to some rash act, had not the consuls, in anticipation of that very danger, detained there for a time the legions which had been enrolled for service in Cilicia.

      IX. For all that he presently made a more daring attempt at Rome; for a few days before he entered upon his aedileship he was suspected of having made a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus, an ex-consul, and likewise with Publius Sulla and Lucius Autronius, who, after their election to the consulship, had been found guilty of corrupt practices. The design was to set upon the senate at the opening of the year and put to the sword as many as they thought good; then Crassus was to usurp the dictatorship, naming Caesar as his master of horse, and when they had organized the state according to their pleasure, the consulship was to be restored to Sulla and Autronius. This plot is mentioned by Tanusius Geminus in his History, by Marcus Bibulus in his edicts, and by Gaius Curio the elder in his speeches. Cicero too seems to hint at it in a letter to Axius, where he says that Caesar in his consulship established the despotism which he had had in mind when he was aedile. Tanusius adds that Crassus, either conscience-stricken or moved by fear, did not appear on the day appointed for the massacre, and that therefore Caesar did not give the signal which it had been agreed that he should give; and Curio says that the arrangement was that Caesar should let his toga fall from his shoulder. Not only Curio, but Marcus Actorius Naso as well declare that Caesar made another plot with Gnaeus Piso, a young man to whom the province of Spain had been assigned unasked and out of the regular order, because he was suspected of political intrigues at Rome; that they agreed to rise in revolt at the same time, Piso abroad and Caesar at Rome, aided by the Ambrani and the peoples beyond the Po; but that Piso’s death brought both their designs to naught.

      65 BC

      X. When aedile, Caesar decorated⁷ not only the Comitium and the Forum with its adjacent basilicas, but the Capitol as well, building temporary colonnades for the display of a part of his material. He exhibited combats with wild beasts and stage plays too, both with his colleague and independently. The result was that Caesar alone took all the credit even for what they spent in common, and his colleague Marcus Bibulus openly said that his was the fate of Pollux: For, said he, just as the temple erected in the Forum to the twin brethren, bears only the name of Castor, so the joint liberality of Caesar and myself is credited to Caesar alone. Caesar gave a gladiatorial show besides, but with somewhat fewer pairs of combatants than he had purposed; for the huge band which he assembled from all quarters so terrified his opponents, that a bill was passed limiting the number of gladiators which anyone was to be allowed to keep in the city.

      65 BC

      XI. Having won the goodwill of the masses, Caesar made an attempt through some of the tribunes to have the charge of Egypt given him by a decree of the commons, seizing the opportunity to ask for so irregular an appointment because the citizens of Alexandria had deposed their king, who had been named by the senate an ally and friend of the Roman people, and their action was generally condemned. He failed however because of the opposition of the aristocratic party; wishing therefore to impair their prestige in every way he could, he restored the trophies commemorating the victories of Gaius Marius over Jugurtha and over the Cimbri and Teutoni, which Sulla had long since demolished. Furthermore in conducting prosecutions for murder,⁸ he included in the number of murderers even those who had received moneys from the public treasury during the proscriptions for bringing in the heads of Roman citizens, although they were expressly exempted by the Cornelian laws.

      XII. He also bribed a man to bring a charge of high treason against Gaius Rabirius, who some years before had rendered conspicuous service to the senate in repressing the seditious designs of the tribune Lucius Saturninus; and when he had been selected by lot to sentence the accused,⁹ he did so with such eagerness, that when Rabirius appealed to the people, nothing was so much in his favour as the bitter hostility of his judge.

      XIII. After giving up hope of the special commission,¹⁰ he announced his candidacy for the office of pontifex maximus, resorting to the most lavish bribery. Thinking on the enormous debt which he had thus contracted, he is said to have declared to his mother on the morning of the election, as she kissed him when he was starting for the polls, that he would never return except as pontifex. And in fact he so decisively defeated two very strong competitors (for they were greatly his superiors in age and rank), that he polled more votes in their tribes than were cast for both of them in all the tribes.

      XIV. When the conspiracy of Catiline was detected, and all the rest of the senate favoured inflicting the extreme penalty on those implicated in the plot, Caesar, who was now praetor elect, alone proposed that their goods be confiscated and that they be imprisoned each in a separate town. Nay, more, he inspired such fear in those who favoured severer measures, by picturing the hatred which the Roman commons would feel for them for all future time, that Decimus Silanus, consul elect, was not ashamed to give a milder interpretation to his proposal (since it would have been humiliating to change it) alleging that it had been understood

      63 BC

      in a harsher sense than he intended. Caesar would have prevailed too, for a number had already gone over to him, including Cicero, the consul’s brother, had not the address of Marcus Cato kept the wavering senate in line. Yet not even then did he cease to delay the proceedings, but only when an armed troop of Roman knights that stood on guard about the place threatened him with death as he persisted in his headstrong opposition. They even drew their swords and made such passes at him that his friends who sat next him forsook him, while a few had much ado to shield him in their embrace or with their robes. Then, in evident fear, he not only yielded the point, but for the rest of the year kept aloof from the House.

      XV. On the first day of his praetorship he called upon Quintus Catulus to render an account to the people touching the restoration of the Capitol, proposing a bill for turning over the commission to another.¹¹ But he withdrew the measure, since he could not cope with the united opposition of the aristocrats, seeing that they had at once dropped their attendance on the newly elected consuls¹² and hastily gathered in throngs, resolved on an obstinate resistance.

      62 BC

      XVI. Nevertheless, when Caecilius Metellus, tribune of the commons, brought forward some bills of a highly seditious nature in spite of the veto of his colleagues, Caesar abetted him and espoused his cause in the stubbornest fashion, until at last both were suspended from the exercise of their public functions by a decree of the senate. Yet in spite of this Caesar had the audacity to continue in office and to hold court; but when he learned that some were ready to stop him by force of arms, he dismissed his lictors, laid aside his robe of office, and slipped off privily to his house, intending to remain in retirement because of the state of the times. Indeed, when the populace on the following day flocked to him quite of their own accord, and with riotous demonstrations offered him their aid in recovering his position, he held them in check. Since this action of his was wholly unexpected, the senate, which had been hurriedly convoked to take action about that very gathering, publicly thanked him through its leading men; then summoning him to the House and lauding him in the strongest terms, they rescinded their former decree and restored him to his rank.

      XVII. He again fell into danger by being named among the accomplices of Catiline, both before the commissioner¹³ Novius Niger by an informer called Lucius Vettius and in the senate by Quintus Curius, who had been voted a sum of money from the public funds as the first to disclose the plans of the conspirators. Curius alleged that his information came directly from Catiline, while Vettius actually offered to produce a letter to Catiline in Caesar’s handwriting. But Caesar, thinking that such an indignity could in no wise be endured, showed by appealing to Cicero’s testimony that he had of his own accord reported to the consul certain details of the plot, and thus prevented Curius from getting the reward. As for Vettius, after his bond was declared forfeit and his goods seized, he was roughly handled by the populace assembled before the rostra, and all but torn to pieces. Caesar then put him in prison, and Novius the commissioner went there too, for allowing an official of superior rank to be arraigned before his tribunal.

      XVIII. Being allotted the province of Farther Spain after his praetorship, Caesar got rid of his creditors, who tried to detain him, by means of sureties and contrary both to precedent and law was on his way before the provinces were provided for;¹⁴ possibly through fear of a private impeachment or perhaps to respond more promptly to the entreaties of our allies for help. After restoring order in his province, he made off with equal haste, and without waiting for the arrival of his successor, to sue at the same time for a triumph and the consulship. But inasmuch as the day for the elections had already been announced and no account could be taken of Caesar’s candidacy unless he entered the city as a private citizen, and since his intrigues to gain exemption from the laws met with general protest, he was forced to forgo the triumph, to avoid losing the consulship.

      61 BC

      XIX. Of the two other candidates for this office, Lucius Lucceius and Marcus Bibulus, Caesar joined forces with the former, making a bargain with him that since Lucceius had less influence but more funds, he should in their common name promise largess to the electors from his own pocket. When this became known, the aristocracy authorized Bibulus to promise the same amount, being seized with fear that Caesar would stick at nothing when he became chief magistrate, if he had a colleague who was heart and soul with him. Many of them contributed to the fund, and even Cato did not deny that bribery under such circumstances was for the good of the commonwealth.

      So Caesar was chosen consul with Bibulus. With the same motives the aristocracy took care that provinces of the smallest importance should be assigned to the newly elected consuls; that is, mere woods and pastures.¹⁵ Thereupon Caesar, especially incensed by this slight, by every possible attention courted the goodwill of Gnaeus Pompeius, who was at

      59 BC

      odds with the senate because of its tardiness in ratifying his acts after his victory over king Mithridates. He also patched up a peace between Pompeius and Marcus Crassus, who had been enemies since their consulship, which had been one of constant wrangling. Then he made a compact with both of them, that no step should be taken in public affairs which did not suit any one of the three.

      60 BC

      XX. Caesar’s very first enactment after becoming consul was, that the proceedings both of the senate and of the people should day by day be compiled and published. He also revived a bygone custom, that during the months when he did not have the fasces an orderly should walk before him, while the lictors followed him. He brought forward an agrarian law too, and when his colleague announced adverse omens, ¹⁶ he resorted to arms and drove him from the Forum; and when next day Bibulus made complaint in the senate and

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