Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón

Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina

Diálogos Series

KRIS LANE, SERIES EDITOR

Understanding Latin America demands dialogue, deep exploration, and frank discussion of key topics. Founded by Lyman L. Johnson in 1992 and edited since 2013 by Kris Lane, the Diálogos Series focuses on innovative scholarship in Latin American history and related fields. The series, the most successful of its type, includes specialist works accessible to a wide readership and a variety of thematic titles, all ideally suited for classroom adoption by university and college teachers.

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Creating Charismatic

Bonds in Argentina

LETTERS TO JUAN AND EVA PERÓN

Donna J. Guy

© 2016 by the University of New Mexico Press

All rights reserved. Published 2016

Printed in the United States of America

21   20  19   18   17   16       1   2   3   4   5   6

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

Names: Guy, Donna J.

Title: Creating charismatic bonds in Argentina : letters to Juan and Eva Perón / Donna J. Guy.

Description: Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press, 2016. | Series: Diálogos Series | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2015029047 | ISBN 9780826338372 (cloth : alkaline paper) | ISBN 9780826338389 (paperback : alkaline paper) | ISBN 9780826338396 (electronic) Subjects: LCSH: Argentina—Politics and government—1943–1955. | Perón, Juan Domingo, 1895–1974—Correspondence. | Perón, Eva, 1919–1952—Correspondence. | Presidents—Argentina—Correspondence. | Presidents’ spouses—Argentina—Correspondence. | Charisma (Personality trait)—Political aspects—Argentina—History—20th century. | Letter writing—Political aspects—Argentina—History—20th century. | Political culture—Argentina—History—20th century. | Political planning—Argentina—History—20th century.

Classification: LCC F2849.G88 2016 | DDC 320.9820904—dc23

LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015029047

Cover illustration from El Alma tutelar para primer grado superior de la escuela primaria

by Blanca Alicia Casas

Designed by Felicia Cedillos

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments

INTRODUCTION

Letter Writing and the Construction of Peronist Charisma

CHAPTER 1

Early Correspondence and Eva’s Creation of Charismatic Bonds

CHAPTER 2

Pensions for the Elderly and Infirm

CHAPTER 3

Pent-up Needs

Juan’s Plan de Gobierno

CHAPTER 4

Reaffirming the Charismatic Bond

The Segundo Plan Quinquenal

CHAPTER 5

Children and la Patria

CHAPTER 6

Charismatic Bonds

How Long Can They Last?

CONCLUSION

Reflections on the Enduring Nature of Peronist Charisma

Notes

Bibliography

Index

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank many people who have been involved in this project, although I take personal responsibility for content and accuracy. Gary Hearn photographed archival collections at the national archives. He has also faithfully supported all of my endeavors. Susan Deeds helped copyedit the preliminary and penultimate versions, and Steven Hyland and Stephanie Mitchell commented on the second. I also want to thank Dora Barrancos, Marta Goldberg, Carolina Barry, Adriana Valobra, Ana María Presta, José Luis Moreno, Ricardo Salvatore and his wife, Laura, the staff at the Archivo General de la Nación and its Archivo Intermedio—especially Elizabeth Cipolleta—the staff at the Archivo Consejo Nacional de la Niñez, Adolescencia y la Familia, and the researchers who helped transcribe files. I would also like to thank Dra. Noemí Girbal de Blacha for her help with Ianantuoini, El Segundo Plan Quinquenal. Graciela Braccio also did research for this project. Daniel Eduardo Martínez prepared the graphs of demographic pyramids and migration flow. I would like to thank Lic. Gabriel D. Taruseli for his help securing a scan of Decree 17.252. Osvaldo Barreneche, Juan Barreneche, and Luciana Marangone helped me with archival research after my allergies made it impossible to return. Stephanie Mitchell read later versions of the manuscripts. I owe a great debt to my allergist, Dr. Martin Bartels, for controlling my allergic response to old papers for many years, as well as to Dr. Eduardo Moon who cared for me in Argentina as a friend and as a physician. I also want to than Kris Lane and Clark Whitehorn for their help and support.

INTRODUCTION

Letter Writing and the Construction

of Peronist Charisma

POPULIST, CHARISMATIC LEADERS have been exceedingly difficult to study from an unbiased perspective. Very often presidential history in Latin America gets written according to traditional party-oriented histories. The authors of such histories might verify their views by claiming that they know how the people felt about the leaders. Both Juan Perón and Eva Duarte de Perón, Argentine president (1946–1955, 1973–1974) and First Lady (1946–1952), have been described as charismatic, populist politicians, but they are often studied individually rather than as a couple whose close emotional bonds with the people fortified their political power. This book focuses on the first era of Peronism, from 1946 to 1955, when, up until 1952, both the president and the First Lady used charismatic methods to link themselves to Argentine supporters through letter writing. It situates the people—rural dwellers and internal migrants as opposed to organized workers or politicians—and their efforts to reach Juan and Eva to shape the direction of their policies. In this way poor Argentines accepted a charismatic bond, one that consisted of personal relationships conditioned by a number of political, economic, and social factors.¹

Charisma is a slippery concept that describes intensely personal emotional connections between a leader and his or her followers. While some writers have attempted to root this attraction in the nature of the political, religious, or social position of a historical actor, others have focused on the individual’s age, physical attributes, spirituality, or physical suffering. Often the followers in this charismatic process are defined as irrational, overly emotional, or ignorant. This places all the responsibility in the hands of the powerful person, rather than asking how the less powerful could help shape, and even profit from, the development of an attractive and caring personality in a leader.²

This book considers hundreds of letters (once presumed burned) to Juan and Eva from their people as well as correspondence solicited by Juan. It promotes a view that charismatic bonds in Argentina have been formed as much by Argentines as by their leaders, and it demonstrates how letter writing at that time instilled a sense of nationalism and unity, particularly during the first five-year plan initiated in 1946. It goes beyond the question of how charisma influenced elections and class affiliation to address broader implications. Implicitly it offers a new methodology to study the formation of charisma in literate countries where not only propaganda and public media but also private correspondence defined and helped shape political policies.

These letters also resonate when studied from new perspectives on nineteenth-century Argentine caudillos. Ariel de la Fuente has argued that caudillismo should be seen as a reciprocal relationship between leaders and followers . . . who projected their own values onto the strongman.³ Within one hundred years, however, this relationship had modernized, and people had much more to say than merely extolling their leader or asking for food rations, as Ricardo Salvatore has shown for the period under Juan Manuel de Rosas.⁴

Thus, this book is also an effort to show how correspondence from the people, particularly the poor, demonstrates patterns of continuity that link Peronism to earlier political parties and institutions that also promoted charity, philanthropy, and responses to individual needs. Eva did not invent the welfare state, but she found new ways to implement support previously supplied by private organizations. What Juan invented, however, was the invitation to every citizen to make suggestions for economic and social policies for a five-year plan.

Five-year plans, first introduced in Stalinist Russia in 1928, proved attractive to some socialist, communist, democratic, and populist governments that sought a national planning model, but Juan’s populist call for all to send in suggestions was unique—although, as we shall see later, citizens’ suggestions became important only in the second five-year plan.

While this has rarely been replicated in other societies, Juan initially viewed the implementation of the two plans as an impersonal one. People wrote to Juan, but he showed little willingness to engage in personal contact with citizens. Instead, he preferred to promote a welfare state through the bureaucratic processing of letters. For these reasons it becomes important to study the formation of charismatic bonds with both Juan and Eva to show how their combined styles created a comprehensive approach to poor people. Eva’s hands-on style helped diminish the visibility of the welfare state, while Juan worked to expand state welfare programs.

The letters also highlight the needs of the very poor, often elderly people living outside the province of Buenos Aires. Their entreaties and responses by Juan and Eva add to our understanding of how nonunionized working-class people became part of the Peronist world of charisma and how their suffering shaped national policy. Their letters show us how Peronism was experienced in the interior, where people made suggestions not only for themselves but also for others.

Early studies of Peronist charisma traced its origins to three possibilities: the willingness of an authoritarian and populist leader to use his or her personality and political bargaining power to obtain the political and emotional support of presumably illiterate masses, particularly the rural migrants who flooded the capital city of Buenos Aires in the 1930s and ’40s; the willingness of immigrant and second-generation workers of immigrant parentage to ally themselves with Peronism rather than socialism; and the ability of Eva to promote an emotional charismatic relationship with the people, especially with women, by being a bridge of love between the workers and Juan. Most of these studies focus on charisma and its role in the formation of political allegiances and its impact on the 1946 presidential elections. They also assume that many of the internal migrants were male and politically inexperienced, much like the rest of those who chose not to migrate.⁵

To understand these letters and what role they may have played in the development of charismatic personalities and their impact on political, economic, and social policies in Argentina, we must examine the early biographical accounts of Juan and Eva. During their lifetimes, a series of books—mostly critical of Peronism and its leaders—began to appear. In 1953 George Blanksten, a Washington insider and professor of political science, published Perón’s Argentina, in which he generally criticizes both Juan and Eva for their demagogic activities. He admits that most US observers believed that Perón had few supporters among the working class but many within the military. Yet, as he himself writes, Some case may be made for drawing a curious negative correlation between the ‘North American’ experts and Argentine political observers: as the former become more convinced that Perón is unpopular, among Argentines, the latter retreat from this view.⁶ Nevertheless, his book frequently quotes unflattering myths and commentary from a Time magazine report on the coup. When he explains the workers’ support, he argues that if Perón "were to bid for the votes and the support of the workers, their political action must be cast in terms of personalismo—loyalty to a particular politician, Perón, rather than formulation by labor of its own political and economic objectives."⁷ Similarly, his chapter on Eva portrays her as a strong and caring leader who gave aid, comfort, and the vote to women but insisted on strict loyalty from them to her husband, even though recent studies show that the women in her Peronist Women’s Political Party (Partido Peronista Femenino) took strict orders from her, not her husband.⁸ The early biographies demonstrate that leaders, not rank and file, defined the relationship of the Peronists to the people, and these biographies define the relationship between Juan and his wife as a traditional, hierarchical one where Eva simply followed Juan’s orders. The fact that Eva had written La razón de mi vida, an autobiography that reifies the president while embodying Eva as a loyal wife and comrade, did little to dispel traditional notions of Eva.⁹

María Main, writing as Fleur Cowles and no friend of the Peróns, attributes Eva’s connections to the people to her radio program. This perspective—that Eva organized Juan’s supporters—has again appeared in more recent studies of Peronism. Yet Main admits that after meeting Juan during a fundraiser to support victims of the 1944 San Juan earthquake, Eva started a daily program in which she dramatically acted out an account of Perón’s welfare ideas and objectives. . . . Evita explained to her listeners just how Colonel Perón disposed of every case. She obtained records from his deputies and office secretaries and brought the story of the ‘handsome colonel’s good deeds,’ wondrously romanticized to the masses.¹⁰ By the end of the book, Juan and Eva are compared to the nineteenth-century dictator Rosas and his wife, doña Encarnación. Main has no idea how, for example, illiterate women, often widows, made their mark on requests for subsidies, nor how others successfully made demands for help from the president and First Lady.

Others, like María Flores, attribute to Eva the ability to organize the workers’ protest that led to Juan’s return to freedom on October 17, 1945, after military officials had sent him to political prison for becoming too powerful. She incorrectly gives Eva the credit for closing down the principal government-subsidized charity, the Society of Beneficence (Sociedad de Beneficencia), in 1946 because wealthy elite women ran the many orphanages and hospitals. She also repeats accusations of anti-Peronists that Juan and Eva had millions of dollars in foreign bank accounts—something never verified.¹¹

In addition, Flores questions Eva’s religiosity. "Peronismo was a religion and she repeatedly declared herself as its fanatical devotee. There is no doubt that if she had dared she would have set about disestablishing the Roman Catholic Church in Argentina."¹² Flores’s evidence for this view was the fact that both Juan and Eva believed in Spiritism. Eva’s confessor, Father Benítez, forgave her (especially since she claimed to have received visits from General José de San Martín, known as the Liberator of South America, who is buried in the Buenos Aires cathedral), but the Vatican did not approve of such beliefs. These letters show the fervent Catholicism practiced in Argentina at the time, as well as how people appealed to Eva through religious metaphors, but they reveal no evidence of Spiritism.¹³

Generally speaking, early accounts of Juan and Eva were rooted in political and partisan history and often recounted many of the negative myths about both of them. Eva became portrayed as a prostitute and Juan as a fascist, particularly after the publication of the Argentine Blue Book in 1946. This pamphlet—produced under the direction of Spruille Braden, US ambassador to Argentina—urged Argentines not to vote for Juan in the 1946 elections. Braden accused Juan of being a fascist and trying to disrupt politics in the Americas. In turn, Juan used the publication as a referendum for Argentines to vote either for Braden ó Perón and to reject US influence on Argentine elections, ultimately winning in one of the freest elections in Argentine history.¹⁴

The classic biographers of Juan and Eva did not have access to the cache of letters that are now available, nor did they focus on popular culture, including music. Furthermore, they focused on just one or the other of the two leaders. Maryssa Navarro and Nicholas Fraser’s Eva Perón benefited from a wide variety of contemporary oral interviews from people who knew her well, and it remains a classic. Another iconic study of Eva, Julie M. Taylor’s Eva Perón: Myths of a Woman, also utilized extensive oral interviews with distinct groups of Argentines in an effort to sort out the class basis of myths about Eva. Joseph A. Page’s biography of Juan relied more on printed records. Together, the three constitute the foundational biographies of Juan and Eva. More recently, in 2002 Mariano Ben Plotkin published Mañana es San Perón, an excellent study of the institutional mechanisms used to inculcate loyalty and devotion to the Peróns that has also become a classic. He utilized documents from the Eva Perón Foundation that had been unavailable to earlier authors. Not directed at replacing the earlier studies, my book does not intend to challenge these works but rather to provide access to new documents that often represent the recently recovered voices of other groups.¹⁵

For years, people tried to unravel the complex charismatic relationships between Juan, Eva, and the Argentine public. Originally fascism and authoritarianism provided the explanation for Juan’s hold over his military followers, and evidence of this appears in the correspondence, not so much on the part of the president but rather from his followers. Then in 1984 the eminent US historian Robert Potash published a series of documents regarding the secret group that planned the 1943 coup and proved that Juan was not only a central conspirator at that time, he held power to maintain the loyalty of the other coup members through their unsigned, undated letters of resignation. Potash’s book portrays Perón not as a fascist but as a very clever politician who could control allies, regardless of their ideology, through fear of resignation. In terms of his charismatic relationship with the military, fear thus played an important part.¹⁶

Sorting out Perón’s relationship with laborers proved to be more difficult due to the contemporary phenomenon of internal migration from interior provinces to Buenos Aires. Initially, historians like Samuel Baily posited that relatively unsophisticated male migrant workers looked to Perón, much as they would have followed a labor boss or someone with whom they had a patron-client relationship. Baily was soon criticized by Juan Corradi, who notes that "to interpret Perón’s appeal as exclusively charismatic, that is, as the irrational attachment of undereducated, unorganized masses of migrants from the countryside to a Latin caudillo, is to forget the important role played by older, mature worker organizations," implying that the more educated workers did not enjoy a charismatic relationship with Juan, because such workers were more rational.¹⁷ More recent works, such as those by Daniel James and James Brennan, have reinforced this anticharismatic labor movement theory.

In a 2004 article sociologist Daniela di Piramo argues for a more fluid interpretation of Peronist charisma. The relation between agency and structure or between the charismatic leader and the systems that constitute society is shown to be interactive, fluid and immediate, accompanied by the destruction and reconstruction of institutions in the rational pursuit of a new social order.¹⁸ She further defines a series of strategies manipulated to reaffirm Peronist legitimacy. The first involves material benefits that Perón offered his followers. The second, a discursive strategy, articulates values and goals that include "moments of nationalistic sentiment, quasi-religious connotations that hail the leader