In Just Three Years: Pentecost 1549 to All Saints' 1552 - A Tale of Two Prayer Books
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Canon David Jennings
Canon David Jennings is a parish priest and also Canon Theolgian at Leicester Cathedral. He lives in Market Bosworth, UK.
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In Just Three Years - Canon David Jennings
2015
Preface
It was 19th May, 1962. I was only 14, but I remember it well. The vicar of my parish church, St Mary’s, Hinckley (although one of eight pre-reformation churches dedicated to the Assumption of Our Lady), the Rev E W Platt, hosted a service to celebrate the tercentenary of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer. Invited to the service were the Rev Gordon Baker and his congregation from the Congregational Church in the centre of Hinckley. It was only later that I came to appreciate that it was such ecclesiastical groups and ministers that were unable to subscribe to the 1662 Act of Uniformity, signed on 19th May in that year, which authorised and required the usage of a slightly revised Prayer Book, based upon the 1604 version, which itself was in effect that of 1559, and which resulted in what became known as the Great Ejection. The Act prescribed that any minister who refused to conform to the Prayer Book by St Bartholomew’s Day should be ejected. It is estimated that between 2,000 and 2,500 ministers were ejected from their livings. One of these was the vicar of Hinckley, the Rev Thomas Leadbeater. Protestant divines had been invited to the Savoy Conference of 1661, comprising of Episcopalians, representing the suspended Church of England, during the Commonwealth period under the protectorate of the puritan Oliver Cromwell, and the Presbyterians, led by the vicar of Kidderminster, the Rev Richard Baxter, and which was supposed to secure some accommodation between significantly differing ecclesiologies, within a re-established Church of England, with bishops and ceremonies that had proved somewhat contentious since the Reformation of the early sixteenth century.
The conference had broken up with little agreement and continued significant disagreement about what a future Church of England might look like and what its practices might be. It was clear that the Prayer Book of 1662 was not a satisfactory liturgy for a protestant and reformed church as perceived and advocated by Puritans and Presbyterians. This book refers to an earlier period of Prayer Book history, and suggests that the liturgical provision for the Church of England has always been a matter of contention and dispute. The introduction of a vernacular liturgy in 1549, with slightly reformed leanings was resented, even if some of the nuances of reformed doctrine were not immediately observed, especially in the south-western corner of England where English was as little understood as Latin. Further and more draconian changes as represented by the 1552 Book perhaps contributed to the positive acceptance of a return to the Latin Mass when Mary I came to the throne in 1553, following the death of her young half-brother, Edward VI. Persecution and public burnings created an attitude of relief at the accession of Elizabeth I in 1558, and a reception of a revised Prayer Book in 1559. The 1604 Book, enacted with the accession of James I, was without controversy. However, the attempt by William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of Charles I, to impose a form of the more Catholic Prayer Book of 1549 on the Scottish Church in 1637, gave rise in part to the Civil War, the executions of both Laud and Charles, and a Presbyterian order for the Church of Scotland, which exists to this day. Although Prayer Book controversies were dormant for the next 250 years, dispute and argument was to erupt again with the proposed revisions of the late 1920s. It was not until the introduction of alternative orders and books in the latter years of the twentieth century that liturgical reforms adopted a more peaceful and accommodating form, although not without significant disagreement especially concerning the Eucharist, contemporary forms of words and Eucharistic prayers. However, even throughout recent changes and usages, the Church of England has ensured that the 1662 version of the Prayer Book is the standard and normative liturgical text within which the doctrine of the Church is still to be found and located.
It is beyond the scope of this small book to detail the history of the Prayer Book to the present day. Others have dealt with this in a much more comprehensive way. However, it is my contention that the seeds of liturgical divisions and disputes can be located in just three years, between the two Prayer Books of 1549 and 1552. The controversies and arguments surrounding both the reforms of words and church ornaments and adornments continue to this day, although with perhaps less heat and aggression. This is not to suggest that the issues surrounding reform are not still deeply held, it is just that we live in more tolerant and polite times. The question remains not only that of the validity and necessity of the changes between 1549 and 1552, but also who was mainly responsible for the radical departures represented by the two books, and on what theological and ecclesiological bases such were implemented. For the purpose of conciseness, I shall focus upon the Eucharistic liturgies. Again, others have examined other services within the respective books.
In 1962, the aforementioned vicar of Hinckley erected notice boards at every entrance to St Mary’s Church, which were the main path routes to the local park, used extensively by courting couples; notices which detailed 1662 to 1962 with thanks to God for the Book of Common Prayer. It would have been difficult, if not impossible, to gage the impact of the notice to those passing through for whatever purpose. However, Prayer Book controversy and subsequent impact has been a feature of Church of England life since 1549, and throughout subsequent arguments and revisions.
David Jennings
November, 2015
Introduction
It is accepted knowledge that Henry VIII, having initiated the break of the Church in England from the authority of the Church in Rome and the Pope, was not interested in a protestant reformation, for what became the Church of England. However, many of his ministers, both secular and religious, including chief minister, Thomas Cromwell, before his downfall, were more interested in a reformation, and sought to push the king in a more protestant and evangelical direction. The resoluteness, power and authority of Henry made such moves difficult, risky and problematic. There were moments, however, when the king leaned in a reformed direction, but such were short lived and he would quickly revert to his natural catholic instincts. Henry always valued his title of Defender of the Faith, given to him by Pope Leo X, on 11th October, 1521, for his refutation of Lutheran doctrine and theology contained in his pamphlet, Assertio septem sacramentorum adversus Martinum Lutherum (‘Declaration of the seven sacraments against Martin Luther’). When Henry broke with the papacy, Pope Paul III deprived him of this title, but it was restored by parliament in 1544. The title still adorns the coinage of contemporary British monarchs from the time of George I, in the form of Fid. Def. or F.D. In the Act forbidding Papal Dispensations and Payment of Peter’s Pence, 1534 (25 Hen. VIII, c.21.), Henry’s doctrinal position